The authoritarian nature of governance in Uganda will lead us back to war

We the people of Uganda are hereby registering our complaint and protest regarding the authoritarian style of governance with which the 23 year, sitting executive, is running the country with all the semaphores of an impending civil war.

We are vehemently protesting President Yoweri Museveni’s, intent of running the nation of Uganda in an authoritarian manner. He has broken away from all the promises he made to the people of Uganda, by encouraging a Mafioso style of governance of death and intimidation to prevail, buttressed by a muzzled media, while marching with a seemingly compromised and disturbingly coerced corps, which occupies all the other institutions of governance.

The new and old institutions are staffed with the desire to hamper needed checks and balances to the executive. We are immersed in a sea of corruption, extortion and selfishness, without regard or respect for voices of reason or dissent, reminiscent of the past dictatorial regimes, a terrible past from which we broke into civil wars that cost us life, money and precious time, we are heading for disaster.

We the people of Uganda feel besieged and we would like to register our complaint and protest before it is too late to both local and international friends.

Many Ugandans are worried by the bizarre administrative statements of policy that have emanated from the Ugandan state house and institutions of governance as directed by president Museveni.

Before any major shift in policy, the Uganda people are treated first to bizarre and inexplicable scary set of events.

As recently witnessed, before the passing of an unfair agrarian (land) reform bill, 29 young rioters were shot dead in Kampala and the surrounding suburbs in what appears as a staged conflict between two normally friendly allies Kayunga and Mengo. “Shoot to kill” was the order from the president. Many kids were randomly whisked away into Ugandan prisons, where they remain rotting up to today for raising their heads in protest of denying the king of Buganda passage to visit his own county of Kayunga.

Within weeks, the country was yet shocked by the grizzly murder of an internationally wanted key witness of the ICC, General kazini, in a bizarre and unbelievable set of circumstances. While the General was being snuffed, the life of our own vice president’s lawyer son, who had enlisted in the army, was simultaneously robbed away through what appears to be a staged accident.

Prior to that, the president had already threatened parliament, on an issue of procedure, by declaring to them that they could not issue ultimatums to his person, because he was a General.  These events, buttressed by the clamp down on media houses in total disregard of freedom of speech, constitution mandated rights, have ushered in new laws of governance which are meant to polarize an already disarrayed tribal polity.

We are now being subjected to redistricting schemes that serve no clear purpose or direction for improving the condition of the poor masses, except to divide and rule. A land bill just passed gives more rights to squatters than the landlords, while curbing the constitutional powers of rightful owners to claim revenue from oil and mineral resources found, it carries a hefty penalty on the landlords than the tenants if violated. Like the CBS clamp down it is clearly targeting the largest tribes in the nation, to bring them to their knees and take away their last holdings and hope of prosperity.

The besieged parliament is again ready to pass yet another ill conceived bill of a regional tier, despite repeated attempts and pleas by many who warn that it is another structure designed to beef up an already overwhelming ruling NRM party class, which is wrought with corruption and has failed to deliver services to the people effectively in the last 23 years.

The proposed structure is deemed unpopular and unwise by many Ugandans, like all recently passed legislation the majority NRM parliamentarians seem to have no interest in impact to communities or obtaining consensus. They seem to be primarily driven by corruption and greed, passing self serving laws to be only paid off through tokens of appreciation by the president. They fail to realize that they are aiding and abating the sell off of our national treasury.

There is no way of telling whether the other institutions are under siege as well by the way they have all remained unresponsive to many human rights and constitution violations that have occurred in the country.

Every bit of legislation and contract that has come out of government lately raises questions, of spirit and intent of the architects and whether it is authored to serve the interests of the majority of Ugandans.

We were recently shocked, when we learnt that the contracted Heritage oil company, was not only run by under world figures, but was selling its interest in Ugandan oil abroad without going through proper parliamentary procedure for approval. Selling off a chunk of our wealth without ever giving us a chance to buy shares through our own stock exchange!

We are deeply concerned that many transactions and contracts signed on with the international community are not going to be honored in the long run, because they are now being forged by an authoritarian regime, using self serving policies to separate Ugandans for all their wealth.

