Ugandans-At-Heart

I’m not a Museveni spy in London?

September 1, 2009 at 1:49 pm (2009 -2011 elections, History, Obote and UPC)
Tags: Pilipo Oruni Oloya

Fellow Ugandans,

I will try for the last time to respond to the accusation some people make that I am a spy for Museveni’s government, etc.I will try this time by giving you the history of the origin of this accusation.

I came to the UK in 1989, having previousely been a teacher in Kenya. Late in 1988 when all Ugandan teachers in Kenya were dismissed by the Kenyan government because of political bad blood between Uganda and Kenya, I returned briefly to Gulu, Uganada before coming to the UK were I claimed asylum. The war in the North was then well underway.

In the UK I found there were a number of attempts to set up what at first I thought were welfare organisations for members of my community, the Acholi community. However, usually the procceeddings tended to veer into litany of political grievances about the government we had fled from back home. I noticed too that the meeting tended to be dominated by people who supported some kind of active oppostion to Museveni’s government. When I say “active” oppostion, I am refering to the rethoric of the time which was that “Museveni only knows the language of the gun”.I was not endeared to these meetings for three reasons:

1. Some of the people who were advocating for military action on President Museveni’s government had all their children and family members in the UK and eslewhere in USA, Canada, the Scadinevia etc. They were advocating war but were not risking anything, except other people’s lives. I opposed this whenever I could.

2. Some former members of the deposed UNLA wanted to dictate their views on every body in the UK. They wanted to provide the “Acholi leadership” in the UK, based on their military experience and I rejected that outright. I remember on one occassion for instance during a funeral occassion, when a drunken former UNLA Major ordered that “Kadogo arrest Oruni”, and he had to be reminded that we were now in the UK and he could not do that.

3. Early 1989 words spread that president Museveni was visiting London. Some people went around mobilising the community to go and “throw eggs” at president Museveni. I remember arguing with the anti Museveni’s mobilisers that it was bad strategy to throw eggs at Museveni at that point in time. What we needed was to consolidated our position in our new found land of opportunity and freedom, and do all we could to get as many people as possible to UK. If we threw eggs at president Museveni he might make it impossible for our relatives and family members still remaining in Uganda to leave the country for the UK or elsewhere. Throwing eggs at Museveni could hurt our own cause.

Sometime in mid 1990 I was called by former prime minister Otema Allimadi (RIP) to a meeting in the house of his nephew Walter Atiko. When I arrived I found already in there Mr. Otema Allimadi, Akena Adoko, former justice Oteng (RIP), Walter Atiko and one or two others whom I cannot recall now.

The meeting was very clear in its agenda. Mr. Allimadi was asking me, Akena Adoko and justice Oteng to travel to Uganda to arrange negotiations with president Museveni’s goverment, in order to end the war. I accepted without hesitation, because I saw an opportunity to help end the war through peaceful means.

We soon travelled to Uganda three of us including me, Akena Adoko and Jimmy Mwa Allimadi. In Uganda we met with president Museveni. Our mission was to deliver to the president Mr. Otema Allimadi’s proposal for a negotiated peaceful end to the war, which was by then fast gathering pace throughout Acholi land. We returned to London and reported to Allimadi.

Meanwhile, the reaction to our mission to Uganda was absolutely furious. A meeting was called to discuss our mission. It was held at Marble Arch, London and I went to attend it. I was asked to explain our mission and I did as best as I could but most people were not interested. I was verbally abused and some people even assaulted me physically.

After two weeks we again left the UK for Addis Abbaba,this time together with Mr. Allimadi. We again met with president Museveni in Addis. (OAU heads of states meeting was being held there). After the meeting an agreement was signed by Allimadi for his fighting group of the UPDA and president Museveni for the Uganda Government. The gist of the Addis Abbaba Accord,as it later became known, was to end the war through peaceful negotiations, amnesty, intergration of amnestied fighters, and political, economic, social redress of imbalances affecting Acholiland and the north generally.

We proceeded to Uganda to see the implementation of the agreement on the ground. However, the Accord did not have positive impact on the fighting and it was unable to end or reduce the war.In the event me and Akena Adoko returned to London after about four months in Uganda. Otema Allimadi and Jimmy Mwa Allimadi remained in Uganda.

Reaction of the Acholi community towards me continued to be very violent. Some people wanted me ostricised, but I was very persistent and continued going to community events and dealing with the confrontations. I was accused of ploting to return all Acholi in UK back to Uganda.Sometimes I would be refused entry to community functions such as disco dances etc, but I would normally set up camp outside chatting with the youth who were mostly receptive to me.

Sometime In 1994 I went to attend a meeting of the Acholi Association in Tooting, London. There was the election for new executives of the AA and someone proposed my name out of the blue! The moderator who was one of the elders said that anyone whose name was proposed had to say either “Yes I can, of No I can’t”, without any further explanation for their answer. I decide that I would have to say YES, since I did not want to go on record for having said NO to serving AA without giving reasons as to why. I contested against the incumbent secretary, and I was elected secretary AA. There was some move to collect signatures for a vote of no confidence on me but that needed signatures of two thirds of registered members. The protest soon died down.

With time people’s attitudes generally became more receptive as I was persistent not to drop out of community life. For a long time I was one of the few Acholi who openly admitted to visiting the Uganda High Commission in Trafalgar Sq. A number of people, including one person who assaulted me previousely came to my house with thier passports and I would help them renew them.

In June 1995 I and a group of people set up a chartable organisation. By 1996 the organisation was attracting funding and jealousy. One night my car was stolen and torched in a nearby street. The following day a letter started circulating purportedly written by the president’s office in Uganda asking for monthly intelligence report and names of people’s gathered through my organisations service users, etc. The letter was posted to nearly every funder in the UK. I had a good guess of the people behind the letter to be one Oryang, Matsanga, and Opendi.(For legal reasons I cannot say thier first names). The letter was also apparently circulated in Uganda.

With the exception of Oryang nobody else in the Acholi community had anything to do with the letter. However, the damage was done all the same. Some people believed the content of the letter while many other realised that the letter was a forgery.

I think my close association with so many Baganda, Banyakole, Bagisu etc, at a time when many in the Acholi community in UK felt that they were under siege made some Acholi nervous. For instance, I took a Munyangkole lady friend to attend the Kacokke Madit at a time when non Acholi were not supposed to attend KM, and people were so nervous of this woman. Some people said “What more proof do you need, the man is a Museveni spy, how can a Munyangkole attend KM”? Some poople wanted the lady removed from the KM. I was also the first Acholi to be elected to the board of the largely Baganda dominated Uganda Community Relief Association (UCRA).

What I have learnt from all these episode is that in some respects ACHOLI IS STILL A TRIBAL COMMUNITY in which one has to live by the fears and hopes of the community. Dissent may not be expected or tolerated. (This last paragraph alone will get me crucified)!

Pilipo Oruni Oloya

Questions otunnu must answer?

August 24, 2009 at 1:36 pm (2009 -2011 elections, History)
Tags: Ahmed Katerega

Dear Ugandans at heart,

There are questions which Dr. Olara Otunnu has to answer:
1.He is an accomplished lawyer who believes in the rule of law and peaceful resolution of conflicts. Why did he join and serve as Foreign Minister in Lutwa’s Government, which had overthrown by force of arms,
an elected government of Dr. Apollo Milton Obote?
2. He supported the struggle against Idi Amin because he was an illiterate president who presided over a murderous regime. Then why did he support and serve Lutwa’s Government which was similar to Amin’s?
Lutwa was as liberate as Amin and his regime was murderous as Amin’s.
(i) Innocent Langi UNLA officers were murdered. i.e. Maj. Agwar of Lira,
Lt.Omongo of Lira, Lt.Okabo Orech Safi, Adjutant Makindye Military Police
Barracks.Warrant Officer e Okello Smith, of General Headquarters, Republic House now Bulange.
(ii) Lutwa’s Chief of Defence Forces Lt. Gen. Bazilio Olara Okello shot at people at Bakuli who had gathered to listen to him. This was after the wanainchi had killed three soldiers in the night whom they caught red handed stealing and harassing residents. He came to arrest the situation and after a hot exchange with the wanainchi, he randomly picked three civialns whom he shot dead with his pistol in avenge for the killing of the three solders. That was when Otunnu was the Foreign Minister.
(iii) It was sectarian for Otunnu to serve in Lutwa’s government because
the late general was his maternal uncle. Lutwa was a brother to Otunnu’s
mother.
(iv) Otunnu was a Foreign Minister while his young brother Ogenga Otunnu, who had just completed her final exams at Makerere University,had been appointed Intelligence Chief before he even graduated. He was in charge of Bureau for Economic and Social Affairs (BESA). That was naked sectarianism, favoritism, nepotism, of the highest order. The boy had no experience at all.

(v) Uganda’s constitution outlaws homosexuality but of late homosexuals
have been funding a lot of activities to promote their line. They do in
some churches especially some Pentecostal churches, political parties,
etc…
What is Dr. Otunnu’s position on homosexuals?

(vi) Is it true that the uncle (Lutwa) wanted to remain Chairman of Military Council and gives presidency to Otunnu, but due to inexperience, the latter could not manage. Is it true that this led to a hot exchange between the Foreign Minister and the Military Council Vice Chairperson who was also Defence Minister Brig. Gard Wilson Toko?
We need answers to quench the general publics’ curiosity. Secondly, the government has shown a lot of panic which is uncalled for.
Let Otunnu hold as many press conferences as possible, rallies, banquets, etc…Leave him alone if he can afford convoys. Some of our security agencies have a tendency of creating unnecessary heroes from opposition. Otunnu is a Ugandan is entitled to state protection like any other Ugandan. He should not be harassed in any way. If he has a crime let him be prosecuted. It should be a crime for every body can see but not politically motivated ones.

Ahmed Katerega

Newvision Journalist

With or without Obote,Uganda would have had independence

August 16, 2009 at 2:53 pm (History, Obote and UPC)
Tags: Otto Patrick

Dear UAH,

Uganda was destined to gain independence around the time it did whether an individual called AM Obote existed or not. He only happened to be around…..like a baby sitter who happens to be around when the infant takes the first step. It is the daft baby sitter (with no knowledge of the stages of development of a child) that will yawn on and on interminably that if it had not been for her tenure as the house girl, the toddler would never have walked.

Uganda became independent because the British Empire was drawing down all around the world.In any case, right from the start, AM Obote’s concern was mainly local self government and not national independence….for those of you that have seen his words in the Uganda Herald of 24th April 1952 where he was calling IK Musazi a fool for prioritising independence.

My comment is directed at those that want to make us think that AM Obote may have made the British rethink their continued stay in the country that came to be called Uganda, in probably the same sense as Frelimo or IMPLA smoked the Portuguese out of Lusophone Africa. It is harmful self-deception to portray AM Obote as a Machel, Cabral or Neto.

Rubin Byaruhanga told members of UAH that that 1961 was the year for the British to quit East Africa territories but for Uganda, pro-Protestant skulldaggery had to first come into full play: Ben Kiwanuka was not acceptable as a future leader of Uganda necessitating a shopping trip for the most clamorous protestant on the block. This was indeed after the 1961 elections which saw DP gaining 43 Legco seats while UPC 35 had a mere 35 seats.

Accordingly, on 1st March 1962 Uganda was accorded self rule and the instruments of power were passed on to the First Prime Minister, Benedicto Kiwanuka. Yes! “Self rule” and “First Prime Minister”. I will let the semanticists tell us the distinction between “Self rule” and “Independence”….and am no revisionist.

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Otto Patrick

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I heard former President of Tanzania, Julius K. Nyerere (RIP) saying that Kenya, Uganda and Tanganyika were supposed to be declared independent at the same time, in 1961. However, the Kenyans had not resolved their differences and that took too long for the Tanganyikans to wait. As for Uganda which was ready at any given time, there were some ”inexplicable” problems among the Ugandans that had also to be resolved. Many people say that the victory in the Ugandan Elections by the ”Catholic” Democratic Party that brought Mr. Benedicto Kiwanuka to power as Prime Minister, was in fact the cause for the delay in declaring Uganda independent. The British seemed to prefer a non Catholic and that’s why Uganda’s independence was delayed. The Tanganyikans insisted that if Kenya and Uganda were not ready, they should be given their independence. In December the same year, 1961 Tanganyika gained her Independence.

On 9th October, 1962 Uganda gained her Independence after the victory by the merger of the Uganda Peoples’ Congress (UPC) and Kabaka Yekka (KY). Apollo Milton Obote becoming the Flag Bearer at the Independence of Uganda.

The argument that Uganda was destined to gain Independence whether an individual called A.M. Obote existed or not may be right, but the fact remains that it was Apollo Milton Obote who was there at the time Uganda gained her Independence.

Due Respect and Recognition for the Hoisting of the Flag of the Independent Uganda is Vital for Historical purpose.

Byaruhanga J. Rubin.

Banyoro hard line stances started the problems 120 yrs ago

August 14, 2009 at 11:39 pm (CULTURE, Federalism, History, Land matters)
Tags: Dr Adyeri Muchori

Whilst we sympathize with the problems that the banyoro are having, we should be clear on the following self inflicted problems. essentially the banyoro need to take their lesson from history and focus on cultural development (learning how to work hard), and on social emancipation (they started it all).

1. Ankole, rukiga, busoga, toro, etc are all fundamentally part of bunyoro. however, these regions sought to become independent due to the bad practices at the core of the kingdom. for instance, at the burial of every king, 100 bashambo (a clan that cuts accross ankole, rukiga, and rwanda) would have to be killed / buried with the king. the bakiga have every right to be anywhere in bunyoro. this derailed potential future sympathy for its causes.

2. Due to excessive ruthlessness in handling POWs by bunyoro, the growing buganda kingdom was forced into an align with whites … just to find a lasting solution to that everpresent looming danger of bunyoro. of course, victory resulted in “annexation” of bunyoro land and genocide, which was largely a revenge killings. note that the rest of the region sat and watched as this campaigm against bunyoro was orchestrated. No body really “felt sorry for them”

3. It is true that in principle kabalega is correctly a hero in fighting colonialisn. and this is confirmed by the fact that his earlier foe, king mwanga, joined him. although the motives were more survival than nationalist. with hindsight we see this, but we also do not say that this war was bound to fail because the leader kabalega did not have moral authority. u see, people compared british / bugand rule to the omukama’s rule .. with the bunyoro leader doing badly in that mental “elections”. the rest is history.

4. That hard line stance by banyoro is the same one showing its ugly head. It goes against all lessons of history. one that obama had to take himself. learn the + and – of your history and resolve to adopt the pluses only and replace the minuses with a better value from other cultures. for instance, in this day and age, in a republic, why do u call fellow citizens abafuruki? Remember that with the advent of colonization, the laws of Uganda gave everyone the right to settle anywhere. this was crowned by the 1974 land decree. these revelotionary land laws are just as binding as other state decisions during these times. for instance courts of law have instructed current governments to pay benefits to soldiers of uganda army recruited during amins times. similarly, the resulting decisions to collapse cultural land boundaries are just as binding.

5.This particular aspect of moving forward also affects buganda and the stance taken by mengo. it also affects the acholi region and “their land”. It is the same reason why the other east African states wisely do not recognize cultural governments. We actually feel Uganda needs to abolish them to become a positive member of the east African community.

6. Do you expect a lazy bum to bring development? The president may have good intentions, but; Jesus; it is not leadership per see, but what you can do with it. based on the accusations we see in the media about laziness, will the banyoro rise to the mark do disprove that they are lazy. it appears from the meida that the bakiga of Uganda are the most hardworking group, and on the contrary shoudl be allocated chunks of land in the idle north.

food for thought.

Thank you very much

Dr Adyeri Muchori
Kisumu – KENYA

UAH Forumist

4 Comments

Why Oyite Ojok fell out with Obote

July 14, 2009 at 11:50 pm (1980 elections, History)
Tags: John Rubin Byaruhanga

Fellow Ugandans,
        Do you remember the rift between President Dr. Apollo Milton Obote (RIP) and the Chief of Defence Staff Brig. General David Oyite Ojok?
        The then NRA rebels had taken over the Western Region and Southern Buganda and were on the move towards Kampala. The national defence forces UNLA had failed to defeat the rebels. The President refused to talk to the rebel leaders, as he continued to call them ”Bandits”. The Chief of Defence Staff, Brig. General David Oyite Ojok urged the President to talk to the rebel leadership, but the President refused. At one point the Chief of Defence Staff threatened that the army would take over power. Well, we remember how the good Brig. General Oyite Ojok died, don’t we?
        After the death of Brig. General David Oyite Ojok, the President deliberately sidelined the senior Acholi Officers to replace David Oyite Ojok as the new Chief of Defence Staff. He promoted Colonel Opon Acak to replace D. Oyite Ojok. The rebels continued to gain ground, as the UNLA began to split. The Acholi Officers were not happy and so they opted to take over power from Dr. A.M.Obote.
        By dishonouring the ”Peace Agreement” signed in Nairobi, the NRA/M rebels might have noticed the disunity of the government with whom they were supposed to share power. They decided to dislodge the entire shaky government and assumed power themselves.
        About Olara Otunnu serving the government that removed Dr. A.M.Obote from power, I don’t see anything wrong with it. I can’t speak on Olara Otunnu’s behalf, but I think he might have hoped for a democratic shift that would have emerged from the new government negotiations with the NRA/M rebels. I believe that Dr. Olara Otunnu should be welcomed warmly to any party of his choice without any blame for serving in the government that removed Dr. A.M.Obote from power.
                                                                                BJ. Rubin

UAH Forumist

Dr.Gombya ‘lied’about the name ‘Bakuli’

July 13, 2009 at 1:03 pm (History)
Tags: L/Cpl (rtd) Otto Patrick

Forumists,

Dr Gombya claimed that Bakuli was named after “..a white man at this place who had a beautiful house and his name was Barclay..”.

L/Cpl Otto says that Bakuli was named after the first British Commissioner of “Uganda” after proclamation of “protectorate” status in 1894 (…but third overall after Gerald Portal and Colonel Henry Colville of the pre-protectorate days); EJL Berkeley.

1/7 If Dr Gombya should want to debate other issues, let him do so in a manner that does not obscure the facts like we are seeing with Bakuli/Barclay; because that makes his silence on Lukuli even more disturbing. I quote: “There used to be a white man at this place who had a beautiful house and his name was Barclay….and it became known in Luganda as ‘ewa Bakuli’ which, when translated (?!!!) in English was ‘at Barclays’”. Yes, things that we learn from Professors of Afican History in London and Oxford ….that is is intellectual terrorism. Anyway, there are things we learnt from the NCO Academy .

2/7 While I was at the NCO Academy, I was tought that Bakuli was named after the British Commissioner in “Uganda” from Christmas eve in 1894 to 1899. The man was called Ernest James Berkeley. He has a road named after him in Old Kampala and the place between Old Kampala and Namirembe Hill took on the indigenised version of at name: Bakuli.

