I think the most accurate point of reference for assessing the the extent to which the NRA relied on Luwero for manning is not January 1986, but December 1984/January 1985 when the transition from guerrilla to conventional operations was effected, with the opening of the Western front. At that point of expanding the zone of operations to beyond Luwero, anything up to 70% of the membership of the NRA may have been Baganda. Note that there were also other Buganda-based rebel groups like Fedemo and UFM. The important point is not that they were under NRA command, but that they were also ranged against the UPC government. In anycase, they all ended up in NRA eventually. Note that the “Western” component of the NRA shot up from early 1985, when the Luwero phase was finished.
A glimpse of composition of NRA in luwero
November 13, 2009 at 1:51 pm (1980 elections, Obote and UPC, UPDF and Iddil Amin)
Tags: L/Cpl (rtd) Otto Patrick
Ugandans should join either NRM or FDC and forget old parties
November 4, 2009 at 1:06 pm (1980 elections, 2009 -2011 elections, Obote and UPC, POLITICS)
Tags: Ahmed Katerega
Dear Ugandans at heart,
Amin was personally close to Maama Miria Obote and it was one of the reasons why she was not hurt during and after the coup until she escaped to Tanzania. Obote and Amin were close friends when one was Prime Minister and President and the other was Deputy Army Commander, Army Chief of Staff.
Since 1966, removal of Obote government was justified so by 1971 it was over due. But had Obote handled Amin well, probably nothing may have happened.
As for Besigye and Museveni, there is no doubt that they have their own personal grievances, which other people from South West exploited to ensure that the power base does not shift to Buganda or else where. l will not be party to those who want President Museveni to be succeeded by his clansman Kizza Besigye.
Surat Yasin in the Quran says that The Almighty God causes things to happen and they do so. So NRM , like any other, which had a beginning, will have an end. But the end of NRM will be the beginning of another Movement from inside NRM. You better join in or its extension FDC not PRA or PPP. The earlier the better
If one claims that Obote, Amin, Binaisa, Muwanga, Okello and Museveni were UPCs, and that only Ben Kiwanuka and Yusuf Lule were DPs, and that changes have been UPC infighting, and that many from other parties have not benefited from those changes, can you accept it?
The 1971 coup, brought in new UPC leaders including Idi Amin , Wannume Kibedi, Henrty Kyemba, Huseein Malera, Isac Maliyamungu, Paul Etiang, Edward Rugumayo, Abu Mayanja, Apollo Kironde, William Naburi, and many others. The 1979 change brought in Godfrey Binaisa, Edward Rugumayo, Paulo Muwanga, Yoweri Museveni, and many others. 1980 elections brought back Milton Obote, Paulo Muwanga ,Otema Almadi, Peter Otai and many others. 1985 coup brought in Tito Okello ,Wilson Toko, Paul Muawanga, Abraham Waliggo etc…1986 change brought in Yoweri Museveni, Samson Kisekka (he had crossed from KY to UPC and later UPM), Stanislas Okurut and others.
Other parties were on the periphery. Like the short lived term of Ben Kiwanuka as Chief Justice, the same was with Wako Wambuzi under UNLF. Yusuf Lule for only 68 days, Paulo Ssemogerere as Internal and later Foreign minister under Okellos and Museveni etc….
Hence, in case FDC had defeated NRM in 2001 and 2006, that would have been a change within NRM unlike in 1996 if Ssemogerere had won, or if JEEMA’s Mayanja Kibirige had won in 1996 and 2001.
Therefore either Ugandans join NRM directly as l see those in press reports, or you join its extension in FDC or PPP, you will be left out. Don’t be tempted to join rebel activities “tojja kumalako.”
Ahmed Katerega
UAH forumist/ Journalist
Museveni was never a member of DP!