The largest tribe and their king feel so isolated by the president and many of its critical thinkers see no other way out except to break away and seek new paths to self determination.

Tendo Kaluma

Ugandan in Boston

DEATHS PER WEEK IN ACHOLI IDP CAMPS: 220 OR 1,000 ?

Dear readers,

Some people say that 1,000 people were dying in the IDP camps per day?  For about 10 years? This works out as 1,000 x 365 x 10 years…..3,650,000 souls!

They sometimes say 1,000 were dying per week for at least 10 years: 1,000 x 52 x 10 years…..520,000 souls!  And this is for a camp population that at highest was, according to the WFP, 57,000.

Let us now briefly step into the world of reality. I have with me a 2005 letter from the LC3 chairman of Atiak the county in Gulu that had some of the most dangerous IDP camps (…remember Barlonyo?).  In the letter , that chairman, Odong William George reported the deaths in the 14 Atiak IDP camps for the period 1-15 September 2005, i.e., 2 weeks, at 54 persons.  In other words, the weekly mortality rate was 27 persons.

As you may know, Gulu, Kitgum and Pader had 114 IDP camps.  If 27 persons died per week in 14 camps with the most adverse living and physical safety conditions, one can infer that on average about 220 persons died in all the 114 in Acholi region per week.  So, where did these people get their figure of 1,000 per week from (or 1,000 per day)?

The 10 years is the period over which the people of central Northern Uganda saw themselves being confined to IDP camps.  In fact one can even get it from the speech by their wonderful Dr Adam Branch…who refers to 1996 as the time when the camp policy was instituted.  Indeed they said that 1,000 people were dying per week, after being prompted to retract an earlier claim that those many people were dying per day.

They say they prefer Dr Adam Branch’s data to Mr Odong GW’s data…, and who in his wonderful paper refers to the Acholi as “our fellow citizens…”.  Yes. Dr Branch gives the figure of 1,000 and I wonder whether he remembers where he got it from, a source that actually stated that the Acholi region was experiencing a Crude Death Rate (CMR) of 1 person per 1,000 per week, which he and the rest of you then flew off with in the fantasy of 1,000 per week (or per day when our propensity for adding binzali takes the better of us).

One george Okello(UAH forumist working with IMF) remarked that “But even if I take your figure of 220 deaths per week in the whole of Acholi, is this not so repugnant to human sensibility?” is quite predictable.  Then why doesn’t he just say that many people have died in Acholi, instead of confidently bandying around 1,000; whose source you do not tell us and over which you vacillate, as per day, and later, per week?

Okello also said , “..playing games with figures…”: who is playing games with figures? ….is he the one who the other day was saying that the for the NRA to be a people’s army, it should have have had 98% Baganda in its Luwero days? What was his response when he was informed that Buganda has only about 54.9% Baganda?

Anyway, I have included here the picture of the wonderful Dr Adam Branch whose hot air of a speech is what they authoritatively refer us to…….

 

Adam Branch

 

Otto Patrick

President Museveni is blinded by nepotism and religious traditions

Hello Ugandans at heart,

Greetings and thank you for all your messages and interest in the development of Uganda. I completely agree with your views. It is sad
that many Ugandan graduates lack the necessary skills to employ
themselves or form corporation to provide employment for themselves
and their friends.

If you wish to know my ideas on education and development for Uganda, check Google and find my posting on “RURAL EDUCATION FOR AFRICAN
DEVELOPMENT.” It covers social, economic, political and educational
theories and pragmatic policies for education and development. Read it
and then, we can continue the discussion further.

Keep up the good work. Socrates was executed because his was considered too radical in teachings. So we have to learn to communicate to power the new ideas in ways in which they can accept them and implement them. Jim Muhwezi is too corrupt to think about the good of the Nation. President Museveni is blinded by nepotism and religious traditions that hinder his advancement of the non-Bahima and Catholics.

The intellectuals have no power to impose their theories on the Nation. This is why we need to educate the masses and persuade people like Prof. Apolo Nsibambi and Bukenya to see that the welfare of their families is tied together with the fate of the Nation as a whole and persuade them to implement our pragmatic policies and theories of development.