3/7 Ernest James Berkeley took over as Commissioner after Col. Colville (also with a road named after him in New Kampala). Col Colville was the man that together with 7 other European officers, 2 maxim guns, a steel boat, 450 Sudanese troops, and anything from 20,000 to 43,000 Baganda rifle and spearmen invaded and ravaged Bunyoro in 1893/94.

4/7 I mention Col Colville because of his contemporary significance in Uganda’s poltics today, particularly in the question on land, “ebyaffe” and the relations between Buganda and Bunyoro…and I hope Dr Gombya’s aim was not to distract us from this bit of “African history” by going into Barclay and all that. The weapon that Col Colville ( Berkeley ’s predecessor) used for the mobilisation of the 2-3 Divisions of the Baganda levies was the promise of land acquisition. Commissioner Colville gave a verbal undertaking to the Buganda Chiefs that, “all Bunyoro territory south of Kafu River would be incoporated in Buganda and divided equally between Protestant and Catholic chiefs” (Lord Molson’s report, Page 3). That territory of Bunyoro consisted of 6 counties, totalling 6,000 sq miles, later called “the lost counties”.

5/7 That was the undertaking which was to be upheld by EJL Berkeley (Bakuli); even against the instructions of the Foreign Office. Commissioner Bakuli eventually signed away that territory of Bunyoro on the 19th November 1896. Most of the infamous “Akenda” is in that territory which the Attorney General of Buganda, Apollo Makubuya has recently referred to as “Ettaka lya Buganda lya dda! Ettaka lirikko nnanyini lyo” ( Buganda ’s land is ancient and it is owned by the Baganda). By “ancient” he means 19th November 1896!

6/7 This is what EJL Berkeley (Bakuli) told the Marquis of Salisbury in dispatch No. 113 of 19th November 1896:

“I proceed to explain the distribution of these territories between two religious parties as made by Col, Colville, would be maintained, namely, the district (marked as South Unyoro) bounded to the north by Ngusi River, to the West by the south-east shore of Lake Albert, to the South by Muzizi River and to the East by Kitumbwi river, would go to the catholics and the territory lying to the East thereof, viz bounded to the North by the Kafu River and to the East by the Nile and to the South by Buganda (as therefore) would go to the Protestants.” These are the areas comprising of Buhekura (Buwekula), Bugangaizi, Ebuuru, Buyaga, Buruli, Bugerere (Bunyara), Bulemezi and Singo.

7/7 So, to many a true student of African history, Bakuli is EJL Berkeley, the father of a huge chunk of 9,000 sq miles of land (arithmetically read as 4,227 sq miles)….forget about Dr Gombya’s ‘Barclay’…..and keep the eye on the ball call Lukuli.

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Otto Patrick

How Uganda came to be called Uganda?

May 29, 2009 at 11:45 pm (Education, History, KINGDOMS)
Tags: L/Cpl (rtd) Otto Patrick

1/7 Even before we get entangled into the weeds of street names, names of schools and names of large slums, the fact is, that of all colonially imposed names, the most inappropriate and rather silly is “Uganda”, the name of our country.

2/7 As you know, on all their journeys to the interior of East Africa, colonialists went around with Swahilli speaking askaris and translators. Unlike the Bantu languages, Swahilli lacks the “B..” noun class. In the Ugandan Bantu dialects, the names of the territories occupied by key ethnic groups are prefixed with “Bu”, hence, Bunyoro the home of Banyoro, Buganda that of Baganda; Bukonzo, Bugisu, Budama, etc.

3/7 For all those names, the Swahilli drop the B, and refer to place names as Unyoro, Ugisu, Ukonzo and…Uganda. For the people inhabiting those place, the “Bu” prefix is shaved off completely…leaving you with Unyoro, the home of the Nyoro; Ukonzo the home of the Konzo, Uganda (Buganda) the home of the Ganda (Baganda). For other places, you will hear of Ungeleza, Umarekani, Uchina, Urengo (Portugal). If the Swahilli decide to use any prefix on the people, they will employ “Wa-”.

4/7 You also know that, originally, the interest of the British in the place now daftly called “Uganda” was to have Buganda (Uganda in Swahilli) as the protectorate or colony, not other adjoining areas. Hence, you will hear of the 9^th June 1894 dispatch from the Earl of Kimberley (British Foreign Office) to the Consul General of East Africa (Arthur Hardinge) regarding the formation of the ‘Uganda’ (meaning Buganda) protectorate: “This protectorate ( Uganda ) will extend only over the territory which is included in Uganda proper (i.e., Buganda ), bounded by Koki, Ankoli (sic) and Usoga (sic)..”. You may also have heard about Commissioner Hesketh Bell’s policy slogan: My policy is going to be ‘Uganda for the Baganda”

5/7 So, even after they changed their mind and went in for a larger territory, they maintained the name of the staging post…Uganda (or Buganda). Even when the country has come to embrace Acholi, Lango, Banyoro, Banyankore (of Nkore..not “Ankole”), it is still called “Uganda” Swahilli for Buganda. Very silly indeed!

6/7 We are so enslaved that, because the British mispronounced the Swahilli word, we also adopted the same silly mispronounciation: “Yuganda” (as in Yugoslavia)..where a word starts with letter U, in English it (mis)pronounced as Yu. For countries like Uruguay, they were already firmly established that the name of the country could not be distorted.

7/7 If we are to castigate the inappropriateness of names, we have to start with “Uganda”, the mispronounced misnomer….and by the way, if the colonialists had invaded through Bukonzo, or Bushenyi, or Bugisu, would we have been happy for the country to be called Ukonzo or Ushenyi, Or Ugisu? If not, then, why “Uganda”, the land of the Ganda? Are Acholis, Banyoro, Bamba…all those…are they Ganda to belong to the land of the Ganda, or Buganda or Uganda in Swahilli?

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Otto Patrick

4 Comments

Composition of Obote’s Uganda Army (UA)

May 28, 2009 at 11:14 am (History, Obote and UPC, military)
Tags: L/Cpl (rtd) Otto Patrick

Dear UAH,

Hadn’t Obote resorted to military which was dominated by Northerners during 1966 crisis, no body would have talked about Anyanya, Luo, Acholi, Langi etc……The main source of data on the composition of Uganda Army (UA) in the evening of Obote I is Olara Otunnu’s brother:

Omara-Otunnu, Amii (1987), Politics and the Military in Uganda , 1890-1985, ( London : Macmillan).

When you look at pages 80-82, he indicates that, by December 1969, the Uganda Army officer corps was 171 strong. Of that, 141 officers were from the North of the country: 88%. Rank and file reflected similar ethnic proportions. At that time, 61% of Uganda Army were from the north of the country, whereas the North constituted 19% of the national population. I think Rev Kamugisha’s question on who did the recrutiment is neither here nor there, although of course the answer is obvious.

The C-in-C, AM Obote had the opportunity to redress some of those imbalances in 1964 following the mutinies in all the EAC countries, following which, Mw. Nyerere disarmed, disbanded and dismissed the colonially recruited Tanganyika Rifles, and set out to form a new force, who were not mere rifles, but JWTZ: Jeshi la Wanainchi. He locked up the leaders of the mutiny. Mzee Kenyatta did the same.

On his part Dr Obote dimissed the 300 or so mutiny leaders on 24 January 1964, and roundly reinstated them on 25 January 1964. He honoured all their demands, upheld the promise that Felix Onama made to the soldiers at Jinja Barracks, through a tiny window at the quarterguard, of increasing soldier pay 135-300%…..and promoting all the ring leaders; after which, Uganda’s defence budget became more that 10% higher than that of Kenya and Tanzania combined; and Uganda Army soldiers became the highest paid in Anglophone Africa. The game AM Obote was playing is well-known. The rest, as they say, is hysteria! or is it historia in Swahilli?

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Otto Patrick

UPC fiddled with constituency boundaries in 1980 elections

May 4, 2009 at 3:00 am (1980 elections, History, Obote and UPC)
Tags: Otto Patrick

Dear Ugandans at Heart,

1/6: I am seeing UPC supporters telling you that, “…the constituency demarcations that were used in 1980 were the ones which had been designed for use in the 1971 elections..” . I wonder where they derive that perception from. What we know is, that apart from obstructing and terrosizing prospective candidates, UPC rigged the electoral process by gerrymandering: fiddling with constituency boundaries to shortchange other parties.

2/6: A meeting between representatives of all parties agreed on 126 constituencies each with a population quota of 100,000 (+/- 10,000). This would have allowed the EC a margin of 20,000 people between the maximum and minimum to manoeuvre in demarcating boundaries, i.e., between 90,000 and 110,000.

3/6 : UPC/Paulo Muwanga/KMS Kikira instead opted for an arbitrary figure of 95,000 (+/- 25,000), thus instead giving the Kikira chaired EC a margin for massive gerrymandering. UPC then got themselves the range of 70,000 to 120,000 for what runed out to be selective demarcation of constituency boundaries. Selective in that, in areas where UPC was strong, the lower range of 70,000 applied in order to give a maximum number of constituencies while in DP strongholds, the maximum range of 120,000 applied, to deny DP representation. For example, if an area with 700,000 people was a UPC stronghold, Mr Kikira demarcated it into 10 constituencies where as a DP stronghold with the same population would be demarcated into 6 constituencies, thus crippling DP right from the start.

4/6 : To illustrate this point, Kampala then with a population of 458,000 should have been demarcated into 5 constituencies with an average of 100,000. Mr Kikira instead gave Kampala 4 constituencies with 114,606 people. Likewise, Mpigi with a population of 659,225 should have been demarcated into 7 constituencies. Mr Kikira gave them 6 with 109,871 people. Those two were DP strongholds so a constituency had to be shaved off each one of them. On the contrary, Kitgum with a population fo 307,594 should have had 3 constituencies of 100,000 people. Since it was supposedly a UPC stronghold, it was given 4, each with 76,899 people. UPC carried out similar manipulation in Bushenyi, and Mbale.

5/6: May be UPC supporters from Bushenyi can help us here. The constituency of Bushenyi North is based on Bunyaruguru county which at the time had a population of 52,161. To give it the a population quota that was close to the 100,000 otpimum, the logical arrangement was to add to it nearby Kyamuhunga, and Nyabubare (a direct neighbour of Kyamuhunga). Those two were to come from Igara to give Bushenyi North a population of 103,756 which fell within the stipulated range. What UPC did was to get far-off Bitereko subcounty with no communication with Bunyaruguru because of an impenetrable forest. This reduced the population to 101,381 in UPC’c favour. Bitereko should have been in Bushenyi West with Bumbaire, Mitooma and Kabira with a total of 117,444 people but instead, UPC concoted another arrangement that retained Mitooma and Kabira, but smuggled in Shuuku and Kitagata to reduce the population by over 6,000 to 111,221 etc etc.

6/6: That fiddling was another level of rigging that UPCs want to distract us from. So, UPC supporters should not be telling us about anything to do with constituency integrity because UPC compromised it severely in order to buttress its fraud. Of course, by such brazen uyaye, they were spoiling for a fight.

I had forgotten to mention to you how, in Mbarara West, the UPC candidate Abass Balinda conceded defeat to DP’s Francis Mwebesa. He even stated that he stood no chances right from the start. DP led by just over 3,000 votes.

Come 12 December 1980 after AM Obote and P Muwanga had sequestered themselves with the results in some house in Kololo, Abaas Balinda was declared the winner.

OTTO PATRICK

UAH forumist

Muwanga looted the Uganda embassy to finance the struggle

April 30, 2009 at 10:02 pm (History, Obote and UPC)
Tags: Joseph Kamugisha(USA)

Dear Ugandans,

Muwanga, did not loot the Embassy for self interests. The proceeds of the property selling went toward the then liberation struggle. Kind of Museveni, looting guns from Police stations, invading Banks and looting millions of cash, looting the Kaaya, farms in Luwero, in order to feed his thugs, looting local dispensaries in ruler areas and looting army uniforms, ammunition, trucks etc.

In 1971, when Idi Amin overthrew the first Obote government, the Kenyan’s and Tanzanian’s took advantage of the East African properties such as planes and other items. In return, one Ugandan sea Captain, crossed the Kenyan waters with one of the biggest EAC cargo and passenger ships into Uganda and that is all Uganda benefitted from the break up.

In 1972, what did Idi Amin do to the departed Asian properties? I need not to remind you that it took Obote, during his second return to start the compansation process of the confiscated Asian properties by Idi Amin.
During the last Iraqi war which deposed Sadam Hussein, millions of US Dollars were found piled up in different hideouts, by the US army, the money was allegedly confscicated and returned to the Iraqi government.

During the 1978/79 liberation war, the TPDF left Uganda with millions worth of property, from government and private vehicles, to watches, radio cassets and TV’s, including our beutiful women!!

Such things happen during political instabilities, war and during regime change.

Joseph Kamugisha

How powerful was Obote’s Paulo Muwanga

April 30, 2009 at 9:48 pm (History, Obote and UPC)
Tags: Katerega and senoga, semuwemba

Paulo muwanga was a powerful minister because he had earned it and he had created his own independent political portfolio unlike some people who just become MPs and then think of becoming ministers or vice presidents at the mercy of president museveni. Unlike Nsibambi(Museveni’s prime minister) and Bukenya( his VP), Muwanga had built a strong political career for himself and there is no wise president in Africa who would have kept him as his VP for such a long time:

At the time when the Ugandan in exile and Tanzanian were fighting Amin, muwanga was the administrator for Masaka and a clandestine agent for UPC and obote. Powerful obote ministers like Muwanga and Rwakasisi played a big part in the removal of Amin from power. Muwanga knew Obote inside/ out.

During moshi, muwanga was elected chairman of the military commission and this was not an accident. Museveni wanted this position himself but he was sidelined by UPC elements at Moshi conference.

Muwanga was even powerful under binaisa that when he was sent to Geneva as ambassador, he managed to challenge this in the NCC. Binaisa had to back down. Can you see prof Kiwanuka or Kinobe challenging Museveni for sending them to Dubai and DRC as ambassadors respectively? Kinobe and Kiwanuka became ministers at the mercy of president Museveni. He can do anything he wants with them whether they like it or not.

Muwanga was very influential in removing Binaisa to prepare for Obote’s return. He and oyite ojok planned this coup.

museveni met muwanga in Germany at the Koblenz military hospital where he had gone for treatment on tax payers’ money. I guess this is how Museveni came to start admiring the Germany hospitals and their facilities because the greedy UPC guys exposed it to him. I understand one of his daughters called Natasha also had her baby from Germany. Anyway, to go back to the point, Muwanga had turned against obote and was willing to work with the museveni group to get rid of Obote 2(the one who had imposed himself on Ugandans after the 1980 elections). Muwanga was at this time working with the Acholis in the army to dislodge the obote/ ogole group and it worked.

In an interview with Israel Mayengo, now Minister, Genera Duties, Office of Katikkiro, Tanzanians had refused to cross river Katonga until Muwanga was flown to Dar Es Salaam spent three days in the guest wing of State House and on the fourth day, Nyerere told him that “Ok go and sort it out with Msuguri.” Had it not Muwanga, Tanzanians would not have advanced to Kampala. Nyerere had a personal admiration on Muwanga after he resigned his parliamentary seat in favour of John Kakonge, whom Obote had almost chased out of UPC. He later became Minister of Agriculture and Muwanga became Ambassador to Egypt before Amin sent him to France where he is said to have sold “Uganda House.”

Paula Muwanga was the only Uganda’s Vice President who had a wide range of powers other than appointing and sacking ministers. He at one time said that he had powers of live and death. He released a detainee and ordered the killing of another to demonstrate those powers. Muwanga was very powerful. In Masaka there was a UPC Haji, Kateregga, who had been convicted of an offence by the Magistrate’s court. He jetted in , summoned the Chief Magistrate and the District Commissioner and ordered the release of Kateregga with immediate effect. In Masaka, he also detained his brother Kafuuma, who was a DP and Manager of Masaka Co-operative Union, and died in Masaka barracks. Muwanga was powerful, very powerful, as Vice President and Defence Minister. It is due to Obote’s weakness that Muwanga, with the Okellos, undermined Obote and caused the 1985 Saturday July 27th coup having met Ssemogerere and Museveni in Germany early that byear.

After selling the embassy contents, the fellow ‘trousered’ the proceeds and, to this day, not a commission of inquiry into that undiplomatic activity has seen the light of day. That embassy raid was in the 1970s. By 1980, Chairman of Embassy Disposals Board-cum-Vice President had graduated to pocketing votes, with precision and flying colours.

Oyite Ojok Looted more than Muwanga. The only difference is that Muwanga’s family enjoyed his loot while that of Oyite Ojok was looted by an aide, who has almost turned Mbarara municipality into a city. Thanks to Museveni who gave a tractor to one of Oyite Ojok’s widows in 1991 at Kololo Air Strip, to mark 5th anniversary of NRM/NRA victory.

Muwanga Paulo was a powerful minister under Obote(1 & 2), Moshi conference, Lule, Binaisa,… because he had built his own independent political career. There is no way Museveni would make such a person of Muwanga’s calibre his vice president or prime minister unless if he is thinking of retiring. The moment you start showing signs that you are so powerful politically; Museveni will drop you without even thinking twice. Why do you think VP bukenya is always forced to come out and make statements that show that ‘he is nothing’?

As for prof Nsibambi, he used to be a pro-federo activist and a lecturer at Makerere university, and that is where president Museveni picked him up and made him whatever he did make him. Since then, Nsibambi has been keeping a low profile and just doing his job. How can such a man be a threat to any president in anything?

The truth remains that the few Baganda ministers in Obote government who were powerful were because they had earned it. It is the same under Museveni: the powerful ones have been with Museveni since the FRONASA or bush days.

UAH forumists

Was Dr.Obote tribalist or nationalist

April 28, 2009 at 10:34 pm (History, Obote and UPC)
Tags: L/Cpl (rtd) Otto Patrick

Dear Ugandans at Heart,

The following were Obote’s words in the Uganda Herald of 24th April 1952 that might help you to show his true credentials. He, the ‘ nationalist’, was reacting to formation of the UNC. Here went AM Obote the your nationalist:

“I shall be highly obliged if you would allow me space….to express the feelings of young enlightened Semi-Hamites and Nilotes about some of the aims of the congress. Not long ago, Mr Fenner Brockway, MP came to Uganda and concentrated his activities in and around Kampala. He returned to England and gave his version of the “Unification of all tribes in Uganda”….his version is a direct negation of the established traditions of the Semi-Hamites and the Norsemen (Nilotes) and…we are worried about it. It will, therefore, be of great interest to us if the Uganda National Congress will point out exactly what they mean by the “Unification of all tribes in Uganda”….Co-operation with the government is also recommended but we Semi-Hamites and Norsemen of Uganda feel that the congress is aiming at “Self-Government in Uganda,” is hastening and thereby leaving us behind. Because of our present inability to aim so high….it must be pointed out to the congress here and now that with us [Semi-Hamites and Norsemen], the question of questions lies in education and rapid development of African Local Governments…..the height of folly [on Musaazi's part] is the apparent omission ….of a definite aim to the slogan of “immediate Local Sel-Government in Uganda”

Those are the words of AM Obote, UPC supporters claim to be the great nationalist, the father of the nation. As you can see, national self government was none of AM Obote’s business. His was African Local governments! To the Doctor, independence was IK Musaazi’s folly.