July 15, 2009 at 4:27 pm (1980 elections, POLITICS)
Dear all ,
Ssebaana in no liar. Museveni states that he was a member of the Democratic Party. I repeat here Museveni was never a member! What my brother Abbey fails to do is to distinguish between the several categories that are found in a functioning political party. Parties have Members, Supporters, and Sympathizers. The research we have conducted indicates that he was a sympathizer for a very brief time; the question we could not answer, was as to whether he was sympathizing with DP because he was a benefactor of a strong DP family or it was ideological? As far as we know Museveni was even never a supporter of DP. Actually some of the confusion in Uganda’s political parties is for many to see parties as mass movements. Not every body who puts on blue, red, black during an electioneering period is a UPC or any one who clenches his/her fist and screams “Egumire” becomes a DP Member.
Members
:- Usually they hold membership cards, they can vote and be voted in party elections. Often they pay a membership/and/or a subscription fee and they are usually bound by a code and have specific obligations to the party.
Supporters:-
Usually they provide material and financial support to the party. (i.e. Mr. Sudhir R. Is a supporter of NRM, FDC, and DP.) These can influence party policies through there contribution. They do not vote and they are not bound by the party codes.
Sympathizers
:- Usually independents, who vote for a given party of their choosing. Some can continually have feelings for a single party over a long period of time. Usually there only contribution is the vote to the given party.
Re-read Bwengye’s “The Agony of Uganda” (Regency Press), it is a long time since I read it, but the facts are that Museveni came to DP leaders and asked them to give him the party leadership. At the end of the negotiation he wanted on of the three most senior positions in the party. When DP told him that all party position are not given, bur he will have to face an electorate he scrummed. His collegues like Buzabo (RIP) T. Kabwegyere, stayed and stood for offices.
Mzee Ssebaana is no liar, it is museveni who is a congenital and pathological liar. He know very well that he was never a member of DP. And who believes the “messed-up seed”, it is a pack of made up stories at best. The only truth about that book is that he wrote it!
Abbey, also check your argument that many Bahima were DP members. Real data may tell you a different story.
Addendum
:- DP was never opposed to the Federal status for Uganda. Our argument then and now was to not to page it to individuals, but look at it as a system of government. The Kind of Federal that was granted to some parts of the country in 1959/1960 was surely bound to fail. It is for the same reason that people should not be asking for Federalism from Museveni, we need to have a nation conversation as Ugandans and decide for ourselves. If Museveni “grants” anybody federal, minus the involvement of Ugandans it will be equally sham. DP fully participated and voted for the principal of federalism, the disagreement was in the details of how it would be structured and its leaderships.
Why Oyite Ojok fell out with Obote
July 14, 2009 at 11:50 pm (1980 elections, History)
Tags: John Rubin Byaruhanga
Fellow Ugandans,
Do you remember the rift between President Dr. Apollo Milton Obote (RIP) and the Chief of Defence Staff Brig. General David Oyite Ojok?
The then NRA rebels had taken over the Western Region and Southern Buganda and were on the move towards Kampala. The national defence forces UNLA had failed to defeat the rebels. The President refused to talk to the rebel leaders, as he continued to call them ”Bandits”. The Chief of Defence Staff, Brig. General David Oyite Ojok urged the President to talk to the rebel leadership, but the President refused. At one point the Chief of Defence Staff threatened that the army would take over power. Well, we remember how the good Brig. General Oyite Ojok died, don’t we?
After the death of Brig. General David Oyite Ojok, the President deliberately sidelined the senior Acholi Officers to replace David Oyite Ojok as the new Chief of Defence Staff. He promoted Colonel Opon Acak to replace D. Oyite Ojok. The rebels continued to gain ground, as the UNLA began to split. The Acholi Officers were not happy and so they opted to take over power from Dr. A.M.Obote.
By dishonouring the ”Peace Agreement” signed in Nairobi, the NRA/M rebels might have noticed the disunity of the government with whom they were supposed to share power. They decided to dislodge the entire shaky government and assumed power themselves.
About Olara Otunnu serving the government that removed Dr. A.M.Obote from power, I don’t see anything wrong with it. I can’t speak on Olara Otunnu’s behalf, but I think he might have hoped for a democratic shift that would have emerged from the new government negotiations with the NRA/M rebels. I believe that Dr. Olara Otunnu should be welcomed warmly to any party of his choice without any blame for serving in the government that removed Dr. A.M.Obote from power.