We learned through President Idi Amin’s “reign of terror” that the professions and other intellectuals were powerless to lead the Nation, when their were idiots for leader, whose power of the gun was considered more reliable way to govern the Nation than to follow the intellectual guidance of the professors and theorists.

Plato’s concept of the Philosopher King, in his Republic is a more ideal model for many semi-illiterate African nations. We had hoped the Obote and Museveni would be such leaders. But only Julius Nyerere seemed to have managed to do that for Tanzania.

Corruption is an economic, political, moral and societal cancer that eats up the society and finally destroys it, in the same way cancer kills its victims! President Museveni had a unique opportunity to establish a clean Government, but he appointed his corrupt friends and relatives to head ministries for which they were unqualified! We need a new method of cleansing the Nation of the prevailing culture of nepotism, corruption/theft and violence.

I will be waiting to hear your ideas and methods of liberating Uganda
from these moral, economic, political and societal evils!

Thank you.

Prof. Emmanuel K. Twesigye

UAH forumist

Alleged Marginalisation of the North is a Myth!

Dear fellow northerners,

You mean Northern Uganda was marginalised even when Obote I was in power? Was it more marginialised that any areas of Uganda when Amin – a northerner himself was in power? Was it more marginalised when Obote II was regining? How many northerners were controlling the state apparutus e.g. the Army, Police, Security and Political offices during Obote I &II? What about the brief Tito Okello era – was northern Uganda more marginalised?

Who is marginalising the north?

Why is the so called marginalisation of the north only an issue when northerners are no longer dominant in the state machinery? Why didn’t the northern rulers of Uganda use the power they had to reverse the so called marginalisation????

How much more marginalised is northern Uganda compared to say the east, Karamoja, Busoga and even Buruli in Buganda? etc Isn’t it true that most of Uganda is marginalised by lack of development just like the north? Isn’t true that Kony’s war could probably have deeped the socalled marginalisation of northern Uganda?

Is northern Uganda equal and synonimous with Acholi only? How should the so called northern Uganda marginalistion be addressed? By chasing away investors like Madhavani?

So Joseph Kony was/is a messenger of northern Uganda to end marginalisation? What a messenger!!!!??? Why bemoan the return of peace to northern Uganda? Why deny the fact that Kony has been defeated and will never again fight the “marginalisation” of northern Uganda the way he has been doing? Atleast not from Darfur and CAR!!

My take: the ruse of the so called marginalisation of northern is simply being perpetuated by tribally inclined individuals who are moaning the fact that their own tribe/region has lost the dominant control of the state of Uganda to another tribe/region. It is a cry for power which is too common nowadays!! Every tribe – see Mengo for example – is fighting to dominate Uganda by attempting to go back to the dark past!!! Are Africans atavastic as colonial anthropologists once opined? I think so!!!

To the proponents of the northern marginalisation theory: will the marginsalisation of the norther uganda end when a northerner is securely nestled in State House?????????????????????????!

Peter Okello,

Kampala

A letter to Kiiza Besigye after the Karamoja tour

I wish to make an appeal to RTD (Col) Dr. Kizza Besigye to stop campaigns for FDC and embark on joint campaigns; agreements; and strategies which will see the Inter Party Cooperation (IPC) in power after the 2011 elections.  We have so many mistakes done and should learn from them.  For instance the Doctor ought to understand that having people who can handle the military in case President Museveni got relieved of the Presidency is the biggest problem which needs right strategies done early.  We have to learn from the likes of Moshi Spirit which were not on firm ground.  The time is now.  Ugandans are aware of the countries which were behind Uganda by Independence, today because of bad leadership we are nearly the leader in whatever is bad that is corruption; name it.

 

Dr. Kizza Sir, can you kindly concentrate on:

  1. A strategy not of who becomes Presidential candidate for the IPC, but having the binding document which will seal the deal for the cooperation or coalition whatever it may be called.
  2. A strategy on how the constituencies will be shared by the IPC member candidates and ensure understanding on fielding a single IPC candidate in all the constituencies.
  3. A strategy to see that the IPC takes all possible LC V Chairmen seats.
  4. A strategy to see that all possible LC III Chairpersons are from the IPC.

 

The above when done early enough can ensure Uganda of a change that my be fruitful.  Secondly, it is clear that getting to understanding on many of these is likely not to be that easy as individuals will be interested in contesting for the positions of their interest but in national interest; need to be convinced to help the change to take place.