So, ……..Musazi was saying, “immediate national independence now!”, Obote was saying, “immediate tribal independence now!”….no wonder he struck a cord with “independence for Buganda now”….with all the disastrous consequences. That will do for the bit on “…discrediting genuine efforts and sacrifices of others.”

You will recall that on 3rd February 1960 British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan made the declaration that, “The wind of change is blowing through this continent. Whether we like it or not, this growth of national consciousness is a political fact.”

By that time, colonial powers had settled for the fact that they had to let go of the colonies. With or without people like AM Obote, the decision had already been reached. But listen to the UPC claiming that Uganda may never have become independent without Mr Obote’s sacrifices!

UPC’s is like the opportunism of a house girl whose tenure as the yaya coincides with the growth phase of the baby when it starts standing. Such a clueless house girl then hollers on and on that if she had not sang the song, “Butengenene, omwana ayimilidde” the baby would never ever have stood!….es[ecially when the baby eventually turns out to be Obama.

Typical housegirlish opportunism is what makes them think that they had a part to play in Uganda’s reversion to the current pseudoliberalism.

Lakini UPC! They will rig anything!

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Otto Patrick

Amin,Hitler and Obote did good things for their countries and de world

April 14, 2009 at 4:48 pm (History, POLITICS, World history and politics)
Tags: Ahmed Katerega

Let me state that no leader of Uganda has not been with advantages and disadvantages. Even Obote whom we condemn so much, elevated Muslim from class D where the British had condemned us to class C. After 1967, Muslims became saza chiefs in Buganda other than BUTAMBALA alone. We had a Muslim Pookino. Even when Buddu was divided into several counties for many years the chief OF Kalungu was a Muslim. Chairperson of Public Service Commission Abduallah Anyuru was a Muslim. He was later killed on orders of Idi Amin. We had ministers like Shaban Nkutu and Barinda. Prior to 1965 formation of NAAM under Obote’s patronage, Islam was a Ganda affair. But a national organisation was set up which laid ground for formation of Uganda Muslim Supreme Council in 1972.

As for Amin, he represented the subalterns or down trodden with a chance of little western formal education where many of us have gone but have not even produced a needle. Read Kirunda Kivejinja who analysed the real class Amin represented including muslims who have been denied education,and political and civil service appointments. Despite his excesses where the victims included even my family, Amin benefited Muslims and no government has ever benefited them that way. Although the majority were Nubians and Sudanese, they were Muslims. That’s why when he died, Muslims organised funeral prayers and duwa after 40 years. Even Tablighs like Abbas Kiyimba, Imam Iddi Kasozi, attended.

As a Muganda, think about Obote ruling uninterrupted until his death! That would have been the worse. Amin weakened Obote that was why it was easy for NRM/NRA to sweep away the entire system.

Let me reiterate my position, no leader is entirely bad even if we have to remove him. Even despotic Kabakas like Kagulu Tbucwereke whom the masses deposed and Kiweewa and Kalema who reigh=ned when the legitimate Mwanga was still around, have their good part.

Uganda would not have been a member of OIC hadn’t Amin registered it in 1974, and International Islamic University in Uganda for Anglo- Phone would not have been stationed in Arua, Mbale, Kibuli and Kabojja.

Yes Amin was bad and ugly and he had to be fought, originally he was a stooge of CIA, Mossad, M15 etc… but he turned into a nationalist and Pan Africanist, but also with excesses as the rest if his contemporaries like Mengistu Haile Mariam.

The point was that Amin, just like Obote, are not entirely bad. They had their good side and their crisis aka revolutions may have ended nepotism in Uganda. However tribalism was still active. We should not condemn them wholly. However they should also have apologised for their excesses

Have you ever heard me condemning Adolf Hitler as an entirely bad person? Don’t l know that World War l contributed to the decolonization process? Please l am not among those who think that Hitler was entirely bad but l disagree with Fascism be NAZI , Mussolini’s, Emperor’s Franco’s, Portuguese or UPC.

Both World War 1 and ll contributed to the decolonization process. In the former Ugandans were divided between loyalists led by Sir Daudi Chwa ll and his brother Lt. Musanje, who participated on the side of the British and their allies, and resisters led by Gabriel Kintu, who crossed to German East Africa and fought on the side of the Germans and their allies. Had the latter won, the future of Uganda would have been complex as Apollo Kaggwa and a team of colonial chiefs would have been deposed. Chwa would have been spared because he was a true son of Mwanga, and on reaching majority age, he disagreed with his former regents. Since Egypt was un the Turko-Ottoman Empire, and the Sudan was Anglo-Egyptian, and both had an interest in Uganda, the situation would have been complex. Even Ugandan nationalists used to listen to the German radio. Go and ask Godfrey Lukongwa binaisa.

Buganda was the most advanced but even others were involved in both world wars .That is why we had veterans all over the country. Unlike elsewhere like Acholi where veterans like Tito Okello were retained in the army, in Uganda, veterans like Ben Kiwanuka were not. However that helped them to pursue other careers. Ben, who was a Court Clerk, went for law in South Africa and United Kingdom. These veterans were involved in 1945 and 1949 riots in Buganda and Uganda generally and in Mau Mau uprising in Kenya . But the colonial masters fought them left, right and centre, handed over instruments of power to colonial agents like Mitlon Obote. Yes Buganda could overlap, but others were also active.

But for my part, l can only say that those going to Kimaka and elsewhere for military training, at least l read in papers or view on T.V. or listen on radio, cut across. l remember my old friend Col. Fred Boogere was in Kenya Defence College before Kulayigye went there. Boogere wanted to retire but was not allowed. He is still in active service.

The good thing with Museveni and NRM/NRA is mass military training. No tribe, clan, family, sub tribe, religion, region, can monopolise political/military power in Uganda as it was the case in the past. The rest of the country will sweep them away as wild bush fire. No tribe can monopolise political/military power. It should have been the majority tribe, the Baganda. But they become a minority if the rest gang up against it and it has been before. So for others, it was only temporary because “tebamalaako,” be Luo, Sudanic. There was fear that Bantu Southerners, or Westerners, or South Westerners, , or Banyankore, or Bahima would not monopolise power. They can’t since the rest are the majority. Even if it can happen, it has to be temporary since the rest will gang up against them.

By the way, having one individual or two of the President’s relatives in government or army does not mean clan monopoly. Even you saw that almost all Nyerere’s sons were in TPDF and that one was a Mkombozi who spent two years in Uganda . But they were not noticed. Nyerere and Msuguri were village mates, but Nyerree did not use Msuguri to overthrow constitutions. Hadn’t Obote misused Amin and the Okellos, nobody was bothered with Northern domination of the military. Even if UPDF is Western dominated, (but that may be among Historicals but the faces l see are more from the east and the north as Baganda and Banyankore shy away due to low salaries), if it does not harass the population, people may not be bothered so much.

Ahmed Katerega Musaazi

Journalist/’UAH’ forumist

DP Version of the Scotland yard Report in Kayiira’s murder

April 7, 2009 at 2:52 pm (History, Kayiira Death, POLITICS, PRESIDENCY)
Tags: L/Cpl (rtd) Otto Patrick

Forumists,

You may recall that, some time in 2007 officials of the Democratic Party (DP) announced that they were going to lauch the Scotland Yard Report on the murder of Dr Andrew Kayiira. That “report” was to subsequently cause them to be dragged to court by government on grounds of uttering a false document. Attached is that (DP) version of the Scotland Yard Report. It is pasted below for those that cannot open PDF documents:

SCOTLAND YARD REPORT THE MURDER OF DR ANDREW LUTAAKOME KAYIIRA: DEMOCRATIC PARTY VERSION

This report concerns enquiries into the murder of DR ANDREW LUTAKOME KAYIIRA, 46, former Minister of Energy for the Uganda government who at the time of his death on 6th March, 1987/ was residing at Lukuli-Konge a suburb of Kampala Uganda/ and the assistance given to the Uganda Police by detective chief Superintendent Thompson (serious Crime Branch) and Detective Sergeant Sanderson (Laboratory Liaison Officer) at the direct request of government of Uganda.

On 6th March, 1987, at about llp.m. Dr Kayira and his friend, Mr, Henry Gombya, a B.B.C stringer, were having dinner with Gombya’s wife Victoria Naava ,24 , and three other girls Josephine Babirye, 19, Julian Nabwire, 14, and Annet Namatovu, 23, when about 10 armed men stormed the compound and attacked the persons present.

At the time of the attack, it was dark and the house was without electricity due to power cuts and the only lighting was provided by a storm tamp hanging from the sidewall nearest where the occupants were having dinner.

Some of the attackers had torches and according to the witnesses at least three of the attackers had firearms, one an AK-47 sub-machine gun. Exactly what transpired will be examined in greater detail further in the report. Subsequent events show that Dr Kayiira was shot four times (two in the right arm and twice in the left side of the body) injuries from which he died.

Mr Gombya made his escape via the front security gate and hid in a banana plantation after first separating the sum of 40million shillings into two halves and throwing one half in a box into the banana plantation which adjoins the house. The remaining half was left for the attackers. None of the occupants of the house i.e the three girls were apparently injured, although Victoria Naava states that she was kicked and punched.

Background:

Uganda has since independence from Britain in 1962 been in regular unrest and in particular since 1971 when the Obote government was overthrown by Amin’s Ugandan Army.

Obote went into exile and formed an army called the UNLA (Ugandan National Liberation Army) and with assistance of the Tanzania Army overthrew Amin’s government inl979. In 1980, Obote held elections and the UNLA were retained. However, in 1985 Obote was overthrown by his commander Okello and the UNLA continued. In 1986 Okello was himself overthrown by the NRA (National Resistance Army) led by President Museveni. It was the 1980 general elections, allegedly rigged by Obote, that provided the reason for NRA to be formed and launch a guerrilla war. It was during the period of the guerrilla war that differences between Museveni who was leading NRA and Dr kayiira who was also leading a parallel guerrilla movement under the umbrella of UFA (Uganda Freedom Army) and its political wing/ the UFM (Uganda Freedom Movement) became apparent. Prior to that Dr Kayiira had served as Interior Minister in the short-lived government of Yusuf Kironde Lule. When Museveni overthrew the Okello government in 1986 Dr Kayiira joined forces with him. Despite Dr Kayiira being a member of Cabinet in Museveni’s government holding the portfolio of Energy Minister, there had been mistrust of him by the President as a result of which Dr Kayiira and other persons were arrested in October 1986 for allegedly plotting against the government and subsequently released by the court on February 24, 1987 due to lack of evidence.

Following his release Dr Kayiira had no where to turn to for a home. He briefly stayed with a relative in Nakasero and subsequently shifted to the home of his friend Mr Henry Gombya a B.B.C stringer who rented a four-bedroom house at Lukuii Konge/ a Kampala suburb.. It was at this house that the murder took place on March 6, 1987. The release of Dr Kayiira surprised some people and his subsequent murder led to strong rumours that his death was politically motivated and had been caused by the government’s hand. It is against this background that evidence surrounding the investigation into Dr Kayiira’s death must be viewed.

Scene of murder:

The scene of the crime is a three bedroom detached house standing within a large plot of fand with wire security fencing surrounding it. This fencing is also strengthened by bamboo canes. The height of the fence is 7 feet. The house itself is a one-storey type with balcony over the top of a garage attached to the side of the house. At the rear of the house there is a guest house and a kitchen. A drive way leads from the front of the house to a double door security entrance with the gate being 8 feet in height with spikes on the top..

The house is owned by Mr and Mrs Katongole who live opposite and had the house built for rent. Mr Gombya was the first tenant of the property.. The surrounding area is mainly bush country with plantations of banana. The villagers’ houses are mainly mud-lined walled huts and they live together in small communes drawn together only by the local village Chief and the elected Defence Resistance Leader. The conditions for the villagers are very primitive. Running between the various villages and outside the Gombya House is a small track which is overgrown and leads eventually to the Ggaba Road which in turn leads to Kampala, about six miles away.

To give some perspective of the area the reporting officer made house to house enquiries and in doing so had to walk or drive up to one mile away from the scene to ascertain information from possible witnesses. Investigations: On the night of the murder as already stated Gombya together with his wife and three other girls were having a meal when they were attacked by a number of men with torches and guns, upon seeing the attackers they ran into the house and locked themselves in their respective bedrooms. Dr Kayiira and Mr Gombya had separate rooms. The attackers, some according to the occupants were wearing combat trousers and in some cases shirts, shouted to the occupants to come out of the rooms. Also it is alleged that they asked where the doctor and the ‘UFM man’ was.

The attackers, according to witnesses and a reconstruction of the scene appear to have ordered the four girls out of their room where they had been hiding and after questioning them they were locked in the bedroom. They then fired a shot through the door of Gombya’s bedroom and then smashed or kicked open the door and entered. Gombya had decamped. According to Gombya, whilst the attackers were shouting at the occupants and kicking the door/ he in panic split Shs40 million which he had in his bedroom into two halves and threw Shs20 million into the banana plantation from the balcony leading from his room and left the remaining money in the bed for the suspects to steal. He then jumped from the balcony/ a height of 12 feet and ran down the driveway and on the second attempt managed to climb over the gate. He then hid in a banana plantation. Whilst this was happening the attackers were shouting to Dr Kayiira to open his bedroom door, which he did at the same time asking them what they wanted.Witnesses’ state that when Gombya escaped and was running towards the gates he was seen by one of the gunmen who raised the alarm and was told not to pursue him as the “UFM man” was in the house.

This would suggest that the gunmen knew that Dr Kayiira was staying at the house. Mr Gombya states that he hid in the banana plantation until about 6am when he returned to the house and discovered that his friend Dr Kayiira was dead. Police were eventually notified at Kabalagala Police Post some two miles away and arrived shortly after 7:30am.

A photographer and scenes of Crime Officer arrived soon afterwards. Scenes of Crime examination was always going to be difficult as prior to police arrival villagers and other persons from the surrounding areas had descended onto the premises and went inside the house to satisfy their curiosity, and pay their respects.

Postmortem

The pathologist, Dr Kakande of Mulago Hospital examined the body and confirmed that the cause of death was due to multiple gunshot wounds. He is very vague about the injuries and admits that he did not carry out a full post mortem examination but purely looked at the body and later allowed the relatives to bury the body. No cloth or blood samples were taken from the body/ which was buried on March 11 at Masulita, his village, about 30 miles from Kampala .

At the scene of the crime three bullets were found and a broken blood stained stick. In the banana plantation next to the house was found a cardboard box which contained the money left on the bed by Mr Gombya. Also found in the banana plantation was a cream coloured jacket/ a handbag belonging to Mrs Gombya containing correspondences. In the banana plantation-bush area found was a black briefcase belonging to Gombya and also a shoe. Correspondences from these items were also found strewn around.

Investigations by the Kampala C.I.D under the direction of Simon Mugamba (Director of C.I.D) and Senior superintendent Fideiis Ongom (Officer in charge) commenced and quickly established that Gombya had requested from Mr Henry Kateregga, a Kampala businessman Shs40 million very urgently. As a result of their investigations the police were contacted by a man named Emmanuel Sebbunza, 17, who informed police that he had been involved with the people responsible for the killing of Dr Kayiira and although not at scene at the time of the offence, he assisted them in its preparation. He further stated that he had been paid money for both his assistance and to keep quiet about who took part. He states that the motive was robbery as the persons involved in the offence knew that Dr Kayiira was at the house and further that a large amount of money was in the house. He states however that it was believed that Dr Kayiira had the money.

Mr Sebbunza further stated that arrangements for the offence were made at the shop of Muzeyi & Sons, Kampala , belonging to Mr John Katabazi, 28. Subsequently, on March,19 1987 Katabazi was arrested as were four of the 10 or so other participants. Robert magezi,20, Babi Katende, 20, Musisi Kizito Brain, 26, Kasirye, 26, Sylvester Wadda,26, Peter Kiwanuka, 19, and Backfire Kayongo, 19. All persons arrested have been interviewed and made statements but all deny being involved in the offence. One of those arrested in fact gives his alibi of being involved in another robbery at the time of the offence and therefore could not have been involved.

All accused, apart from the owner of the business premises (Katabazi) are apparently ex-UFM members/ who had served under Dr Kayiira. All persons were subsequently charged with the murder of Dr Kayiira and are at present remanded in custody.

On Thursday 26th March 1987, at the request of President Museveni-the Ugandan President I (Detective Chief superintendent Thompson) attached to the serious crimes Branch New Scotland Yard, together with Detective Inspector Sanderson, scenes of crime officer attached to the- Metropolitan Police Laboratory travelled to Uganda to assist the investigating officers because of the strong suggestions that the murder of Dr Kayiira was a ‘political’ one. On 28th march 1987; a briefing was’ obtained from the inspector General of Police Luke Ofungi, and also from the Mugamba.

Subsequent examination of the scene of the offence by the officers revealed the finding in Gombya’s room of a piece of metal (a bullet) and a piece of wood in Dr Kayiira’s room which fitted a missing piece on the door of Gombya’s bedroom which had probably been transferred on the foot of the suspect who had kicked the door down..

Blood samples had to be taken from the blood where the victim had died and also from blood found on the walls in both Gombya’s and Dr Kayiira’s rooms. Two tool mark casts were also taken from Gombya’s room. All these exhibits together with Dr Kayiira’s briefcase and the cardboard box which had contained the money together with the cream coloured jacket were sent by hand to the Metropolitan police Laboratory London for examination.

Also sent to the laboratory were three bullets and an empty cartridge case found at the scene. A bullet hole was also found in the garage door and although the bullet has not been recovered, it is known that Mr Gombya’s car was in the garage at the time and now has a burst tyre. Attempts are being made by the Uganda Police to recover the bullet from the car, which is still in the possession of Mr Gombya’s family, Fingerprints and palm prints together with control blood samples of all the suspects were also obtained and sent to the laboratory for examination, On 13th March 1987, Mr and Mrs Gombya flew out of the country. However, Mr Gombya recorded a statement which is reproduced here in its entirety:

Gombya statement

“On the night of March 6, 1987, I was seated alongside Dr Andrew Lutakome Kayiira, the former Ugandan Minister of Energy in the National Resistance Army (NRA) government, together with my wife Vicky and three of my nieces outside my home at Lukuli, about five miles outside on theKampala-Gaba road.

We had just had our supper and it was a few minutes after llpm. Dr kayiira was in a very jolly mood talking about the existing freedom in Uganda , how one could relax and have his supper outside his house at such a time unlike the case in the past recent years. As Vicky was preparing to remove the plates and dinner things, out of nowhere came men armed with very bright torches. They came from two directions. One group of about five men or more approached on one side while a similar number approached on the other.