BJ. Rubin
UAH Forumist
Death of Habyarimana didn’t cause the Rwanda genocide
July 10, 2009 at 11:17 pm (1980 elections, Genocides, Obote and UPC)
Tags: Rukumbura and Otto
Dear world citizens,
Sorry, President Museveni of Uganda was kept in the dark as far as the intent and date of our going home were concerned. Ask the Ugandan forces that tried to stop our guys from leaving what they met. As for the death of Habyarimana as the cause of the genocide against the Tutsis, please just read the Arusha testimonies of the designers to that genocide. You will learn as to when the pangas were bought, which was way before Habyara died and which meetings came up with the list of the Tutsis in Rwanda and how fast they can be killed. You have also to acknowledge the killings of Abagogwe that was way before the Habyarimana’s death to mention the few who were killed because of being Tutsis.
The return of Rwandans to Rwanda was in Uganda’s national interest. The Uganda People Congress (UPC)’s that are preaching pretentiously about the genocide in 1994 were the same ones subjecting those same Rwandans to ethnic cleansing in 1982-83 in South-western Uganda.
I do not know whether some UPC supporters understand clearly what they mean when they say “..what triggered the genocide was the assassination of Habyarimana..”. Do they mean that the mass murders of Tutisis and moderate Hutus would never have taken place if that plane had not been downed? Does he mean that all the previous waves of Tutsi massacres were preceded by mini-Habyarimana plane crashes? Had Tutsi and moderate Hutus been dying before or not? Were the machettes bought in anticipation for the Habyarimana plane crash?
Or for that matter, what is a “trigger”? As a corporal, I know that where there is a trigger, there is a round of ammunition with an explosive charge, there is a corking handle, there is a magazine, there is a firing chamber etc. Is it YK Museveni of Uganda that concoted the Rwandan explosive mixture? If indeed UPC supporters fully understands what they means by “trigger”, is it the same thing as the structural and historical causes of that genocide? And in crisis analysis, do we previlge triggers over structural causes? Unless we are UPCs who, when it comes to analysis, they highlight the first four letters of the word.
Why didn’t President Samora Machel’s death in a plane crash in 1987 spark off a genocide in Mozambique? Yet many of us are the same people that were constantly calling those same Rwandans names, and claiming that they were taking all the good jobs. When someone helps to find a way of getting them back where they rightfully belong, we again turn up talking the same nonsense of the Otikas, the Mulindwas and the rest of the loud-sounding-nothing horde……..just like the peasant husband who tells his wife, “do not peel the food and do not cook it but I should find it ready”.
Lance Corporal (Rtd) Otto Patrick and
Mr.John Rukumbura
UAH forumists
Why there was no Muslims in Obote’s 1983 Cabinet
June 16, 2009 at 11:56 pm (1980 elections, Obote and UPC)
Tags: Ahmed Katerega
In the year 1983, there was no Muslim in Obote’s cabinet as Ntege Lubwama, the former Minister of Tourism and the only Muslim, survived narrowly being killed by Oyote Ojok and Rwakasisi at his Komamboga home. Ali Ssennyonga was Chief of Protocol at President’s Office, despite the duwas he was praying for Wakombozi in Tanzania in 1979. There was no Muslim in Obote’s cabinet in 1983 and no efforts were made to have one at all. Oyite Ojok had in 1980 vowed never to have a Muslim in cabinet simply because Amin was a Muslim. Obote attempted to include Ntege Lubwama and that was why Rwakasisi and Oyite Ojok plotted to kill him and Rwakasisi seized Ntege’s portifolio of Tourism and Wild Life. Oboteists were putting blame on Muslims for the 1971 coup whereas the coup was master minded by American C.I.A,British M15, Israeli Mossad and Southern Sudanese Anyanya, none of those were Muslims.