 

Dr Besigye and other Opposition party leaders ought to realize the problem of the NRM infrastructure and that not a single party can help the country change, we need cooperation and sacrifice to do away with the NRM which is determined to get many of us to stone age times as a few make it.

 

Willy Kituuka

NRM has not given enough political cake to Muslims

In Uganda, we have seven constitutional offices: President, Vice President, Speaker, Chief Justice, Deputy Speaker, Deputy Chief Justice and Prime Minister. None of those offices is occupied by a Muslim or has ever been occupied by a Muslim since NRM came to power. Al Haji Moses Kigongo was a deputy speaker, and Moses Ali only stopped as First Deputy Premier. If that is what we can got, here Kivejinja is and where Abu mayanja was, it is a consolation. I can support ejection of Kivejinja if l am assured of another Muslim replacing him, or even being appoiinted to a real constitutional office. We cherish and support so much this system, but as it was in the past, even at Mmengo, we are branded uneducated, Amin’s men, terrorists, ADF etc…Yet Kony is a Catholic fundamentalist, Lakwena was a Christian, Peter Otai, William Omaria ,Amon Bazira , Duncan Kafeero etc..But only Jamil Mukulu, Juma Oris and Ali Bamuze leads to a general suspicion of a community. But we are recovering from it.

The late Prof. Yusuf Lule was forced to abandon Islam and embrace Protestantism in order to get admitted at kings College Buddo. He was a Christian convert.

l and you don’t attend cabinet meetings, NRM Historicals and others. But KK played a role in establishing IUIU. He is a Muslim revolutionary socialist oriented. He is not a tribalist . He is not sectarian. He may be a poor performer in one way or another, but l can not advocate that he is replaced by another unless l am assured that there will be another Muslim in cabinet. Cabinet is very important in Uganda and it has to be national in character, not in terms of regional and tribal representation, but also in other areas like religion.

For Muslims, after Christians betrayed them and allied with “pagans” during the religious war, they condemned them all as infidels or pagans. So Muslims refer to their Christian brothers and sisters as kaffirs. While men could marry “kaffir’s” daughters, Muslim girls were not allowed to Christian men. Any that is how marriage is treated in Islam. But grading Catholics and Protestants among “pagans” was very bad. Later the Muslims changed position and paganism remained on only African Traditionalists. Even Catholics and Protestants call Traditionalists pagans. This is bad. At least they should be called Traditionalists. We have come a long way and we should not pretend that such problems never existed or some of them are not existing.

According to Kirunda Kivejinja, by 1971, some Muslims have been appointed in government because of their active role in the independence struggle in UNC and later UPC. They also had NAAM as their pressure group. But when Amin took over, he did not represent the Muslim elites like Abu Mayanja and Jumba Masagazi. He represented the semi literate Muslims whom he appointed in government, army and parastatals. For yhey saw his coup as a blessing from God for they had been condemned to Hell by the colonial and neo colonial administrations.

For any body who is interested in more details on that matter, can read Prof. Samwiri Karugire’s A Political History of Uganda and Badru and A. Kasozi’s Abaasiga Obusiraamu mu Uganda.Until the beginning of 20th century, Islam was the most popular foreign religion. So if the distribution was in accordance to numerical strength of the Kabaka’s subject, the Muslims would have taken the lion’s share. What is true that  most upcountry folk were traditionalists. However since they had identified themselves with Mwanga, like the Baganda clan leaders, they were left out.

Ahmed Katerega

UAH forumist/Journalist

The ideal solution to corruption in Uganda

Fellow Ugandans,

In aggressively combating corruption within governmental agencies, I would like to suggest to the administration and the current IGG to appoint a special prosecutor, the likes of Faith Mwondha, to carry out televised trials which could highlight the damage to society, caused by the common practice of cooking books in highly sensitive ministry positions. I’m highly doubtful that the perpetrators of these graft crimes are fully aware of the impact and crisis of scarcity that their actions bring on in our poor communities.