They immediately ordered all of us not to move but immediately my wife and the three young girls took off in fright and entered the house, I remained rooted to my chair while one man pointed at Kayiira and said “That is the UFM (Uganda Freedom Movement) man. That is the UFM man”. On hearing this Kayiira slowly got up from his chair and walked towards the house entered the open door and made as if to close the door.

At this point one of the men who was holding an AK-47 sub-machine gun told Kayiira “If you dare lock the door, we are going to kill this one.” He then opened the door and I immediately rushed inside the house ran upstairs to our bedrooms in our one-storeyed house and locked myself inside. The moment I locked myself inside I opened the windows and raised the alarm by shouting to our neighbours to come and help us telling them that we had been attacked by thieves. On hearing my alarm the men immediately opened fire on my bedroom door and I quickly shut up.

They continued shooting and at the same time ordering me to open up. It was at this juncture that I thought that these were thugs who had come to steal. In the usual circumstances when thieves attack in Uganda , the safest way one can come out of this attack without a scar is for one to make available all the cash in the house and any other valuable items.

Shooting

Earlier that day 1 had received from my business associates Shs40millon which was partly to pay for some debts and for the running of my news agency in midtown Kampala . So when the thugs started shooting at my bedroom door I arranged some Shs20 million (they were in bundles of five million) and placed this money in an open box on my bed.

Then I slowly but fearfully opened another door in my bedroom that led to the balcony just outside my room and putting the rest of the money in the bag threw it into a neighbouring banana plantation where I found it quite safe the next morning. All this time the thugs were trying to knock down my door, They had stopped shooting at it and were now trying to kick it open. After throwing the money into the banana plantation/ I scaled the bedroom balcony and finally jumped down in front of the garage door and ran towards my security gate. But mid way to the gate, I found one thug who was apparently unarmed.

He immediately spotted me and shouted to his colleagues/ “He is running/ He is running away!.” But while I did not: hear any gunshot directed towards me as I was continuing to run towards the gate, I was later to learn from my wife that the gunmen inside the house shouted back at their colleagues that” No, he is not the one. We have the UFM man here.” On reaching the gate I made an attempt to jump over it but because of its height (its about seven feet high) I fell down and only managed to jump over it on the second attempt. Once outside the gate I blindly ran towards the neighbours with the thought of trying to wake them up and ask them to hide me inside their house. I came near my neighbour’s backyard and came to a barbed wire fence.

As I was trying to find the gate to this backyard about three mean-looking dogs jumped out of nowhere and started barking fiercely at me, Shaking with fright from head to toe I ran back and went hiding deep in the banana plantation. While hiding I remember hearing two gunshot going off inside my house but there was no sound whatsoever following them. I stayed in the banana plantation from about 11.30p.m. until after 5a.m. when I finally gathered enough courage to make my way back to my house.

As I approached the house I could see the door the thugs’ entered through still open with a gas lamp still lit in our kitchen. For that day and the one previous power in my house and that of my neighbours had mysteriously disappeared and we had been using gas and kerosene lamps.

Gripped by fear

There was total silence in the house and I could not see any movement. This scared me very much and I immediately thought everybody had been killed. Gripped by fear I immediately went back into hiding in the banana plantation but about 30 minutes later I again dared to go near the house. This time I used the other side of the fence to approach the house and it was here that I noticed for the first time that the thugs had cut through the wire fence and used it as their entrance to the house. I fearfully made my way to the open door that leads to the kitchen inside the house and entered. There was absolute silence one can equate to death.

Once inside I moved silently towards the steps leading to the bedrooms above and found nobody.. I then went down again to the kitchen and closed the kitchen door. Then I went up once again. On reaching the bedrooms I called out to no body particular saying “is there any body here? It is me. I have come back.” On hearing my voice my wife immediately opened the bathroom door and told -me “We are here but they have killed the doctor!” I immediately broke down in tears crying oh! It is him they have come for. They never came for money.

While I was crying I was walking towards Dr kayiira’s bedroom. I first saw the lower part of his body and when I continued inside the room/ I saw the rest of his body lying in a big pool of blood. I fell down on his body crying heavily but my wife immediately put a stop on this/ when she said/ “Please stop crying. These people are stiil around.” We then rushed back into the bathroom where we hid until 6.30am when we called the neighbours and later went to report the matter to the police.

I later learned that as they were struggling with Dr Kayiira who had made the fatal mistake of opening his bed room door and asking the thugs what they wanted, the attackers after learning he was not armed shoot him dead twice through the heart and twice on both hands.

After killing him they talked amongst themselves, once again according to my wife who overheard every thing they were saying from her hiding place in the bath room, that they had been ordered to take all documents belonging to Kayiira as proof that they had killed him. But in their haste to take these documents they also took mine including my car registration card. We however found these abandoned in banana plantation next morning but there was no trace of Dr kayiira”s documents. The majority of the attackers were dressed in NRA uniforms while others were dressed locally.

Suspicion immediately fell on NRA soldiers when on the Saturday morning as hundreds of people were flocking my house to view the body of Kayiira which was still lying in a pool of blood in his bedroom. Two soldiers one claiming to be coming from Lira in Northern Uganda and the other claiming to be from Lubiri army barracks in central Kampala claimed they had received the news of Dr Kayiira’s death as early as 5a.m. The soldier who claimed to be from lira told us he had received the news at 6a.m while returning from Lira.

The other one from Lubiiri army barracks said the soldiers in Lubiiri barracks had received news of Kayiira’s killing at 5a..m. At first we never realised the meaning of these different times of Kayiira’s death report. But as we were relating it to many other people/ including the Uganda police themselves/ we soon realised that the only people who knew about Kayiira’s death at 5am and 6am that Saturday were either us in house or Kayiira’s killers. We mentioned this fact to the police and we hope they followed it up.

On Saturday march 7, I asked the minister of internal affairs Paulo Ssemogerere whether it would be possible for the murder of Dr Kayiira. The minister agreed with the government to offer me protection following me that it would be better if I were given protection. SSemogerere made arrangements for policemen to guard our home and by the evening of that day two policemen armed with AK-47 machine guns arrived. They spent the whole night guarding us and left on Saturday assuring us they would be coming back that very evening.

By that time Dr Kayiira’s body had been removed from the house and taken to Mulago Hospital mortuary where it was later removed and kept at the medical school for embatment. On Sunday it was removed from the school and taken to Ggaba, to Dr Kayira’s sister. With my family and a handful of neighbours and relatives I stayed at my home waiting for police guard to arrive. By 9.30pm no policeman had turned up yet.

I immediately contacted the nearest police post at Kabalagala and it was there that I was told no arrangements had been made to avail me with security men that day, as far as they were concerned. Fear started mounting at home as the night deepened. After 10pm we decided to lock up the house and spend the night at Ggaba were Kayiira’s body was lying. At this place I met with Kampala district administrator, Commander John Kazoora and immediately told him about my fears especially the absence of the police security men I had been promised.

Guards’ presence

I told commander Kazoora that in my view, those who had killed Kayiira were likely to have been government enemies. I further told him, “If these people now return and shoot me dead, the government would find it quite difficult to prove it was not behind my death.” Kazoora agreed with me and said he was going to arrange for security guards to come to my house and there and then took off in his car. I waited for his return in vain and, with my family decided to spend the second night at Ggaba.

On Tuesday March 10 a memorial service was held at Rubaga Roman Catholic Cathedral. As hundreds of the people were filling past the body of Dr. Kayiira, a former minister for Information and Broadcasting in the Yusuf Lule government, Mr Robert Sebunya, went on the rostrum and asked me briefly to tell the congregation what had happened at my home during the attack. I was reluctant to do this as whenever I remembered the events of that Friday night.

I found it difficult to control my tears. But he insisted and I went on the rostrum and told the congregation that I agreed with the first news bulletin on radio Uganda that had given details of what had taken place at my home, But I told the congregation further, that I strongly objected to the version that was read on radio Uganda on Sunday march 8, giving a statement from the prime minister’s office in which he said the government believed that those who had attacked my home were simply robbers who had come to steal my money and who might have known the presence of that money in my house.

I further told the congregation that there was enough proof that those who attacked my home were far from having been robbers. ‘The government knows quite well that I always tell the truth. There were quite a lot of expensive things in the have taken had they been robbers I told them.. I was often interrupted by consistent applause from the congregation urging me to tell the truth and I conceded and explained everything as it had been during the attack.

Gombya narrates

But while I was giving this testimony in Rubaga cathedral/ I did not know that at that time that I was putting myself in an extremely difficult position which would later force me to flee my home country. Outside the cathedral as people were getting in their cars to escort the body to its final rest-place, friends of mine from the CID (criminal investigations department) headquarters Impala House/ Kampala approached me and advised me not to accompany the mourners to where they were going for the burial. Frankly speaking this threw me in a panic.

Mind you I had also realised that the police or the personnel had denied me protection although the Internal Minister had promised it. So at that time I had to find where to stay as I could not go back to my home. Finally, a friend of mine offered to put me in a car and from the church we drove right to his home. It was in this friend’s home that I stayed until I finally left Uganda but the three days I stayed there were nearly hell to me.

For while in hiding the military personnel went to my office in central Kampala and surrounded it. They placed armed soldiers at my office’s entrance and asked two reporters and other people in the offices where I was. The reason for the surrounding of my office was not given and one of the soldiers told somebody in my office that they wanted me to give a statement to the police about Kayiira’s murder.

When I was told this I knew there was something cooking. I had already given the written statement about the whole affair not mentioning the verbal statements I gave to the central offices including the director of CID Mr Mugamba, I do not know how many times. On Wednesday march 11, my contacts in the CID headquarters brought a very frightening message. They told me the CID chief had already finalised his statement to the President and his recommendation: Hold Henry Gombya immediately as first suspect! At first I thought this was a joke. But as the days went on several messages came to me from police sources advising me to seek protection from foreign embassies.

It was then that I called a friend of mine in the British High Commission, {Mr. Peter Penfold, and told him about the whole affair. Mr Penfold immediately turned down the request that I stay in his house until things cooled down. I agreed with him and I suggested I inform Minister Ssemogerere about my fears. This was on Thursday, March 12 and I went straight to his home near Ggaba very early that day.. Mr Ssemogerere expressed surprise that “anyone would suggest that I was involved in the killing of your friend”. As he put it, on that day when Dr Kayiira was killed Mr Ssemogerere was the only Cabinet minister who came to my house and saw Dr Kayiira’s body lying in a pool of blood. He told me he had been summoned to State House and told by the President that investigations into the murder of Dr Kayiira shall not be his responsibility and that he (Ssemogerere) should instead handle a group of people from Amnesty International who were expected in the country the following week. ” The minister promised he would contact the Inspector General of Police Mr Luke Ofungi to arrange for my protection. However, when I returned to my place of hiding things had turned from bad to worse. I must tell you here that to survive in Uganda , I have mainly depended on friends in the security services however expensive this has been to me.

Security intelligence

So the moment I got to my friend’s house this friend of mine from the CID was there and told me that my arrest was to take place any moment and that the security personnel had been ordered to start looking for me. I immediately sent my wife to the British High Commission and asked them whether they could by any chance have a car that was going to the airport the next morning.

Luckily enough they had one and on her return my wife purchased two return tickets for London mine in fictitious names. My wife had a lot of difficulties in getting a ticket in the names that did not appear on the passport.

But she soon got over this in her own way and returned armed with our tickets. But then trouble started when my friends including the CID said I would be arrested at the airport. We discussed a number of escape routes and all those present including my wife turned down the idea of getting out through Entebbe Airport . We started to panic, with my wife now in tears saying the only safe way was through the Kenya-Uganda border at Busia while our friends suggested I hire a boat through Lake Victoria that would put me on the shores of the lake at Kisumu. The arguments went on almost the whole night until I finally made up my mind that the safest way for me would be the airport. I reached this decision for mainly one fact, Earlier in the day I had contacted my BBC colleague in Nairobi Mike Wooldridge whom I told about my fears concerning my safety. I told Mike that I had received information from the Uganda CID that I would be arrested as a murder suspect. He found this difficult to believe until I told him I had been to Mr Ssemogerere’s house to brief him about this new development.

It was then that Mike volunteered to call Dr Besigye and find out from him whether I would really be arrested.. The answer he got from Dr Besigye was; I want to assure the BBC and Henry that we have no intention of arresting him nor have we even suggested he be suspected In any way in this killing”. Dr. Besigye further told Mike Wooldridge that I was free to go anywhere but added “He may be needed to give evidence”.

I had told Mike that the police had asked me to write a statement which I did and they had also taken a statement from my wife. I also told him that because I was still in a state of shock and especially because my wife was having nightmares ince the incident it would be better for us to go away for a rest and return to the country later on.. Mr Wooldridge replied that since Dr Besigye had assured me I was not wanted he did not see any reason why I should not rest.

Mike agreed with me that it would look like as if I was running away if I did not use the airport. Since in my heart I knew I was quite an innocent man who had just lost a great friend I did not see why I should try to leave the country as a criminal. My decision took everybody present by surprise! I remember some family friends even suggested that before I left for the airport it would be advisable if I consulted a “medicineman” first who would bless my trip. This I simpiy ignored as I had never used any “medicineman” in my life, Instead I knelt down and prayed for our trip and those we were leaving behind including the rest of my family.

The British High Commission lived up to their promise and on Friday 13 I was taken to the airport. We passed two roadblocks on our way to Entebbe and at each roadblock the diplomatic car stopped until it was waved on. At Entebbe we passed through the normal immigration procedures and had to wait at the airport for more than two hours before the flight took off for London via Rome .

Mind you I am quite a well-known man at the airport for I often leave the country and only a few people can say they do not know me. Immigration officials recognised me as did NRA officers who were checking the passengers. I told all these people that I was going for a brief holiday and even when I arrived in London I registered as a visitor with a sole purpose that if things cooled down for me and my wife would go back as soon as possible. In London , quite a number of people were interested to find out what had happened at my home.

I was interviewed on the BBC programme Talk about Africa and also the BBC TV programme News-night. But soon after my first interview the Uganda Foreign Affairs Minister Mr Ibrahim Mukiibi called the British High Commissioner in Kampala Mr Derek March to protest at what he called “the way your deputy helped a Ugandan journalist Henry Gombya to escape from Kampala”.Mr Mukiibi further told the British High Commissioner that I was “wanted” back in Uganda in “connection” with the killing of Dr Kayiira. Now all of a sudden the Uganda government had turned around and wanted me badly for the killing.

This immediately confirmed reports from my CID friends that all along/ the state was planning to arrest and was only bidding for the time. Before I left Kampala I handed a press release to newspapers giving my reasons for leaving the country. In the press release, I mentioned that although I had been forced by circumstances to leave the country I would be returning in a short time and also added “I remain loyal to the government as I have always been”.

The Uganda government’s protest to the British government has now changed all of that. There is no doubt “that if I returned to Kampala today only jail can save me from worse things. But now that the British government” has sent its CID officials to help the Uganda police in finding out who killed Kayiira I hope the truth will come out. Victoria Naava wife to Mr Gombya also recorded a statement which by and large replicated that of Mr Gombya in all material aspects. But of particular significance is the statement that she heard one of the attackers say; “that is the UFM man”.

The Investigating team also received evidence from some NRA soldiers from the 19th Battalion in Lubiri barracks which points to involvement of top NRA leadership and its lieutenants in the murder. According to these soldiers/ the murder of Dr Kayiira was planned days before his release. When the Directors of public prosecution (DPP) and CID jointly told government that there was no evidence to incriminate Dr Kayiira and several of co-accused in the alleged plot of treason this brief was received with a lot of reservations. The information obtained shows that the centre of operations for the said mission was the Central Brigade in Lubiri, Kampala .

Following protracted meetings commanders of the said Brigade detailed two NRA officers to carry out constant surveillance and trailing to determine where Dr Kayiira lived which people he moved with and which offices he frequented. The said commanders enlisted the services of one vicious NRA commander “Suicide Brewery” who was tasked to lead the operation. “Suicide Brewery” commands one of the NRA battalions in Northern Uganda,It was further revealed that “Suicide Brewery” led a group of 10 NRA soldiers who stormed the home of Mr Gombya ‘ on the night of 6th March 1987 and kilted Dr Kayiira. The group included one Magara who identified Dr Kayiira as the “UFM man”. “Suicide Brewery” fired the 1st bullet and the rest followed. In course of the investigations, the Inspector General of Police Luke Ofungi stated that the Uganda Police and the Department of Criminal Investigation Department (C.LD) had carried out preliminary investigations/ which included the use of sniffer dogs. The sniffer dogs led the investigators to the Central Brigade Lubiri as the place where the killers disappeared to after the killing. Otungi said he was shortly thereafter directed by authorities above him to hand over the investigations to the Directorate of Military Intelligence headed by Paul Kagame.

Efforts to get information from the said directorate were futile. It will be seen from the foregoing investigations that there are two hypotheses as to who committed the offence and the motive behind it; Conclusion: That it was a robbery that went wrong resulting into the killing of Dr Kayiira. That NRA functionaries were behind the murder of Dr Kayiira for political reasons. The first hypothesis is premised on the fact that there was a lot of money (Shs40million ) in Mr Gombya’s house on the night of the attack.

However, this option becomes untenable on the totality of evidence which indicates that the attackers went ahead to kill Dr Kayiira even when Mr Gombya had left some big sum of money in open space for them to steal and other valuable items which were left intact by the attackers. There was also no evidence that Dr Kayiira put up any resistance. In addition, Gombya who was the owner of the money and other property in the house was not the prime target as he was ignored by the attackers when escaping. On the strength of the evidence the motive of the attackers was very clear: they wanted to kill Dr Andrew Kayiira.

This gives credence to the 2nd hypothesis.. Submitted for information with a request that a copy of this report be forwarded to foreign and common wealth office for their information and that of British High Commissioner in Kampala and a copy forwarded to the Inspector General of Police Kampala, Uganda.

By Detective Chief Superintendent K.Thompson

Scotland Yard Report On Kayiira’s death released by de Uganda government

April 3, 2009 at 4:25 pm (History, POLITICS, PRESIDENCY)
Tags: L/Cpl (rtd) Otto Patrick

K. Thompson

Detective Chief Superintendent

(May, 7 1987)

1. This report concerns enquiries into the murder of Dr. Andrew Lutakome Kayiira age 46 years, former Minister of Energy for the Ugandan Government who at the time of his death on March 6, 1987 was residing at Lukuli-Konge village, Kampala, Uganda, and the assistance given to the Uganda Police by Detective Chief Superintendent Thompson (Serious Crime Branch) and Detective Sergeant Sanderson (Laboratory Liaison Officer) at the direct request of President Museveni of Uganda.