Muslims on Masaka Axis were protected because of the pre-colonial Buganda nation other than Oyite Ojok. Baganda and Bannabuddu in particular could differentiate Idi Amin’s men be Nubians or Sudanese who were massacring them, 70 in number (not hundreds and thousands), from ordinary Baganda Muslims who used to frequent Mauledi ceremonies to eat pilaawo, and dance mataali. Among those Baganda leaders were Paulo Muwanga, Samwiri Mugwisa and Israel Mayengo, who were the civic leaders in areas occupied by Tanzanians and Ugandan exiles. But for Banyankore, especially UPCs like Edward Rurangaranga and Yowasi Makaaru, they were seeing Muslims as alien Baganda, and could not differentiate between Nubians and Southern Sudanese from Baganda and Banyankore Muslims. Moreover, they wanted to grab their land which they took and a conflict will remain until Muslims are given back their land, or are paid. West Nile massacres took place between 1980 and 1982 when FRONASA was in Luwero Triangle. It was done by Acholi and Lango militia.
As TPDF was crossing Pakwach bridge, Yusuf Lule directed them never to hand over the sub region to UNLA. This was kept by even Godfrey Binaisa. It changed when muwanga was in charge. Oyite Ojok and Bazilio deployed there an Acholi militia which started massacring people, the worst being Ombaci massacre. Ask Ben Bella Ilakut from UCU who accompanied the then Premier Eric Otema Alimadi.
Obote inherited Muslim support from Uganda National Congress(UNC). But after the 1971 coup, he started usimg Muslims as political condoms.The Example being Badru Wegulo who is a spent force.
Ahmed Katerega
UAH forumist and NewVision Journalist
UPC fiddled with constituency boundaries in 1980 elections
May 4, 2009 at 3:00 am (1980 elections, History, Obote and UPC)
Tags: Otto Patrick
Dear Ugandans at Heart,
1/6: I am seeing UPC supporters telling you that, “…the constituency demarcations that were used in 1980 were the ones which had been designed for use in the 1971 elections..” . I wonder where they derive that perception from. What we know is, that apart from obstructing and terrosizing prospective candidates, UPC rigged the electoral process by gerrymandering: fiddling with constituency boundaries to shortchange other parties.
2/6: A meeting between representatives of all parties agreed on 126 constituencies each with a population quota of 100,000 (+/- 10,000). This would have allowed the EC a margin of 20,000 people between the maximum and minimum to manoeuvre in demarcating boundaries, i.e., between 90,000 and 110,000.
3/6 : UPC/Paulo Muwanga/KMS Kikira instead opted for an arbitrary figure of 95,000 (+/- 25,000), thus instead giving the Kikira chaired EC a margin for massive gerrymandering. UPC then got themselves the range of 70,000 to 120,000 for what runed out to be selective demarcation of constituency boundaries. Selective in that, in areas where UPC was strong, the lower range of 70,000 applied in order to give a maximum number of constituencies while in DP strongholds, the maximum range of 120,000 applied, to deny DP representation. For example, if an area with 700,000 people was a UPC stronghold, Mr Kikira demarcated it into 10 constituencies where as a DP stronghold with the same population would be demarcated into 6 constituencies, thus crippling DP right from the start.
4/6 : To illustrate this point, Kampala then with a population of 458,000 should have been demarcated into 5 constituencies with an average of 100,000. Mr Kikira instead gave Kampala 4 constituencies with 114,606 people. Likewise, Mpigi with a population of 659,225 should have been demarcated into 7 constituencies. Mr Kikira gave them 6 with 109,871 people. Those two were DP strongholds so a constituency had to be shaved off each one of them. On the contrary, Kitgum with a population fo 307,594 should have had 3 constituencies of 100,000 people. Since it was supposedly a UPC stronghold, it was given 4, each with 76,899 people. UPC carried out similar manipulation in Bushenyi, and Mbale.