Since we are the only country bent on employing all the folks of the EA community, in accounting, procurement, military, police, farming, health and other sensitive positions charged with direct or indirect oversight of life or death issues of our citizens. We need a better vetting process to find out whether a hired employee is not there to malice a region or the entire country through their impropriety, as key providers in a public office.

It behooves our legislatures those native Ugandans in charge of all hiring and firing to have all employees go through patriotism classes and the signing of some oath that lists consequences if folks are ever charged with dereliction of duty.

What would really work as a great public agency self audit is the adoption of a “Graft mitigating plan for each agency” which would include the kick in, at any whiff of suspicion of corruption within an agency.  One of my favorite items would read like this: All critical employees charged or not charged with impropriety, have to enroll in patriotism training and a series of classes on ethics deemed as mandatory training for the entire agency to fulfill their “fitness to serve”, quota.

If folks in that public offices are trained and in-serviced as part of public and corporate governance, we could see a reduction in dubious transactions, it would definitely help bring on a heightened awareness of the progressive discipline process.

On the technology front, I would like to see a uniformity of accounting services to make auditing easy for upper management and any oversight committee.

There is no reason why an item that repeatedly tips all the cost scales on the ledger, such as the “CHOGM ROADS” should not have a trigger, that requires the sign off by the IGG-until the country gets out of this corruption crisis. Many companies in America require the signature of upper management including the CEO, to release big project amounts. I would hope that our legislatures would set the limit amounts and required signatories including the IGG’s office for good accountability.

Moving to an ERP system such as PeopleSoft, can help run the accounting for the entire nation as is done in many corporations. These ought to be court mandated implementations to halt graft and to permanently alter the prevailing conditions in our service sector where lack of accountability has resulted in loss of lives.

I cannot emphasize enough the need to sensitize public employees and to show them first hand the impact of impropriety and abuse of public office has on the poor people of Uganda.

If these symptoms of graft are left untreated, I’m afraid the danger of resentment tribally will continue to build up as under currents within the non-ruling tribes.

Tendo kaluma

Uganda living in Boston

NRM is not a real political party

NRM is a party that does not facilitate its own cadres and mobilisers but it gives a lot to its real and imaginary enemies and opponents. That will greatly contribute to its fall though not in a near future.

l know many NRM who have gone to FDC and other opposition parties so that they can be invited back to NRM. Do you know that even former rebels behave princely inside NRM than many those that have suffered from it right from inspection! There may be a few of the elites who have crossed to NRM without material gain. Those who crossed with their hearts and minds are rural peasants and urban workers but the elites, l doubt.

NRA and now UPDF is a people’s army as its name is. But NRM , the political organisation, has not transformed itself into a political party. It behaves as a guerillar force or an intelligence organisation. It can foot bills like that of my sister Betty Nambooze , it can bribe all real and imaginary enemies but its own cadres will die of starvation. Such is the NRM. Worse still, it has been infiltrated by the corrupt. To eat from NRM , you have to decapaign it. Then it will be scared and they will invite you for a tea party or send you an aide. If it does not graduate from that, it will fall from within.

Nevertheless, we cannot label former kadogos and all those that join NRM even before it captured state power as people that were financially expectants. Despite all the disappointments, they are still in NRM. Yet many of the looters, were on the other political and military side, during the war, and were motivated to cross at Constitutional Square after material promises. NRM should get rid of the corrupt. They are a liability. It should motivate its own pepole, “bribing” opponents and enemies did not prevent UPC from falling from within.

NRM is not a traditional political party but a Mass Movement Organisation.Yes, Sam Kuteesa was some how, some where, a FRONASA in external wing (Nairobi), and helped in the struggle (more in UFM with Balaki Kirya, Kafumbe Mukasa and Yoweri Kyesimira)again in the political wing at least through Sweden where Mrs. Janet Museveni was, and his contribution was more when it was battling the Okellos military junta, Kuteesa remained a DP until Constituent Assembly elections of 1994. As for Saleh, he has been a Movementists since secondary school days. But to be rich does not mean to be corrupt. But those who are corrupt, if convicted, let them be punished.