2. Circumstances of case
On March 6, 1987, at about 11:00pm Dr. Kayiira and his friend Mr. Henry Gombya, a BBC stringer, were having a meal with Gombya’s wife, Vicky Navva, age 24 years, and three other girls, Josephine Babirye, age 19, Julian Nabwire, age 14 years and Annet Namatovu, age 23 years, when a number of men believed to be about 10 to 14, entered the garden compound and attacked the persons present.

3. At the time of the attack it was dark and the house was without electricity due to power cuts and the only lighting was that provided by a storm lamp which was apparently hanging from the side wall nearest where the occupants were eating.

4. Some of the attackers had torches and according to the witnesses at least three of the attackers had fire-arms, one an AK47 submachine gun.

5. Exactly what transpired will be examined in greater detail further in the report but suffice it to say the occupants of the house ran into the premises, including Dr. Kayiira and Mr. Gombya and hid themselves in their respective rooms.

6.Subsequent events show that Dr. Kayiira was shot four times (two in the right arm and twice in the left side of the body), injuries from which he died and Mr. Gombya made his escape via the front security gate and hid in a banana plantation after first separating the sum of 40 million shillings into two halves and throwing one half in a box into the matoke plantation which adjoins the house. The remaining half was left for the attackers and is part of the property stolen from the house. None of the other occupants of the house, i.e. the three girls, were apparently injured although Vicky Naava states that she was kicked and punched.

7. Background information
Before looking at the evidence surrounding the murder, it is of use if the reader was made aware of the backgrounds and events involving the main principals, i.e. Dr. Kayiira and Mr. Gombya.

8. Uganda has since their independence from Britain in 1962 been in regular unrest and in particular since 1971 when the Obote Government was overthrown by Amin’s Ugandan Army.

9. Obote went into exile and formed up an army called the UNLA (Ugandan National Liberation Army) and with the assistance of the Tanzanian Army overthrew Amin’s Government in 1979.

10. In 1980, Obote held elections and UNLA were retained. However, in 1985, Obote was overthrown by his Commander Okello and the UNLA continued.

11. In 1986 Okello was himself overthrown by the NRA (National Resistance Army) led by President Museveni.

12. It was during Obote’s 1980 elections which it is alleged by some people was rigged that the NRA was formed in the bush by, at the beginning, 27 men.

13. It was during Museveni’s time in the bush that he met up with Dr. Kayiira’s UFA (Ugandan Freedom Army) and its political wing the UFM (Uganda Freedom Movement).

14. Suffice it say Museveni overthrew the Okello government in 1986 at which time Dr. Kayiira was with Okello. After the coup, Dr. Kayiira joined forces with Museveni.

15. Despite President Museveni’s friendship with Dr. Kayiira there had been recent mistrust of him by the President as a result of which Dr. Kayiira was arrested in October for allegedly plotting against the Government and subsequently released by the court on February 24, 1987, due to lack of evidence.

16. The release of Dr. Kayiira surprised some people and the subsequent murder of Kayiira led to the strong rumours that his death was politically motivated and had been caused by the Government’s hand.

17. It against this background that evidence surrounding the investigation into Dr. Kayiiraa’s death must be viewed.

18 Events leading up to the murder
Mr. Henry Gombya is a BBC stringer and although his work involves reporting matters of interest to news agencies on freelance basis, he is undoubtedly very well connected with many government officials and also strongly suspected of being involved in black market business transactions involving foreign exchange. In Uganda the exchange of currency on the black market appears to be the rule rather than the exception.

19. Gombya is a married man and although he claims that his wife is Vicky Naava it is known that he has a wife called Betty living in Uganda .

20. Whatever the situation domestically, Gombya on February 22, 1987, rented a four-bedroom house at Lukuli-Konge Village , Kampala and moved in with Vicky Naava. His rent was 1.2 million shillings (500 pounds) per month and he paid one year’s rent in advance. It was at his house that the murder took place

21. Dr.. Kayiira as already stated has been a leading figure of the UFA and UFM and a close friend of President Museveni although relations had been strained recently. Dr. Kayiira was also a close friend of Gombya although only having met him in 1985 and prior to the murder the two had been seen very often together. It is also strongly rumoured that whilst Dr. Kayiira was in prison, money sent to him from America for his UFM officers was being looked after by Gombya. This fact, however, is difficult to confirm, and Gombya recently denied this to the officer reporting. What is agreed however is after Dr. Kayiira’s release from prison on February 24, 1987, Gombya went to prison to ask why he had been released and further to request that he should be re-arrested. The reason for this action is however unknown due to Gombya leaving Uganda after the murder and is therefore a matter of conjecture.

22. It is significant however that Gombya allowed Dr. Kayiira to stay at his house after his release from prison.

23.It was because of the above facts and the political overtones that the subsequent murder of Dr. Kayiira was quickly seized on by various factions to suggest that his death was not only politically motivated but might even have been carried out by President Museveni’s soldiers on the President’s orders. This charge is emphatically denied by the President.

24. Scene of murder
The venue of the offence is a threebedroom detached house standing within a large plot of land with wire security fencing surrounding it. This fencing is also strengthened by bamboo cane. The height of the fence is 7 feet.

25. The house itself is a one-storey type with balcony over the top of a garage attached to the side of the house. At the rear of the house is a building which is used for cooking and for servants to live.

26. A drive way leads from the house to a double door security entrance with the gate being 8 feet in height with spikes on the top. It is this gate that Gombya states he climbed over to make his escape.

27.The house is owned by Mr and Mrs Katongole who live opposite and had the house built to rent. Mr. Gombya was the first tenant of the property.

28. The surrounding area is mainly bush country with plantations of banana and matooke which the local villagers cultivate to sell and to live. The villagers’ houses are mainly mud lined walled huts and they live together in small communes drawn together only by the local village chief and the elected Defence Resistance leader. These two latter persons are very important and it will be seen later have significant bearing on Dr. Kayiira’s presence at the Gombya residence. The conditions for the villagers are very primitive. Running between the various villages and outside Gombya house is a small track which is overgrown and leads eventually to Gaba Road which in turn leads to Kampala which is about six miles away.

29. To give some perspective of the area the reporting officer made ‘house-to-house’ enquiries and in doing so had to walk or drive up to one mile away form the scene to ascertain information from possible witness.

30 Investigation
On the night of the murder as already stated Gombya together with his wife and three other girls were having a meal when they were attacked by a number of men with torches and guns, whereby they ran into the house and locked themselves in their respective bedrooms. Dr. Kayiira and Mr. Gombya each having separate rooms.

31. The suspects, some according to the occupants, were wearing combat trousers and in some cases shirts, shouted to the occupants to come out of the rooms. Also it is alleged that they asked where the doctor and the “UFM man” was and where the money was. This reference to money is significant as it is known that Gombya had obtained 50 million shillings only a few days earlier, further that Dr. Kayiira was present in Gombya’s office when the money was delivered in two separate amounts (10 million shillings on March 3 and 40 million shillings shortly afterwards). At the current exchange rate of approximately 2,000 shillings to the pound the value of that money is in the region of 25,000 pounds. This however must be looked at in the light of the unofficial exchange rate mainly used by the Ugandans which would reduce the value to about 2,500 pounds.

32. The suspects according to witnesses and a reconstruction of the scene, appear to have ordered the four girls out of their room where they had been hiding and after questioning them had locked them in the bathrooms. They then fired a shot through the door of Gombya’s bedroom and then ambushed or kicked open the door and entered. Gombya had decamped.

33. According to Gombya, whilst the suspects were shouting at the girls and kicking his door, he in panic split the money into two halves and threw 20 million shillings in a box into the matooke plantation from the balcony leading from his room and left the remaining money in the bed for the suspects to steal. He then jumped from the balcony, a height of 12 feet and ran down the drive way and on the second attempt managed to climb over the gate. He then hid in a banana plantation until morning.

34. Whilst this was happening the suspects were shouting to Dr. Kayiira to open his bedroom door which he did, at the same time asking them what they wanted. Exactly what happened then will never be fully known, but from reconstruction it appears that upon opening his door the gunman fired two shots which went through Kayiira’s right inside arm and then a further two shots which went through his left side abdomen and passed out the right side. Dr Kayiira died where he had been shot.

35.. The suspects then ransacked the house and stole personal property including the large sum of money (about 20 million shillings), a tape recorder, a camera, radio cassette and video deck belonging to Mr. Gombya. It is not known whether property from Dr. Kayiira was stolen but it is though that he had no property at the house.

36. Witnesses state that when Gombya escaped and was running towards the gates he was seen by one of the suspects who raised the alarm and was told not to pursue him as the “UFM” man is in the house. This would suggest that the suspects knew that Dr. Kayiira was staying at the house and from previous questions to the occupants knew there was money in the house also.

37. Mr. Gombya states that he hid in the banana plantation until about 6am in the morning when he returned to the house and discovered that his friend Dr. Kayiira was dead. He also recovered the 20 million shillings that he had thrown into the matooke plantation.

38. Police were eventually notified at Kabalagala Police Post some two miles away and arrived shortly after 7:30am. A photographer and scenes of crime officer arrived soon after wards. Scenes of crime examination was always going to be difficult as prior to police arrival villagers and other persons from the surrounding areas had descended onto the property and went inside the house to satisfy their curiosity, and pay their respects.

39. The pathologist Dr. Kakande of Mulago hospital examined the body and confirmed that the cause of death was due to multiple gunshot wounds. He did not attend the scene himself. He is very vague about the injuries and admits that he did not carry out a full post mortem examination but purely looked at the body and later allowed the relatives to bury the body. No clothes or blood samples were taken from the body which was buried on March 11 at Masulita, his village, about 30 miles from Kampala ..

40. At the scene of the crime three bullets were found and a broken blood stained stick. In the matooke plantation next to the house was house was founds a cardboard box which has contained the money left on the bed by Gombya and also found in the matooke plantation was a cream coloured jacket, a handbag belonging to Mrs Gombya containing correspondence. In the banana plantation/ bush area about 300 yards from the house was found a black briefcase belonging to Gombya and also a shoe. Correspondence from these items were also found strewn around.

41. Investigations by the Kampala CID under the direction of Mr. Simon Mugamba (Director of CID) and Senior superintendent Fidelis Ongom (officer in charge) commenced and quickly established that Gombya had requested from Mr Henry Katerega, a Kampala businessman, the sum of 50 million shilling very urgently. Further that Gombya has rang him several times to hurry the matter up. Although this action could lead credence to the rumour that Gombya had received money from abroad on behalf of Dr. Kayiira and may have misappropriated it and was now trying to recoup some of it, there is also the more stronger notion that Gombya was involved in foreign exchange business deals with Katerega. This involved Gombya being paid his wages in a business firm of Katerega’s choice in London and subsequently Gombya being paid in Kampala in local currency. This has a ring of truth about it when it is considered that the local residents invariably carry out transactions on the unofficial money exchange which is up to 10 times that of the official rate.

42. As a result of their investigations the police were contacted by a man named Emmanuel Sebbunza, aged 17 years, who informed police that he had been involved with the person responsible for the killing of Dr. Kayiira and, although not at the scene at the time of the offence, assisted them in its preparation and later subsequent hiding of the stolen property. He further stated that he had been paid money for both his assistance and to keep quiet about who took part.

43. It is interesting to note that he states that the motive was robbery as the persons involved in the offence were all ex-UFM members, knew that Dr.. Kayiira was at the house and further knew that a large amount of money was in the house also. He states however that it was believed that Dr. Kayiira had the money.

44. This evidence fits in if it is considered that Dr. Kayiira was with Gombya when the 50 million shillings was obtained by him and further that it was believed that Gombya was holding a large sum of money for Dr. Kayiira.

45. Emmanuel Sebbunza further stated that the arrangements for the offence were made at the shop of Muzeyi & Sons, Kampala belonging to Mr. John Katabazi, age 28 years, a businessman.

46. Subsequently, on March 19, 1987, Katabazi was arrested, as also were four of the 10 or so other participants. Robert Magezi, also known as Babi Katende, age 20 years, and Peter Kiwanuka, also known as Backfire or Kayongo, age 19 years.

47. All persons arrested have been interviewed and made statements but all deny being involved in the offence. One of those arrested in fact gives his alibi of being involved in another robbery at the time of the offence and therefore could not have been involved.

48. All accused, apart from the owner of the business premises (Katabazi), are apparently ex-UFM members, who had served under Dr. Kayiira.

49. Identification parades were subsequently held and Magezi was identified as being at the scene by Julian Nabwire, Kiwanuka identified as being at the scene by Annet Namatovu and, although in itself not evidence, Nabwire ‘almost’ identified Kizito but was scared to do so because of the look she was given by him.

50. In addition, the cream coloured coat found at the scene was identified by Emmanuel Sebbunza as belonging to Kizito.

51. The evidence against the owner of the business premises is just that of Sebbunza and the fact he states that the arrangements for the offence were made there.

52. All persons were subsequently charged with the murder of Dr. Kayiira and are at present remanded in custody.

On Thursday March 26, 1987, at the request of President Museveni, the Ugandan President, I (detective Chief Superintendent Thompson) attached to the Serious Crimes Branch New Scotland Yard, together with Detective Inspector Sanderson, Scenes of Crime Officer attached to the Metropolitan Police Laboratory, travelled to Uganda to assist the investigating officers because of the strong suggestions that the murder of Dr. Kayiira was a ‘political’ one.

53. On March 28, 1987, a briefing was obtained from the Inspector General of Police, Mr. Luke Ofungi, and also from the Director of CID, Mr. Simon Mugamba.

54. Subsequent examination of the scene of the offence by the officers revealed the finding in Gombya’s room of a piece of metal (a bullet) and a piece of wood in Dr. Kayiira’s room, which fitted a missing piece on the door of Gombya’s bedroom which had probably been transferred on the foot of the suspect who had kicked the door down. Blood samples had to be taken from the blood where the victim had died also from blood found on the walls in both Gombya’s and Dr. Kayiira’s rooms. Two tool mark casts were also taken from Gombya’s room. All these exhibits, together with Dr. Kayiira’s briefcase and the cardboard box which had contained the money, together with the cream coloured jacket were sent by hand to the Metropolitan Police Laboratory London for examination. Also sent to the laboratory were three bullets and an empty cartridge case found at the scene.

55. A bullet hole was also found in the garage door and although the bullet has not been recovered, it is known that Gombya’s car was in the garage at the time and now has a burst tyre. Attempts are being made by the Uganda police to recover the bullet from the car which is still in the possession of Gombya’s family.

56. Fingerprints and palm prints, together with control blood samples of all the suspects, were also obtained and sent to the laboratory for examination.

57. Enquiries were made extensively in the area of the murder up to a mile away, which showed that no NRA officers had been seen in the area prior to the date of the murder and further that there was a group of men, about five or so, who were robbing the villagers. No suggestion has been made of military men being seen in the area and the NRA commander has confirmed that his men were not in the area at the time.

58. Also interviewed was a Mr. Kakande-Gava, a teacher who had known Dr. Kayiira since he was a boy and had in effect adopted him and paid for his schooling. On the two days prior to the murder including the actual day of the murder, he had spoken to Dr. Kayiira in his (Mr. Kakande Gava) office and on hearing that Gombya with other four unknown were going to organise a party to celebrate his release from prison warned him not to attend as he did not trust Gombya, who he says was so changeable in personality, and further he felt that he ‘would be signing his own death warrant’. His reasons for this assumption are unclear but how prophetic his warning was.

59. Enquiries also showed that although as is the custom and law Gombya had been introduced to the chief of the village and the defence resistance leader, he had not in fact informed the two officials that Dr… Kayiira was living at the address. This is looked upon by the local Ugandan people as unusual and bad manners. Local enquiries also revealed that none of the villagers knew he was living there although they knew him by name..

60. Lines of enquiry by the investigating officers include checking the financial background of Dr. Kayiira and Mr. Gombya, the tracing of a woman who an informant states was involved in the leading of the suspects to the house. This woman it is alleged as one of the girls who was at the scene when the attack took place.

61. Attempts are being made also to trace five other suspects whose names are known but who have gone to ground in the bush or have gone to Kenya .

62.. Mrs Gombya on March 11, 1987 went to a local travel agent and purchased two open airline tickets for herself and a man named Mr. G. Dick. The man ‘Dick’ is Gombya (confirmed by him) and the tickets costing a total of 3,144,680 shillings (1572.34 pounds) were paid in cash.

63. These tickets were used by Mr and Mrs Gombya on March 13, 1987 when they travelled by Ugandan Airlines to London Gatwick airport. Gombya travelled using this name Dick.

64. It is this action by Gombya that has raised suspicion that he may in fact have had some part in the murder of Dr. Kayiira for although he gave a statement to police before he left, it was self written and he gave no opportunity to interview him on it.

65. It is also unfortunate, in hindsight, that Gombya and his ‘wife’ were taken to Entebbe Airport by the Deputy High Commissioner Mr. Peter Penfold. Gombya was not in fact wanted for any offence at the time and it is alleged by him that this was verified after checks with government sources, however great play was made by the various press/newspapers on the fact that prior to his exit from the country, Gombya had gone into hiding and had not been interviewed by Police.

66. Much comment was also made by the press that rumours strongly stated that Gombya during the time he was in hiding was being sheltered at Mr. Penfold’s own residence.

67. Although at the request of Uganda Police, Mr. Penfold was not officially interviewed in respect of his actions and knowledge of these matters. I did in fact holding an unofficial briefing’ talk with him in which he agrees that he took Mr. And Mrs Gombya to the airport but strongly denies allowing him to stay at his house or any other British High Commission residence.

68. His reasons were that Gombya was a good friend of his (Penfold is the godfather of one of Gombya’s children) and was purely assisting him in his travel to the airport. The fact that his car commands diplomatic respect did not assist in this matter.

69. Although upon our arrival this matter was causing some concern, it appears now to have died down and the fact that British Police officers are assisting the Ugandan Police has help relieve the pressure on this subject. It is the reporting officers opinion that Mr… Penfold’s actions were in hindsight an error of judgement and he had not stayed at his address but was picked up near the Kampala International Centre is believed.

70. There is still much to be done by the Ugandan Police in preparing the case for court, which is not helped by the fact that there is little or no petrol in Kampala and officers making enquiries are experiencing difficulties in travelling to potential witnesses’ addresses. Both Metropolitan police officers have assisted them as much as possible in this matter.

71. Regular meetings were held with the Ugandan Police Officers and Minutes of the main conference were made and given to the officer in the case and the Director of CID in order that they were fully aware of the various actions to be carried out.

72..Conclusion
It will be seen from the foregoing report that there are many options as to the type of persons who committed the offence and the motive behind it.

73. The original option that the president’s own men were behind the murder of Dr. Kayiira was in fact the strongest one when the British Police Officers arrived in Uganda , despite the fact that five men had been arrested. All of the suspects except one are ex-UFM men and this did not assist to quell the rumours abounding Kampala .