5/6: May be UPC supporters from Bushenyi can help us here. The constituency of Bushenyi North is based on Bunyaruguru county which at the time had a population of 52,161. To give it the a population quota that was close to the 100,000 otpimum, the logical arrangement was to add to it nearby Kyamuhunga, and Nyabubare (a direct neighbour of Kyamuhunga). Those two were to come from Igara to give Bushenyi North a population of 103,756 which fell within the stipulated range. What UPC did was to get far-off Bitereko subcounty with no communication with Bunyaruguru because of an impenetrable forest. This reduced the population to 101,381 in UPC’c favour. Bitereko should have been in Bushenyi West with Bumbaire, Mitooma and Kabira with a total of 117,444 people but instead, UPC concoted another arrangement that retained Mitooma and Kabira, but smuggled in Shuuku and Kitagata to reduce the population by over 6,000 to 111,221 etc etc.
6/6: That fiddling was another level of rigging that UPCs want to distract us from. So, UPC supporters should not be telling us about anything to do with constituency integrity because UPC compromised it severely in order to buttress its fraud. Of course, by such brazen uyaye, they were spoiling for a fight.
Come 12 December 1980 after AM Obote and P Muwanga had sequestered themselves with the results in some house in Kololo, Abaas Balinda was declared the winner.
OTTO PATRICK
UAH forumist
The chairman of the EC in the 1980 elections was a UPC member
May 2, 2009 at 7:40 pm (1980 elections, Obote and UPC)
Tags: L/Cpl (rtd) Otto Patrick
Ugandans
1/5 It seems some UPC supporters think that the DP had legal channels of redressing their grievances because there was a Mr Ssekono in the EC to manage their compalints, and that Mr Ssekono was the Chariman of the EC and therefore a powerful individual capable of neutralising the manoeuvres of P Muwanga and AM Obote. When UPC supporters assert that Mr Ssekono was the Chairman of the EC, they are lying…as usual.
2/5 UPC supporters then makes reference to: “…we get entangled with piles of misinformation and disinformation about the election…”..I wonder which piles he is talking about. Contrary to the piles he feeding us on, Mr Ssekono was the Administrative Secretary – the big clerk of the commission. The chairman of the EC was a card-bearing UPC diehard Mr KMS Kikira who was strategiically appointed into that position as part of the implimentation of AM Obote’s plan titled “Proposals For trategy Before, During and After Elections”. AM Obote scripted this plan on 12 th August 1980. I have attached it for those that did not see it when we circulated it last year.
3/5 Recall that, on December 12 1980, handed back authority to the EC to manage the election process…this meant only announcing the results. By that time, 3 out of 7 electoral commissioners had been hounded out of their offices and they had disappeared, leaving behind 4. Mr Ssekono disappeared during the polling process. He disappeared in fear for his life after receiving threats when he refused to succumb to Mr Muwanga’s pressures to be party to rigging.
4/5 According to Mr Ssekono himself, earlier on during the polls, he had been hurriedly summoned to Obote’s home at Kololo to meet AM Obote. AM Obote told him that if he, Ssekono, interfered with the UPC’s victory he would pay with his life. AM Obote told Mr Sekono that he and the UPC had fought against Amin and they therefore had to come to power at any cost. Mr Ssekono had to abandon the exercise and flee the country. Mr Muwanga took over the powers of the commission onn Mr Kikira’s advice when it was realised that it would not be possible for the EC team to be unanimous on rigging.
5/5 Note that, the UPC were already weary of Mr Ssekono, and they had him in ther sights. In fact, on 9 December 1980, Mr Ssekono’s personal assistant was shot dead at his home in Makindye when he was invaded by 10 UNLA soldiers. So, when Mr Mulindwa keeps talking about MR Ssekono, does he really know what he is talking aabout?
Regarding the UPC candidates that stood unopposed, UPC supporters want us to forget one additional point. By virtue of Section 20 of the National Assembly (Elections) Act 1957 according to which the 1980 elections were conducted, every nomination required to be proposed, seconded and supported by at least 12 voters registered in the constituency. A voter is registered when his name is present on a register. There was no ammendment of the law by which that legal requirement was waived. Therefore, the declaration of the 8 West Nile constituencies as won by UPC “unopposed” was a case of a lame duck laying a putrid egg.
Lance Corporal (Rtd) Otto Patrick