People should know that NRM was formed in 1981 as a guerrilla or rebel organisation. So, it is not strange if it remains the same in some form and substance. Just like some rebel organisations that were originally political parties. NRM behaves like an intelligence organisation when it does not allow the press to cover its caucus meeting and NEC conferences Yet those are big meetings. For example, Buganda Cacus right from C.A. days could allow us in. For NRM to always think real and imaginary opponents and enemies first before its own cadres, mobilizers and supporters, is very suicidal and l can repeat it in any forum. But as we turn into party politics, things will be changing gradually.

There was more corruption during Obote ll where the Army Chief of Staff who also doubled as Chairman Coffee Marketing Board, was pocketing hard money Uganda earned from coffee exports, with impunity. But this time there is freedom of the press and the corrupt are exposed. My only problem that the state allows us to expose, but it just ignores us, without taking actual action on the corrupt. Let those convicted , their property be confiscated and taken to court.

It is true there are looters in the country now but we have not yet reached that of Obote ll. Yes there were some drugs in government hospitals in Obote ll but that was the time medical personnel started having their own. What we should do is to guard those drugs before they are stolen from hospitals because they are sent from Uganda Medical Stores Entebbe.

Ahmed Katerega

UAH forumist/Journalist

Plain Political Prostitution from the likes of Butime and Kamya

Plain Political Prostitution
These are interesting times. These are disconcerting times. The political space we are in now is called the window of opportunity, but in reality, it is the window of opportunism. It is time for politicians to march for offers from the highest bidder.
party crossing  is not appropriate for consolidating democracy in our country. What we are witnessing is the liquidation of democracy. It is actually enguzi -crossing because people are made all kinds of secret offers. Councilors and Members of Parliament who have no integrity sell themselves into a system of enguzi. They are in the bedroom with their enemy. The likes of Hon. Olanyah, Mr. Aggrey, Ms. Maria Mutagamba, Kamya, Omara Atubo, etc.

This are thieves. They steal and use property that is not theirs for their own selfish ends and personal aggrandizement. Voters in this country vote for Parties not enguzi crossers. Floor crossing encourages corruption and self-interest. It violates the electoral right of the voters. The voters mandate is treacherously betrayed with impunity in the name of democracy  which means political prostitution pass as democracy.

Floor crossing is entrenching corrupt politics in Uganda  and will eventually destabilize this country. People will lose confidence in the democratic process and resort to illegal means of struggle.

May. A. Uwe matovua@yahoo.com

UAH forumist

Ugandans should join either NRM or FDC and forget old parties

Dear Ugandans at heart,

Amin was personally close to Maama Miria Obote and it was one of the reasons why she was not hurt during and after the coup until she escaped to Tanzania. Obote and Amin were close friends when one was Prime Minister and President and the other was Deputy Army Commander, Army Chief of Staff.

Since 1966, removal of Obote government was justified so by 1971 it was over due. But had Obote handled Amin well, probably nothing may have happened.

As for Besigye and Museveni, there is no doubt that they have their own personal grievances, which other people from South West exploited to ensure that the power base does not shift to Buganda or else where. l will not be party to those who want President Museveni to be succeeded by his clansman Kizza Besigye.

Surat Yasin in the Quran says that The Almighty God causes things to happen and they do so. So NRM , like any other, which had a beginning, will have an end. But the end of NRM will be the beginning of another Movement from inside NRM. You better join in or its extension FDC not PRA or PPP. The earlier the better

If one claims that Obote, Amin, Binaisa, Muwanga, Okello and Museveni were UPCs, and that only Ben Kiwanuka and Yusuf Lule were DPs, and that changes have been UPC infighting, and that many from other parties have not benefited from those changes, can you accept it?

The 1971 coup, brought in new UPC leaders including Idi Amin , Wannume Kibedi, Henrty Kyemba, Huseein Malera, Isac Maliyamungu, Paul Etiang, Edward Rugumayo, Abu Mayanja, Apollo Kironde, William Naburi, and many others. The 1979 change brought in Godfrey Binaisa, Edward Rugumayo, Paulo Muwanga, Yoweri Museveni, and many others. 1980 elections brought back Milton Obote, Paulo Muwanga ,Otema Almadi, Peter Otai and many others. 1985 coup brought in Tito Okello ,Wilson Toko, Paul Muawanga, Abraham Waliggo etc…1986 change brought in Yoweri Museveni, Samson Kisekka (he had crossed from KY to UPC and later UPM), Stanislas Okurut and others.