The main options are:-
(1) It was robbery that went wrong when one of the suspects panicked and shot Dr. Kayiira

(2) That the suspects knew Dr. Kayiira was living at Mr. Gombya’s address, were aware that a large sum of money (50 million shillings) had been delivered to Gombya’s office when Dr. Kayiira was present upon which such delivery and presumed that it was for Dr. Kayiira and not Gombya.
(3) Had been informed that upon Dr. Kayiira’s release he had asked for Gombya to supply him the money which it was rumoured Gombya had received from abroad on behalf of Dr. Kayiira for his army forces, and went to rob him.

(4) A combination of any of the above three with the situation presenting itself that, as alleged by the informant, the suspects all being ex-UFM men went to rob Dr. Kayiira and one of their number (WADDA) was recognised by Dr. Kayiira and he had to shoot him to prevent later identification to police.

(5) Option 3 with the added ingredient that Gombya set up the robbery himself to solve his problems in having to return Dr. Kayiira’s money. Gombya’s actions upon his escape helps to support this theory.

(6) The President’s own forces were behind that murder because the courts had released Dr. Kayiira for lack of evidence.

74. It is the reporting officers opinion that on the evidence available Government forces were not behind that murder of Dr. Kayiira and that the suspects knowing that Dr. Kayiira was living at Gombya’s address and having been given information that a large sum of money was on the premises and further believing it to be Kayiira’s, simply set out to rob him of it. During the robbery one was recognised and shot him. Option 4 is therefore the most likely conclusion.

75. Until Gombya is interviewed at length by the Uganda Police, it is impossible to be certain of his implication in this offence, if in fact he is involved and this must therefore remain a matter of conjecture.

76. However, he was seen on 1st May, 1987, by reporting officer in London and has agreed to be interviewed by police from Uganda . Arrangements are being made through I.C.P.O. for this to be done.

77. In conclusion, I would like to express the thanks of myself and Detective Sergeant Sanderson for the assistance and co-operation given by both the Uganda Police and Ugandan authorities and also the British High Commissioner, Uganda .

78. Submitted for information with a request that a copy of the report be forwarded to the Foreign & Commonwealth Office for their information and that the British High Commissioner in Kampala , and a copy forwarded to Mr… Luke Ofungi, the Inspector General of Police, Kampala , Uganda .
79) With further reference to the investigations into the murder of Dr. Andrew Kayiira age 46 years on 6th March, 1987, at Lukuli-Konge Village , Kampala , Uganda and in particular to paragraph 76 of my report dated 7th May, 1987.

80) On Sunday 24th May, 1987, the Director of CID-Uganda Samuel Mugambya together with Deputy Assistant Inspector George Byabashaija travelled to London in order to interview Mr. Henry Gombya age 34 years and his ‘wife’ Vicky Naava Mugerwa age 23 years both of whom give their address as 15, Crawford Place , London , W.1.

81) On Tuesday 26th May, 1987, Mr. Gombya attended New Scotland Yard with his legal representative Mr. Akena Adoko and was interviewed by two Ugandan police officers. A written statement was taken from Gombya by the Ugandan officers and signed by him.

82) On Wednesday 27th May, 1987 Gombya’s ‘wife’ Vicky Mugerwa attended New Scotland Yard and was also interviewed by the two Ugandan police officers and a signed written statement taken. This was also in the presence of Mr. Akena Adoko. Mr. Gombya was not present.

83) It should be pointed out that at this stage that Mr. Adoko is the cousin of ex-president Milton Obote

84) As the original statements are in the possession of the Ugandan police officers, it is not the intention to fully reiterate the full contents of the statements by the Gombya’s but to highlight the main salient points. Copies of the full statements are attached to the main correspondence.

85) The Gombya’s married ‘customarily’ in July 1986 and lived at Entebbe Airport Hotel for eight months. Mr… Gombya has another wife by the name of Penina and has four children by his marriage (three boys and one girl).

86) In February/March 1986 they moved to Lukuli Konge village near Kampala, in a large three-bedroom house rented for the sum of 1.4 million Ugandan shillings per month (700 pounds) by Mr. Gombya and where Dr. Andrew Kayiira lived upon his release from prison on 24th February 1987, and where he was subsequently murdered on 6th March, 1987.

87) Apparently, Mr. Gombya first met Dr. Kayiira during peace talks in August 1985 at Hotel Intercontinental-Nairobi and a man name Aloysius Bossa of Munno Publications was also present. Since that date, Mr. Gombya states he had regular contacts with Dr. Kayiira including a time in 1986 when he accompanied him on a tour of Western Uganda . Dr. Kayiira was a minister at that time.

88) Since then, both Gombya and Dr. Kayiira have been friends and one of the reasons that Mr. Gombya allowed him to move into his house upon his release from prison was that Dr. Kayiira had protected him in 1985 during the regime of Tito Okello when Mr. Gombya’s house was raided by soldiers of the Ugandan National Liberation Army (UNLA). In fact it was Gombya who Kayiira approached in order to be interviewed for BBC upon his release from prison.

89) It is also interesting to note that Mr. Gombya also allowed Dr. Kayiira to use his Kampala office and also for use as a contact address.

90) In respect of the 40 million Uganda shillings (20,000 pounds) referred to in the previous report, Mr. Gombya states he received it in two parts from a businessman named Katerega and was for ‘my personal expenses including my birthday party’.. He also states that the money ‘was neither borrowed nor donated to me by Katerega but it was for business purposes’.

91) The money was in bundles of five million Ugandan shillings and consisted of 5,000 Ugandan shilling notes which were placed by Gombya in a cardboard box.

92) Mr. Gombya stated that Dr. Kayiira only saw 20 million shillings being delivered and would not have been aware of the remaining money. This surely cannot be so if it is remembered that two witnesses state that the money, 50 million not 40 million, was in fact delivered in two parts, i.e 10 million and 40 million and Dr… Kayiira was present in Gombya’s office when the cash was delivered and would have seen it. Further, Gombya states that his office messenger, Edward Lubwama, put it in Kayiira’s car boot and also that a friend named Kadduke had locked the car boot after it was closed.

93) Mr.. Gombya and Dr. Kayiira subsequently returned home at about 10.00pm after they had stopped for drinks at a bar and also dropped off two girls. At the house when they arrived, apart from Gombya’s family, was a friend of Dr. Kayiira named Kayiwa and also Gombya’s office Manager, Hussein Kabogoza. Although both these persons left shortly after Gombya’s arrival, he is sure that they did not know of the large amount of money that he had.

94) Between 10.30pm and about 11.30pm, Mr. Gombya went out at Dr. Kayiira’s request and purchased batteries for the radio. Upon his return they and the family were dancing and eating on the patio outside of the house when they were attacked by a group of about 10 men who had torches and came from around both sides of the house.

95) The attackers were in different states of dress in that some had shirts (combat), some didn’t, and some according to Mr. Gombya had clothing similar to that worn by the National Resistance Army (NRA). Only two of the attackers had guns described by Gombya as type AK47 and the person apparently giving the command was in civilian clothes. The language used was Luganda.

96) The sequence of the events that subsequently took place is confusing due to the darkness (no electricity) and is as described in paragraph 30-37 in the previous report. Suffice it to say Mrs. Gombya confirms her earlier statement to police although this time she states she was in the corridor and saw the attackers go into Dr. Kayiira’s bedroom and shoot him, whereas in the previous statement she was in the bathroom with other members of the family and didn’t see what happened.

97) Mr. Gombya’s description of events is still basically consistent with that given in his earlier statement to police in Uganda and it is important to note very much milder in context to that expressed by him in the various newspapers and publications to whom he has given interviews. On this point, Mr. Gombya admits that some of the opinions expressed by him in newspapers etc., were based on hearsay.

98) Mr. Gombya confirms that he in fact took the photograph of the body of Dr. Kayiira that has appeared in the various press publications including The Standard of Nairobi. He has informed me that he will supply the photographs to me in order that they can be forwarded to the Uganda Police. He will not release the negatives.

99) Mr. and Mrs. Gombya both state that they would like to return to Uganda but both feel that it is not politically safe for them to do so. Both have, they say, made application to the UK authorities to remain in the UK for the time being.

100) Conclusions
Without doubt, Mr. Gombya appears to be getting himself politically involved if the general background of the people and circumstances of this tragic incident are examined including his reported remarks to the newspapers.

As a BBC stringer/journalist, his choice of actions give rise to suspicion that his position as an ‘impartial’ witness is being impaired by the original rumour that NRA soldiers were involved in the murder of his close friend Dr. Kayiira.

He agreed that he has no real evidence of this for although some of the attackers were wearing combat type clothing, this is the general dress of a large number of persons in Kampala and its importance is not so clear-cut as it might first appear.

101) Mr. Gombya is clearly not anxious to give the real reason for his possession of the large sum of money (see paragraph 90) which supports the original theory of black-market money dealing or trying to recoup money belonging to Dr. Kayiira which he may have had and misappropriated. This last suggestion he denies. He does not admit the first suggestion but neither does he deny it.

102) It is the reporting officers’ opinion that although Mr. and Mrs. Gombya are basically telling the truth in respect of the events leading to the murder of Dr. Kayiira, Mr. Gombya, certainly either for ‘political’ reasons or otherwise is not being fully forthcoming with all he knows about the circumstances surrounding the murder on 6th March 1987.

103) It is however still the reporting officers’ opinion that on the evidence available there is no evidence to implicate the President or his army and that the incident is as previously stated at paragraph 74 in previous report, a robbery that went wrong, for many people must surely have known about the large sums of money in his possession.

Dr.Gombya on Andrew Kayiira’s Death

April 2, 2009 at 10:34 pm (History, MEDIA, POLITICS, PRESIDENCY)
Tags: Dr.Gombya

I have read with great amusement comments from your subscribers. It seems there is a very hot argument about what happened to the late Dr Andrew Lutakome Kayiira and the relationship I had with him. I am going to, hopefully, once and for the last time, explain this relationship. I am not being forced by anybody to contribute to your members as I believe I have explained myself for so many years now. But this is the first time I have addressed the issue on a website.

There has been a lot of conspiracy theories regarding my relationship with Dr Kayiira. Most have been so hurting and painful to me and my family. Questions have been raised as to how Dr Kayiira came to stay at my house and not at anybody else’s. There has also been conspiracy theories that in someway, I was privy to Dr Kayiira’s finances and that when he came out of prison he wanted to know where his money was. These are pathetic conspiracies mostly engineered by those who are bent on seeing that the killers of Dr Kayiira are never brought to book.

Nobody should ever doubt how much I would like to see Kayiira’s killers brought to justice.. But every time the theory conspirators engage in telling the world that I had anything to do with his death, those who fall for their tricks help in making sure that attention is driven away from the killers and those who planned this assassination. I believe these killers (apart from those that have since died) are still roaming the streets of Kampala believing that they got away with murder. But let me tell them this: Whatever it takes and however long it will be, one day they will be brought to justice.

As I have already explained in newspapers worldwide, TV (BBC 2 Newsnight) and on Ugandan and foreign radios about how Kayiira was gunned down in my house, I want to use this opportunity to dioscuss some of the conspiracy theories below.

CONSPIRACY THEORY ONE: I had been taking care of Andrew’s finances and I had fallen out with Kayiira!

This is indeed a fallacy! Andrew was Chairman of the Uganda Freedom Movement (UFM). This was a big organisation that had him at the top. It meant there were many people below him holding offices as is always the case in similar organisations. I have never been a member of the UFM so I could not have held any position in an organisation where I wasn’t even a member.. To this day, all I know about the UFM is through mostly my academic research here in the United Kingdom. At the time when Andrew was alive, I did not know much about the UFM apart from what every journalist like me knew at that time.

I believe organisations like UFM have Treasury Secretary or those that look after their finances. To this day no such official has ever come forward to claim I was handling any of their monies. Can anybody believe that any organisation wanting to fund a guerrilla movement like the UFM would have channelled their aid through a journalist filing stories for the BBC, the Nairobi Standard, New African and African Concord? Anybody knows that this, for a journalist, would have made very good copy. The fact is I have never been UFM’s financier nor has anybody ever approached me to handle its money. The last few days of Kayiira’s life were spent with friends who looked after him, bought and always paid drinks for him and fed him. While in prison, friends rallied together to collect funds to look after him and pay for his lawyers. I am happy to have been one of thiose friends who was approached for help while Andrew was in prison and I obliged without hesitation.

It should be noted here that I knew Dr Kayiira for a very short period. But our relationship was very much strengthened when he gave me protection while the NRA were shooting their way to power. We all stayed indoors most of this time particularly myself, as I was afraid to be seen on the streets. Staying in close quarters with people often brings them closer.

Therefore there is not a thread of truth that at anytime, Andrew and I had fallen out. He liked me, no doubt and I adored him, but that is where it stopped. Our association grew when he asked me to accompany him on a tour of Western Uganda when he was Energy Minister. What Andrew was doing at that time was rare as Ugandan ministers often never asked journalists to accompany them on tours. But having lived abroad for a long time and as a university professor in Boston, Massachusetts, Andrew was doing what every politician in the West does. They take prominent journalists around with them to record what they (the politicians) are doing. Are you aware how many journalists Prime Minister Gordon Brown usually travels with? Or ho0w many are now travelling with the US President here at the G20 summit? Loads!

CONSPIRACY THEORY TWO: I was working for the NRA!

How stupid! How low can anyone go in advancing such a theory? What am I doing here in Europe 23 years since leaving Uganda if I was a NRA stooge that tricked Dr Kayiira to come and stay at my house? FACT: I invited Kayiira to my house because he had saved my life when the Okello’s threatened me. He gave me 24 hour protection until the NRA captured power and secured Kampala. Finding him squeezed into a one-bed-roomed flat belonging to his cousin, I thought that since this was the very fellow who had protected me I owed it to him to take him into decent accommodation. My only regret is that I failed to return his favour. Contrary to the belief of those cowards who gunned him down, Andrew had no plans to stage a coup against Museveni. Those cowards know themselves. They are the ones who ahve kept quiet and not uttered a word about the many times, Andrew attempted to see Museveni after his release, saying that he could talk to the rebels who were causing problems in the North and that he believed he could persuade them to stop fighting. But every time he tried to make an appointment with Museveni, the door was cruelly banged shut against him.. One of your bloggers thinks I was an NRA spy because I was the one who told Museveni that the Okellos had overthrow Obote. While it is true that I did tell Museveni about Obote’s overthrow, there is no truth whatsoever that I was doing this because of being an NRA spy. FACT: I called Museveni in Gutenberg, Sweden after my bosses at the BBC in London gave me his number and asked me to call him to get a comment about the Okello coup. So calling Museveni was to do with my job as a journalist and nothing to do with the spy conspiracy.

CONSPIRACY THEORY THREE: Where did I get the wealth to live in a 14.5 million house?

I have never lived in a house this expensive and I have no idea where the figure came from. The house I was renting at Gaba was at UgShs3 million a year. I was able to afford this amount because while I may have been working for Ngabo and the Star, I was already freelancing for the BBC programme Focus On Africa, a monthly stipend with the Nairobi Standard newspaper, the weekly African Concord, then based in London, articles for the New African and Africa Now magazines. These paid me in foreign currency and I was easily able to transfer this in Uganda currency and afford such a house.
The money I was paid for my work as News Editor of The Star only paid for fuel for my car. At that time I remember I was one of only about four Ugandans journalists who made most of their earnings through foreign news organisations. We were all relatively well off compared to our fellow colleagues in Uganda.

The killing of Dr Kayiira completely turned my life around.I lost so much money in contracts I had captured with the foreign media. I have had to start my life all over again. The only positive I can take from my exiled life is the fact that I have educated myself to such a degree that I am in a very good position to understand why Africa is the way it is today. Had I been in Uganda all these past 23 years, I doubt whether I would have accumulated the kind of knowledge my poor and exiled life has enable me to achieve.

Throughout this period no one seems to have taken a step back and wondered how it feels to lose a close friend and read every day of your life conspiracy theories that you could have been part of the plot to kill him. No one has had the courage to come out and speak against these theories and no one has spared a thought about my dear wife who was the last person to see Dr Kayiira breathe his last breath. And no one seems to care what effects the killing of Dr Kayiira has had on my life and that of the immediate members of my family.

No one seems to question why some former senior ranking officers of the UFM have chosen to stay quiet and neither come out in my defence, nor speak out against me. No one has question why people like Francis Bwengye who was UFM Secretary General at first fled Uganda soon after Kayiira was killed and is now living comfortable in Kampala. No one has questioned the acceptance of ambassadorial posts by Dan Ssozi, a former close friend of Dr Kayiira. And while I have not stepped on the African continent for more than 23 years now, no one seems to question why so many have come to London and claimed asylum saying they had been Kayiira’s supporters and on getting their immigration status take the next plane back home.

When crimes are committed, the police usually look for a motive. Does anyone in their sane minds really believe that an ordinary journalist like me would have planned and carried out the killing of a leader of a guerrilla movement? I may be academically clever but I doubt whether I would have managed this assignment. It was a professional job done but professional killers. I have never been one. No one has taken much interest in comments made by a Uganda police dog handler who categorically stated that police dogs followed a scent from my house to lubiri barracks and inside, they found my wife’s handbag. Why has no onwe said anything aboyut this? What was my wife’s handbag doing at the end of the police dog scent inside Lubiri barracks? Am I wrong then in thinking that I have been purposely made a scape goat?

I hope I have given you guys something to think about and it is my prayer that you help me find who killed Kayiira. It is a job I intend to do as long as I am alive. It is a job that every peace loving Ugandan should be doing now. On his release from Luzira prison, Museveni told journalists in Kampala: “Kayiira may have been released by the courts. We in the NRA believe he was atttempting to overthrow the government. And we will follow him. If anyone is looking for a motive, shouldn’t they be starting here? And that is one reason I have refused to return to Uganda as I believe this can be done better while I am here. As long as the NRM is in power, Kayiira’s killers may never be brought to justice but as a historian I can only say that history repeats itself. The Museveni regime is here today. It will be gone tomorrow. And then, the search will resume on homeland.

This is the only and last time I will speak on this issue.

Regarding Ngabo Radio, I am happy to report that I will be presenting an English show every Saturday starting May 19, 2009. I am writing this while covering the G20 summit in the Excel Centre East London. I will be away for two weeks and will start the show on Saturday 19th. The show will be the English version of Tuula Twogere, the Luganda show I have been hosting for the last three weeks. We intend to bring on the show several important people to help us understand the problems we have in Uganda today. Ngabo Radio is for all Ugandans and not only for the Baganda. It may have started with Luganda but rest assured that we want each and every Ugandan tio feel free to participate in the shows as this is the only voice at the moment Ugandans have to voice their concerns with fear or favour, knowing that after the show, they will return to their homes without having to look over their shoulders wondering whether anyone is following them. So I urge you to join in by calling the show to say whatevere they want and let everyone know about the radio.

A luta continua!

Dr.Henry Gombya

Journalist/Ugandan residing in the UK

What do we know about Sam Kutesa

March 28, 2009 at 6:41 am (History, POLITICS)
Tags: Fred Guwedeko, katerega Ahmed

Kuteesa is an MP and Foreign Minister. He and Museveni were DP youth wingers and were in FRONASA in the seventies, and Kuteesa retreated to DP and Museveni proceeded to UPM and found themselves in NRM.

However some people dispute about Hon. Kuteesa being a FRONASA. They say that he was connected to the Amin Regime in the 1971-73 period and that he played a leading role in supporting the Amin regime to consolidate the revolution against what he termed as the remnants of UPC tyranny. Some of the statements of Sam Kuteesa as the Chairman of Mitchel Hall are in the Newspapers of the 1971-72 period and thus his true position at the time can be verified. There is a lot of un-verified but very credible information of State contacts between the Makerere students who supported Elly Karuhanga against Tumusiime Mutebile and the students who supported Amin against the 1972 guerillas from Tanzania. Hon. Sam Kuteesa falls in this category.

Meanwhile, Paulo Muwanga, Lutakome Kayiira, Evaristo Nyanzi, Anthony Wagaba Sekweyama, Maj. Fred Mpiso, are among the first people charged with treason under NRM government. They were however acquitted after a year.Nyanzi was a guest of honour at a DP Mobilisers anniversary at DP headquarters in 1991, he was too personal against Museveni. Nyanzi ended up in a federal rebel group under a then Mengo minister Duncan Kafeero, was charged with treason against, applied for amnesty and was pardoned. He is keeping a low profile, and very elderly.

Was Makerere Free To Demonstrate in the 1980s?

March 23, 2009 at 1:41 pm (Education, History, POLITICS)

1/8 Student demonstrations are a mode of political participation, just like insurrection, lobbying, insurgency, voting in an election, coup detat, sit down strikes, trade union petitions, violent protest, disengagement/exit etc. All those are actions that populations target at the political elite to make them defer to popular preferences.

2/8 Populations opt for any or a combination of those modes of participation depending on the circumstances. When one option is frustrated, others are tried. There were definitely varying degrees of those modes of political participation at different levels of Ugandan society (students inclusive) during Obote II.

3/8 If students were not demonstrating, what were they doing? Is it really true that Makerere Students were not dying? How many students deemed it unwise to go out on the streets to face, not the Police (because there was none), but the the “Special Forces”, instead opting to face the UNLA itself? How many UNLA/NASA/Special Force cordon and search operations took place in student halls of residence? How many lecturers died or run to exile?

4/8 If what matters is how many Makerere students died, then, let us know it: many students, primary/secondary school; undergraduates and postgraduates confronted the state, and multitudes perished at the hands of the security forces. This does not have to happen at a campus demonstration. There are also many students at the lower levels whose lives were disrupted to the point that demonstration was not even available as an option. Many died, many were orphaned, some like Robert were adopted not even by guerrillas, but by gorrillas…..see this link: (http://www.feralchildren.com/en/showchild.php?ch=robert)

5/8 There are several students who, as soon as they completed their final exams, walked straight from Makerere to “demonstrate” in arrears in the manner that the state understood best. They opted for insurgency because demonstrating in Wandegeya was as worthless as it was futile.

6/8 Some survived. In 1990, when the NRA allowed undergraduate students (who demonstrated and survived) to go back to Makerere, no less than 800 re-enlisted to complete their degree courses. No less than 1,500 went back to primary school….Kadogo School. For many years, each one of those was wanted dead or alive. Very many of their colleagues never lived to go back to complete their studies/courses, at places including Makerere which in their years in the 80s, were, as some of us would claim, the bastion of the freedom to demostrate.

7/8 It is hard to deny these realities without turning ourselves into callous cynics, harder even for those same ones of us that keep hollering about “truth and reconciliation”. It all amounts to dancing about on the graves of the unlamented.

8/8 The fact is, if Makerere did not bleed in the 1980s, it is because it was terminally anaemic.

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Otto Patrick

What happened to Hon. Luke Kazinja

March 22, 2009 at 3:21 pm (History, POLITICS)
Tags: Ahmed Katerega, sida juju

He vanished towards the end of January 1984 (on the 27th to be precise) after his home was invaded by a platoon of UNLAs.

Former DP MP for Rakai North,Luke, later became an editor in The Star newspaper. He survived narrowly by the killing squad of Chris Rwakasisi, run to the bush and ended up in FEDEMU. His crime was defending Ugandan Banyarwanda and Rwandese refuges whom Obote ll was chasing. By the way Internal Affairs Minister Luwuliza Kirunda was on his side.

Conspiracy is something you cannot defend some body because you don’t know what s/he does in darkness. But Kayinja’s clash with Rwakaisisi over chasing away Ugandan Banyarwanda and Rwandese refuges was in parliament. Luwuliza Kirunda defended him. He also told me that all the years he was in FEDEMU, he had discovered that Kasirye Gwanga was a mole for NRA and one time he wanted to smuggle him out of FEDEMU. “he used to tell me that with my intellectual calibre l should not be in FEDEMU but in NRA,” he told me. He however feared that Kasirye was just spying on him. Pole Mukiibi is arround and always deliver memorial lectures on Kayiira’s annual days.

Luka kazinja used to hide boys like, Semugoma, Setabi Mayiga and others who were in Aban task force. Infact those day there was another old Man who was known by his nick name Kubo, in full Kubolyebukwanga- who happen to be in problem with Rwasisi boys at th same problem with Luka Kazinja. For your information there was no munyarwanda among these boys. When UPC atacked kubo’s home at Buloba he went to join FEDEMU with two young men, I think one was his son.

Kazinja was a nice man and a coward as he failed to say something when some thugs in the movement wanted to kill commissioner Kalisoliso. Kazinja loved his country but found himself on wrong team. Anyways that’s history hope people learn from the past. Kazinja and Kivejinja were right to fear Kasirye Gwanga. Kasirye was like weather and still is. That’s why when he reported in NRA at 7th Battalion HQ in Mityana Buye he was placed at kandoya until Salim Saleh came to his rescue. Gwanga is a funny guy and when I read about him in Byendabye mbilabye I laugh. Gwanga, Late Amurani Lulangala, late walusansa Kasansula, and Tomosange his brother in law used to know each other.

Immediately after NRM/NRA take over, Kazinja was appointed political assistant to Minister of Commerce Evaristo Nyanzi. This was after he had briefly worked on the Censorship committee in the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the Okellos Military Junta. When Nyanzi was arrested and charged with treason, that was the end of Kazinja’s political career. He ended up editing The Star newspaper where John Kakande, New Vision News Editor, was News Editor assisted by Richard Mutumba, until recently Daily Monitor’s Deputy News Editor.

Ahmed Katerega/Sijja juju

UAH forumists

Possible looting after Museveni

March 8, 2009 at 10:57 pm (History, POLITICS)
Tags: mulindwa Edward

Dear Ugandans,

Politics is always local politics. Now that Aisha Kabanda, fomer presidential aide, expressed all those good things that have happened in her area while writing on the UAH forum, how many Ugandans can stand up and state that they have received a half of such from this government? It would be very good if Aisha Kabanda give me an example of such a Ugandan especially in Northern and Eastern Uganda. What scares many of us especially the Ugandans out of Uganda is such an imbalance of services, for now Aisa have managed to put those services to her home and the next home is not attended to. I do not know how old Aisha Kabanda is but there was one time a leader called Iddi Amin, and he delivered these services in such a manner, he never had a national policy, so it was very important for you to live in Bombo to access the services of even basic service as a Republic Express bus.

At Amin’s departure we had an angry population which turned into a mob and looted all these services that in a single month, there was no single Republic Express Bus to be seen in a state of Uganda. Men like Maliyamungu, Abiriga, No Parking, Alli Towilli, Kemis Safi, Dustman Sabuni that had built mansions for themselves in Uganda, they were left empty in a single week. Bombo that had expanded to almost a level of Kampala was so looted that they ended up even looting the tiles off the roofs. The operative car at a time was Honda Civic and Honda Accord, those were littered all over Bombo Gulu Arua road that they lost value. And all this was a direct result of Amin’s failure to create a national program to the state, and I say this for when Obote one and two was thrown out of power, there was no looting, for Obote had a national program.

Aisha Kabanda did not have to work in a president’s office to get electricity or a health center, it was her right as long as she was a Ugandan. I am great that either her or he father have managed to receive these things, but Aisha what about tomorrow? Has Aisha Kabanda ever sat in her good office and reflected at a picture of what will happen to her home village when this government leaves power? Will that power line remain functioning? Will that health center have an Aspirin after Museveni has left office, after she has lost that job and after her dad has moved on? I guess what I am pointing at is has Aisha Kabanda built those services on her village due to a national policy or because of who she is? And I guess I am not pointing at only Aisha Kabanda but as any Ugandan that have made any development in your locale. How do those developments click into the national massive plan?

In Eastern and Northern Uganda, we have Ugandans that have been deprived basic services as basic as food on the table or a roof on their head. Suppose one of them becomes a next leader of Uganda after YKM which is a very possibility, will those services remain functioning? After Amin’s departure, a British reporter wrote a report that Ugandans need 5 hours to loot a city of London naked. At a time the population of Uganda was I bet half of what it has today, but we had not made it a government policy to turn the population into maniacs as the Movement has done. Had this British written this report based on the population we have in Uganda today, I think the time span would have been narrowed into a single hour. Ugandans, isn’t it better to build these services based on a national plan?

Again just asking !!

EM
Toronto

The truth about Amin and Acholis at Bulange

February 28, 2009 at 11:59 pm (History, KINGDOMS)
Tags: Jonny Rubin Byaruhanga

I don’t know who told some Ugandans that the Police, Army and Prisons Officers were gathered at today’s Bulange by Amin however, whoever it is might have been told by someone else who had exaggerated the story. In other words, The story is false.

In 1977 all units of the Uganda Army, Uganda Air Force including the Military Police, with an exception of the General Headquarters of the Uganda Armed Forces received an order from the Command Post issued by President Amin himself that the Acholi and Langi had to be killed. It was nolonger a secret as military trucks and buses kept bringing the widows and their children to the Uganda Transport Company (UTC) Bus parks. Many widows and their children from the Western and Central Regions were left at the Kampala UTC Bus park, near Nakivubo to take buses to Gulu or Kitgum. I was at the General Headquarters Uganda Armed Forces, ” The Republic House”, as it was known then. It is the Bulange of the Kingdom of Buganda today. The order was ”Top Secret”, so that even the General Headquarters and its Intelligence personel were left in ” darkness’.

I was personally shocked when one evening I passed by the UTC park place in Kampala. This I did because I had received a phone call from a very close friend who was with the 2nd. Paratroopers Battalion in Fort Portal. The friend had told me about the killings and that the women and their children were being transported to Kampala. At my arrival at the UTC park, the place was overcrowded by women and children. I could easily notice that these were either Acholi or Langi. While looking around, I recognized a Sergeant Okello of the 2nd. Para. Battalion trying to get away.

I quickly followed him where he was trying to hide. He later told me that he was actually trying to hide from me. He told me that he was heading for Gulu, but the UTC officials had announced that the bus to Gulu would be available the following morning. Realizing that he was hungry, scared and unsure to get the bus to Gulu, let alone being recognized as an Acholi deserter by the State Research Bureau ( SRB ) agents who might have killed him with minimum delay, I took him to the Army Sports Club (formally known as Lohana Club). I had a room which I used as my dressing room whenever I went for boxing or volley ball practice. I instructed the chief cook (a civilian) to bring some food to my room, which he did and Sergeant Okello ate and slept in my dressing room. I instucted him not to open the door for anyone and promised him that I would personally take him to the UTC park the following morning. Before I left him he told me a lot which I verified with other colleague from his Battalion. The following morning, I came and the Chief Cook brought some breakfast to Sgt.Okello, after which I took him to the Bus park where he boarded the bus to Gulu. I met him at the ” Bulange” after Amin’s fall.
In the same year, 1977 after the killings of the Acholi and Langi, as I mentioned above, all the Officers and Men of the General Headquarters were summoned for a ” Briefing ” by the General Staff Officer, in – charge of Training and Operations, Brig. General Isaac Maliyamungu and the Commandant of the General Headquarters, Uganda Armed Forces, Lt. Colonel Pangarasio Onek. Brig. Gen. Maliyamungu said that he was surprised by the cowardice of the Acholi and Langi Officers and men who came to work, but simply diappeared before time, or sometimes came late and left before time. Lt. Colonel Pangarasio Onek turned and saluted saying, ”Iko watu wanachomachoma ao chindano kwa matako yao.” ( in a better translation, ”There are people who are scaring them.” )

At that moment Brig. Gen. Maliyamungu told the Acholi and Langi Officers and Men to name without fear anyone who has scared them. Maliyamungu promised to ”deal” with such a person whether he is an Officer or not. He instructed Captain Taban, the Adjutant of the General H/Qs UAF to write down all the names mentioned. Some hands were already up, most likely to name those responsible. One soldier was picked, stood up and saluted. The moment he started to speak, Brig. Gen. Maliyamungu instructed the soldier to sit. Maliyamungu said that some Acholi and Langi would be scared to talk in the presence of other tribes. At that juncture, he ordered all Officers and Men from other tribes to vacate the room. He again said that the Acholi and Langi must talk freely and name anyone responsible for their fear. At that moment I sensed danger. I told those seated near me, ” Let’s get out, you are not politicians.” Those who remained behind were overwhelmed by the troops who were hiding, but entered after we had vacated the room. We could hear them screaming. Lt. Colonel Pangarasio was not harmed. One of the soldiers who heeded my call to vacate the room was Sergeant Ouma, who later became one of the Body Guards of Brig. General David Oyite Ojok. He also saved my life when I was supposed to be murdered, that I was a ” Museveni Guerrilla.”

By the time Idi Amin took power in 1971, Dr, A. Milton Obote was very unpopular, but the Armed Forces, Police and Prison Services had a very large number of Officers from the Acholi and Langi. If the killings you mentioned occured to the Acholi and Langi Officers stationed around Kampala area, I think those stationed upcountry would have known, the consequence of which would have been a mutiny that would have collapsed the government. What I think happened, was that the Acholi and Langi officers and men were systematically picked from many army, police, prisons’ barracks and murdered. Those who survived the 1971 killing believed that those killed were Dr. Obote’s loyalists. I was at Kamuli College Namasagali at the time and many people were killed there and thrown in the River Nile. The Army Officers came to our college in the evenings and told us to walk quietly from our night preps (classes) to the dormitories. We were told by the Officers that the Army would be conducting military exercises and that we should not be alarmed. Later in the night, we heard gun fire that lasted about an hour. That happened on several occasions. The College dining room was situated close to the River Nile and we could see very clearly across the Nile to Bugerere side. The following morning from the supposedly military exercise, we were shocked to see many dead bodies floating on the Nile. Most of them were dressed in military uniform. As some dead bodies were stuck close to the dining room, some members of our College Staff used the school boat to push them across the river to the Bugerere side.
I am not saying for sure that Ugandans told about this did not happen, but the probability seems doubtful, as many Langi and Acholi, especially Acholi remained in their posts until years later. Many who were convinced that they had nothing to do with the deposed President Obote did not run into exile, and that’s why upon his return to power in 1980, Dr. Obote did not trust the Acholi. That was very clear when Brig. General David Oyite Ojok died and could not be replaced by any of the most high ranking Acholi officers

With this, I hope that more people who know the truth about what transpired during and after Idi Amin’s rule should come forward and let us know. It is only the knowledge of the truth that will heal our hearts.
May God Bless Uganda.

Byaruhanga, Jonny Rubin.

former UPDF Officer/residing in Europe

AKENDA OR KAKAAGA?: IS IT 9,000 or 6,701 Sq Miles?

February 24, 2009 at 6:43 pm (History, POLITICS)
Tags: L/Cpl (rtd) Otto Patrick

1 The areas of Buganda as spelt out in the 1900 agreement was assumed to be 19,600 Sq Miles. This estimate was made by the UK War Office, intelligence section. Article 15 of the agreement states: “Assuming the area of Buganda amounts to 19,600 square miles, it shall be divided in the following proportion: Forests 1,500, Her Majesty’s Government under the control of Uganda administration 9,000, His Highness the Kabaka of Uganda 350, Namasole(the King’s mother) 16, mother of Mwanga 10, Princes(Abalangira) 32, Ab’amasaza(County Chiefs) 160, Official estates attached to the posts of the Ab’amasaza 160, the regents each got 32 totaling 96, Mbogo family 24, Kamuswaga of Koki 20, one thousand chiefs 8,000, Christian churches 92, Government stations i.e Kampala, Entebbe, Masaka, Mubende and Njeru, 50.”

2 The same article 15 of the same agreement further notes…and this is the important point: “After a careful survey has been made, if the total found to be less than 19,600sqm then that portion (9000) of the country to be vested in Her Majesty’s Government shall be reduced in the extent by the deficiency found to exist in the estimated area,”

3 The survey was started two years after the 1900 agreement, the year of handover of Buganda from the War Office to the Colonial Office. The survey was interrupted by WWI and finally completed in 1937. The surveyors, Sergeant Major.E.Vaughn, assisted by WV. Morris found out that, the actual are of Buganda was 17,301 sq miles.

4 Therefore the actual area of Buganda fell short of the estimate by 2,229 Sq Miles (19,600-17,301=2,229). According to that same 1900 agreement, that shortfall was to be deducted from the 9,000 sq Miles, the famous

5 in addition to the above facts on “Akenda”, it may not be even as much as “Akakaaga” (6,701 Sq Miles) but rather, “Nkumi nnya” (4, 227 Sq Miles).

6 The 17,301 Sq Miles included swamps. When they were deducted, the land area left is 16,138 Sq Miles.

7 Therefore the shortfall to be deducted from the 9,000 according to Article 15 of the 1900 agreement became 3,462 Sq Miles (19,600-16,138). The Akenda then became 5,538 Sq Miles .

8 When Buyaga and Bugangaizi reverted to Bunyoro after the 1964 referendum, Crown Land in Buganda was further reduced by 667 Sq miles, therefore leaving 4,871 Sq Miles.

9 When Ranching Schemes were established in Buruli, Masaka and Singo, crown land was further slashed by 644 Square miles, therefore reducing “Akenda” further to 4,227 Sq Miles.

L/Cpl (rtd) Otto Patrick

(link to the agreement: http://www.buganda.com/buga1900.htm)

Buganda had no negotiators during colonialism

February 19, 2009 at 1:07 am (History)
Tags: L/Cpl (rtd) Otto Patrick

1/8 The language that was used by the colonial administrators in relation to the Kabaka of Buganda, in this case Kabaka Mutesa II was “interview”, “summon the Kabaka and educate him”, “bring the Kabaka to his senses”, “acceptance of decisions of future co-operation”, “if he refuses to comply”, “in the interview I shall require the Kabaka”….etc. All those are quotations from a memorandum by the British Colonial secretary, Oliver Lyttelton around the 1953 crisis which as you very well know culminated in the Kabaka being shut out of Buganda.

2/8 Alternatively, let us look back at some years earlier at the situation of Kabaka Mutesa II’s grandfather, Kabaka Mwanga, following the events of 24 Jan 1892 when a Catholic shot and killed a Protestant at Mengo, all in self-defence. Kabaka Mwanga (himself a Catholic) tried the culprit and duly acquitted him. Capt. Lugard demanded that the catholic be handed to him for trial and execution. Kabaka Mwanga rightly deemed that to be an infringement on his authority and he refused Lugard’s orders. Lugard immediately issued rifles to Protestants, deployed his Sudanese troops with two Maxim guns and by the time the “negotiation” dust settled, the Kabaka with his Catholic followers were out of Mengo, on to Bulingugwe Island at the mouth of Murchison Bay, where they were flushed out, running on to Bukoba. Buganda negotiators! What negotiation was that? Of course you know how Kabaka Muwanga’s reign eventually ended in 1897. Negotiation?

3/8: Bottom line, there was no question of negotiation! For anyone to think otherwise is to be deluded, and is to harbour false loyalty to Buganda; and an impression of non-existent glory. That cannot help us, you and I, to grow up.

4/8 Am also not aware that Buganda affairs were addressed in the British Foreign Office and not Colonial Office , particularly because it was not the case. The fact is that, the affairs of Buganda were formally passed on to the Colonial Office in 1902, and not because they were up to that time in the hands of the Foreign Office, but because they were in the hands of the War Office: Buganda was still being ‘pacified’.

5/8 The 1900 agreement that set the terms of the relations between Buganda and Britain clearly states under Article 3, that, Buganda “shall rank as a Province of equal rank with any other provices into which the Protectorate shall be divided” In other words, Buganda was a province (just like Karamoja) and not a country to be related with through the Foreign Office.

6/8 In fact the 1953 crisis was precipitated by Kabaka Mutesa’s (deluded) insistence that Buganda should be moved from the colonial office to the Foreign office, and immediately granted independence. If it was “for quite a long time” as you are saying under the Foreign Office, then what was the Kabaka demanding for?

7/8 I am sure Buganda historians have heard about the letter that Kabaka Mutesa wrote on 6th August 1953 in reaction to the Colonial Secretary’s mention of the possibility of an East Africa Federation. In that letter, Kabaka Mutesa made three demands, namely, that, there would never be a federation of East African territories, second, that Buganda affairs be transferred to the Foreign Office from the Colonial Office, third, that Buganda be given independence. That was a violation of Article 6 of the 1900 “agreement” (really 1900 Undertaking by Buganda to be good boys!)….see the ‘agreement’ at this link: http://www.buganda.com/buga1900..htm.

8/8 Yes, there was a difference between the British Foreign Office and Colonial Office. I am sure Buganda historians also know it now particularly as it relates to Buganda’s history. The difference between those two offices is what caused the 1953 crisis, when Kabaka Mutesa wanted to negotiate, and the other party wanted to interview, give orders, and if necessary, fight it out. Very clearly, Buganda negotiators if there were any, were hapless, hopeless and jobless.

Comparison between 1953 and 1966 Buganda crisis

February 15, 2009 at 12:22 pm (History, KINGDOMS)
Tags: L/Cpl (rtd) Otto Patrick

1/7 If you chanced to access a Top Secret memorandum C. (53) 324 written by the British Secretary of State (Minister) for the colonies to the British cabinet on 18th November 1953, you would learn that HM EF Mutesa II had very few options when he was summoned by Andrew Cohen for interview.

2/7 The governor (Cohen) already had instructions to ensure that Kabaka Mutesa complied with instructions to leve the country. The memorandum stated that, “If the Kabaka refuses to come to this country to see me then I propose to authorize the Governor to put into operation the plan described in paragraph 6 above.”

3/7 Para 6 of the memorandum was a detailed military plan (referred to by Secretary Lyttleton as “extreme action”) that was supposed to be executed from the day of the Kabaka Mutesa/Governor Cohen meeting (30.11.1953) to 8.12.1953.

4/7 Note that on 16th November 1953 4th Battalion K.A.R started moving back to Jinja from Kenya ready for military operations in Buganda “in support of the police” to carry out what the memorandum called a coup d’etat had the Kabaka tried to

“…embark on an open trial of strength with Her Majesty’s Government.”

5/7 That “Top Secret” memorandum in part states that, “General Erskine has agreed to make available one battalion of the King’s African Rifles which is now moving into Uganda ostensibly as a routine transfer. He has also agreed to have a reserve battalion on standing by at three days’ notice but if this or any further reinforcements were called upon he might have to ask additional assistance from the United Kingdom.”

6/7 So then, Kabaka Mutesa was alot wiser than you can possibly imagine, by avoiding any childish action of the type that you call “Terrance Hill”. Had he tried, he would probably have been subjected to an emotional experience that would have denied him the chance to see 1966, itself a continuation of the 1953 intransigence.

7/7 The difference between 1966 and 1953 was, that Governor Cohen had alot more manoeuvrability than AM Obote, otherwise the basic plan was the same. Cohen had plan A and B. Plan A worked and that saved the day. AM had only Plan A, namely, Cohen’s Plan B, a Zero sum game. I see UPC supporters somewhere (with the usual opportunism) saying that Cohen was outrageous. I think what they(upc supporters) really mean is that, Cohen should have put into play Plan B (the one to that should have been executed by General Erskine…the extreme action…it would have saved the UPC the 1966 entanglements…that is what Mr Ochieno probably means).

L/Cpl (rtd) Otto Patrick

Mutesa 1 displays patience & wisdom at his 1953 deportation order

February 15, 2009 at 12:15 pm (History, KINGDOMS)
Tags: Robert Nviri

On 30th Nov 1953, when the Governor Sir Andrew Cohen surmoned Sir Edward Muteesa to Government House in Entebbe, after Sir Edward refused to budge from the numerous threats made towards him, Sir Cohen handed him the deportation order. Without looking at it, Sir Edward passed it over to his Katikkiro, Owek. Paulo Kavuma, and kept on staring at the Governor. He (Sir Edward) just calmly asked them, “Does this mean that I am under arrest?” The Governor hissed out, “Yes”. Two white constables then walked in to take away the Kabaka. He then allowed them to walk him out of the office. Upon reaching outside, his deputy ADC, Robert Ntambi (RIP) being concerned over the safety of his Kabaka asked him, “Ssebo, nkube?”, meaning “Sir, should I shoot the bastards?” Sir Edward being the Royal and British trained military personnel he was, replied calmly with wisdom and guidance, “Tokuba, baleke” meaning “Just let the poor souls be!”

Please note that Sir Edward himself was armed with a revolver which he later handed over to the accompanying British officer in the aeroplane when they were already airborne, and could have done a Terrance Hill to those two poor souls, but he couldn’t kill an innocent man. And lo, some Baganda bashers and haters spew lies on this forum of how Sir Edward killed innocent Banyoro in Karuguza, my foot!

Actually, Sir Edward was not only a British trained military officer, but was an instructor himself in the Grenadier Guards. As one might guess, British Army is not some taka taka African army where some officer might be made an instructor simply because of some top connections. Sir Edward was worthy his pips and medals and so, had to make the right decision at the right time after weighing a situation that deserves a split of a second action.

Sir Edward though still a minor, had the advantage of receiving lectures from his father; the late Sir Daudi Ccwa II. It was not just by chance that he was made the 35th Kabaka of Buganda. The British had tried to do the same to Sir Daudi Ccwa II, himself also a trained British Officer, but he was much wiser for them also. The Cohen Plan “B” was to be executed in the beginning of November 1939 (Note the coincidence of the month of November) by the then Governor, Sir Philip Mitchell, but due to the failing health of the Ssabasajja, the British thought it unwise in Military Strategic terms, to appear to be antagonising a sickly man (equivalent of shooting a defenceless man in the back). They instead banked on ‘terrorizing’ the next of kin. Unfortunately for them, the next of kin was even more tough a nut to crack than Sir Daudi Ccwa II.

When I tell some Ugandans that Sir Edward’s resistance to the British gave a booster shot in the arm of the Mau Mau, they cant comprehend that history. You see, sometimes we just cannot write the whole thing down here on the forum for theUgandans to understand everything.

Robert Nviri

Respectable Buganda Nationalist

Who started ‘Panda Gari’ and ‘Akandoya’ in Uganda

February 13, 2009 at 5:39 pm (CULTURE, History, KINGDOMS)
Tags: Robert Nviri

1. Panda Gari was not started by Museveni or when Museveni was in Obote II government. Panda Gari was started in around March 1981 when Museveni and his 27 chaps had already gone to the Bush. This I know very well, and I have already posted it on this forum before.

In a nut shell, Panda Gari was a brain child of some security UPC zealots who failed to comprehend the tactics of guerilla warfare. They adopted the late Gen. Pinochet of Chile style of fighting guerillas and armed opposition. So, when the UFM attacked the Lubiri barracks sometime around March 1981, positioning their Mortars on Lubaga Hill near the Cathedral, in both humiliation mixed with shame and anger, UPC military wing decided to round up inhabitants of Lubaga and Makindye divisions with the hope of antagonising them into submission or scaring away the ‘bandits’, as Obote and company used to refer to the guerillas. Later on, this Panda Gari (translated from the Swahili – Board the vehicle – you can see how difficult Swahili can be acceptable as a National Language in Uganda with such history of terror; we panda gari, towa saa, ka chini, lala chini, piga lisasi etc.) operations spread to other areas in Buganda and later western Uganda (after learning of Museveni’s involvement in guerilla warfare) with the infamous so-called Computer Men holding Computer print lists. it is a dreaded history that shall take long to be forgotten in Uganda, south of the Karuma.

The bus, Mpaawo Atalikaaba, Reg. number 01LA06 was brought into operation shortly after the removal of Bianisa in May 1980, but during that time it was used to ferry UNLA soldiers (mainly of Acholi and Langi origin – a fact that brought about a Radio Katwe terminology for the LA markings in the number plate to be substituted for Langi-Acholi; if you were in Kampala during that time as you claim, then you must have heard this Radio Katwe news) for deployment in the evenings in some selected few areas of Kampala and its environs. The first round up of human beings that this bus did was that of rowdy soldiers who had refused to stay in barracks’. This is when the UNLF govt under Muwanga and Museveni tried to show some seriousness with rowdy soldiers in Kampala, but as the election time drew closer, things went haywire and this exercise was abandoned. I keep wondering whysome Acholis keep mum on this fact, or it is also an Okello-Apello concoction?

2. Obote did not build Mulago hospital, like you have time and again posted those lies on this forum. Mulago hospital was built by the British Protectorate government before they relinquished power in 1962. Most of the monies that were used to build the hospital were British Taxpayers money. Mulago hospital was officially opened on 16th October, 1962 (one week after independence day) by the Duchess of Kent. Unless if you want to state that Obote is a custodian of the Aldina magic lamp such that he built Mulago hospital in a record period of one week.

3. Obote’s UPC started playing dirty already in 1964 when it started buying of opposition MPs (Bataringaya was a DP from Ankole and leader of opposition). In fact KY contemplated joining hands with DP to fight UPC but due to the foolish politics of religion by some Baganda of that time, this proved futile until DP was dilapidated of nearly all its members in parliament one by one; by way of crossing over to UPC.

Bw’ova ku byange ng’ogenda ku wangatto!

Nviiri

Mayiko Backs the Lango Development Plan

February 11, 2009 at 10:18 pm (History, KINGDOMS, POLITICS)
Tags: mayiko Makula

Well Hearing all this; the general public does not really know what was going on in Obote’s rigid regime as in, who was planning what and who really had the powers to cook killing ideas with or without Obote’s knowledge. Obote himself was seen by some tribes mates as a traitor for marrying a muganda, yet Obote himself claimed that he couldn’t have a master plan to exterminate his brothers in law the Baganda.

But we all know that Milton was too drunk with either power or whiskey to reprimand any one in his administration. Knowingly or unknowingly for him he was exactly where he wanted to be as in ” The only president fit to rule Uganda” and nothing moved him further in truth to act unless he was threatened to be ousted from power. I believe to this day wherever he is, the combination of these two alphanumerics “M7″ haunt him a lot, but not skulls from (Buganda), Luwero, Ssemuto, Kapeka nor Masuliita. For he, Obote and M7 both share the skull closet and one of them will claim the biggest acre in high shame or revolutionary empty airs, when we reach in heaven on that judgment day, its not over yet.

However in many operations like panda gari in many villages in Buganda, the hard experience was, Head of families & bigger sons were killed with no clear reason, Govt soldiers would come in force the doors open kill and walk out majestically without really taking much, police would come in the next day, and no particular investigations would take place, as in motive, it was as if police already knew what was going on, so they never asked much, we never read many of these incidents in major newspapers and we would wait for another day for something like that to happen again. My father was left for dead in one of these incidents, I was in boarding school so I was not around to see what really happened, but we had a step mum who was a practicng nurse working for Mulago Hopital and my father was shot and hummered with small hoes by Obote soldiers, He was rushed to mulago hospital wrapped in blankets to keep him warm, the joke was all my brothers and sisters got new blankets after my dad came home because they were all used to save his life. I do not think these murderes followed up on their victims after that to find out whether they really died, for they did not come back again, some people never died but survived as the example of my father. It was a public secret that this was a state sponsored operation.

The village is Bukoto next to Kamwokya or Ntinda depending on where you are coming from, ask for the family of the late Ssemwogere, one of his sons is in Police “Gerald Ssemwogere Ssekiwunga) now and you will know about other families who died or survived, if your research yields good results, I’ll be able to read my fathers name in your communication and we shall filter more possibilities of this state sponsored operations.

I pray that some one better tells us what was going on with these irresponsible state sponsored killings as so many orphans that I personally know came to be so, in operations like in this way long before AIDS clocked in to rob us with our loved ones though its also said that Obote kept quiet about AIDS since it was mainly in Buganda, Masaka Kyotera for its reported that the first cases of AIDS showed up during his era and many NRA soldiers who camped thru over there during the Luwero/M7 war are either dead of AIDS by now or renewing blood from time to time in Germany, ask around. Either way Obote was bad news for Buganda though M7 is now borrowing some tricks from him to destabilise Buganda. I still highly predict that M7 will not succeed to finish off Buganda, I hear he authorized the delay of the Land bill and his file is on Obama’s desk, it comes in next after the Americans have got their stimulus package.

Kadameri questions the Lango Development Plan

February 11, 2009 at 5:18 pm (History, POLITICS)
Tags: Billie Kadameri

I have done my research in the course of writing a book and I failed to find any evidence of the authenticity of the so-called Lango Development Master Plan. Even without trying to be an Obote apologist, I think the so-called LDMP was most likely a poorly done concoction by Amin’s cohorts in trying to justify what he was trying to do against Obote’s kinsmen in the aftermath of the 1971 coup.

You will note that within months of taking power he had removed the only Lango member of his cabinet Yekosafati Engur, whose only qualification for the job was that he was not buddy buddy with his tribesmate Obote. He was replaced by Henry Kyemba who later went on to become minister of health till 1977.

The only high ranking Langi to survive Amin were Kassim Obura Abak (Police, because he was Muslim), Lt Col Abednego Orech Okot (still alive who was director of the army band and of course Amin loved brass band people though he killed Ahmed Oduka but tolerated Orech Okot and Venansio Okello of police. Okello was Acholi.) I have never found out why Amin’s security tolerated Captain Smith Opon Acak until 1977 when he fled or Captain Egwar from Akokoro who stayed on until Amin was overthrown , joined the UNLA and was shot dead by fellow UNLA soldiers in Mbuya barracks in 1980.

But when anybody thinking Amin was after the Langi, to somewhat appear less brutal to Acholi was mistaken as you all know.

I have no evidence that the letter by the Acholi UNLA officer mentioned in New Africa magazine was genuine. However what I do know, with evidence of graying letters I manage to get in the course of my research, was that there was another type of letter that was circulating and being sent to only Acholi officers from around March 1985. Some people claimed the letter, written on duplicating paper, was by NASA trying to scare off some Acholi officers suspected to be working with Bazilio Okello to destabilise President Obote while others suspected it was from a third party wishing to sow discord among UNLA officers with the aim of making things difficult for government.

The copies I got in the course of my research were mailed to Lt. Richard Ochieng and Lt John Okot, both of UNLA Magamaga Ordnance Base Depot, Jinja. It read: “Dear Lt Okot, It has come to our knowledge that you are involved in a distardly machination to try and overthrow the government of Uganda through unconstitutional means. We take this opportunity to warn you to desist from such an act, the consequences of which will be too ghastly to contemplate. Signed. Concerned Ugandans.”

As I said, it was never clear who were behind this kind of communication but bearing in mind the poisoned atmosphere in the then national army, it could have been from anywhere.

This to help some of us who may not have known about such issues.

Cheers

Billie Kadameri

Journalist based in France

Letter to Col Samson Mande

February 10, 2009 at 7:48 am (History, POLITICS)
Tags: Herbert Buhanga

Col Mande

I have met you on a number of occassions but I have never asked you this question which bothers me everyday.You have narreted to us how bad M7 is and how he killed your Brother. But in 1987, NRA soldiers murdered UFM fighters in cold blood.

Many were picked from Mubende Barracks and taken to Lubiri, Kireka and other barracks from where they were tortured later on murdered.You Mande, Besigye, Muntu and others knew when these murders were being committed and all you did was to keep quiet.

UFM soldiers who were serving in Northern Uganda were locked up in a semi-trailer and suffocated. UFM/A Officers who were living in Bugoloobi flats were blind folded, tied three-piece( Kandoya) and then shot at a close range. One of theNRA soldiers who participated in these murders which took place in Bugoloobi is Jimmy Ateesa who you live with in Sweden.

Surely, why did you allow this to take place? Why did you only dessert M7 after he had started killing your relatives.Mande, You watched as Banyarwandas like Kagame, Rwigyema and Kaka were killing Baganda officers who had served in UFM/A. You even gave Paul Kagame a petty name ( Pilaato) because of his brutality against UFM soldiers has he hit them on the head with a short hoe at DMI.

I feel bad about what NRA did to Dr Andrew Kayiira and other UFM soldiers who were murdered for simply being Baganda.

You,Col Mande ,captured Gulu town during the liberation of Uganda. UFM/A captured Jinja, Mbale, and proceeded to Soroti via Kabera Maido. They joined Mande and supported him to flush out the UNLA in Gulu and when the guns went silent, your brigade(Col Mande’s brigade) turned against UFM/A and started shooting them as if they were not humans.

We need something new. Something different. We need the Obama of our own. What makes M7, Besigye, Muntu and company think that we can’t do without them.

We need a new charismatic person. We want Ogenga Latigo, Reagan Okumu, Betty Nambooze, Erias Lukwago and many others to come out and contest for the presidence.

Besigye, Muntu, M7, UPC etc must stand trial for murder.May the souls fo the UFM/A soldiers who were murdered by NRM/A rest in eternal peace.

RIP Andrew Kayiira.

Buhanga Herbert

Former UFM Soldier