Other parties were on the periphery. Like the short lived term of Ben Kiwanuka as Chief Justice, the same was with Wako Wambuzi under UNLF. Yusuf Lule for only 68 days, Paulo Ssemogerere as Internal and later Foreign minister under Okellos and Museveni etc….

Hence, in case FDC had defeated NRM in 2001 and 2006, that would have been a change within NRM unlike in 1996 if Ssemogerere had won, or if JEEMA’s Mayanja Kibirige had won in 1996 and 2001.

Therefore either Ugandans join NRM directly as l see those in press reports, or you join its extension in FDC or PPP, you will be left out. Don’t be tempted to join rebel activities “tojja kumalako.”

Ahmed Katerega

UAH forumist/ Journalist

Butime was a spy in FDC

Summary: Butime’s “return home” was not un-expected by close observers of our Political dynamics today. He has put to work his perennial threats of quitting, if not removed from “Katebe” – non-functional deployment as a “do nothing” and of not being privy to the inner workings of the party. That is intellectual honesty of sorts, on his part.

1/4. Butime said it all himself last year. For him, it was/is a matter of “intellectual honesty”. The colleagues suspected him to be a mole all along, especially after he said, in the press, that he was willing to server the NRM.

2/4. Alas, their fears have been vindicated. And he has “gone home, where he belongs”. It is the same man that caused the internal rebellion of Beti Kamya, who cannot be chased but who, on the other hand, cannot cross to NRM (not directly, at least). So, if Butime was a mole, as he was suspected to be all along, he has not gone without a “mission accomplished” tick.

3/4.On NRM cadres’s claims that people are flocking to the ruling Party, they should learn how to interpret peoples’ actions. In these days of inflation, it would be a ‘blind man’ that would not earn thousand in one hour, from his taxes, by appearing before the SG of the ruling party for a minute! That must be the highest paying occupation anywhere. BUT, how will the crosser vote??

4/4. Finally, on his current tour of Buganda and the earlier one of the East, the FDC chief is reported to be welcoming floods of NRM faithful to his party [read today 29th October reports]. How does NRM cadres interpret this??

Christopher Muwanga,

Nakasero,

Kampala.

Besigye,Museveni and Kagame are all the same

Ugandans at heart,

Please go slow on FDC and Federalism together with Kabaka  AND Buganda issues. With all due respect, I have never gotten any impression that Besigye and  Kagame  are different from M7,at least from an ideological perspective.

Why?

From my experience with the three men during “the struggle” – I call it so because it was indeed a struggle for survival of the fittest – none of these men ever advocated for ‘Kabaka’ and Buganda in general. They only used to make fun of  Kabaka that “he enjoys Banyarwandakazi”!!!! And that Baganda are ‘just empty tins and eternally scared by nothing” None of these guys has respect for Kabaka. It is true that for political reasons Kagame and Besigye threw some weight to Mengo and Kabaka i.e Kagame helped to send the ‘Prince’ to the military academy, etc and Besigye has been ‘an advocate’ for Kabaka of recent. I believe this is just to look for temporary allies!!! Those of you who were in Luweero and other areas during the struggle, you know the stories we used to hear and run about the Kabaka. By the way, the long run intention for sending the Prince to the academy is not positive for Buganda and Kabaka. It was planned. I do not want to go into this!!!!!!!!!!!

Guys, if Besigye had been different from M7 and he indeed supports the Baganda, why doesn’t he tell Baganda what befell their men like ‘Afande’ Kayira etc… is it because he (Besigye or Kagame) does/do not know the real story? Why doesn’t Besiigye tell Baganda what they did to Baganda during the Luweero war? Why doesn’t he tell Baganda what they did to Baganda in Masaka and Mpigi who were ‘UPC’ – remember the ‘kabazi’ which they told you it was Nkwanga doing it. Pure lies. It was not Nkwanga men. It was M7!!!  Didn’t Besigye join the ‘camp’ in Kikoma to foresee the ‘Kabazi’  project in Masaka!!!!! How many Baganda perished? Was there any Munyarwanda save for the other guy of Villa – Maria called Muwonge who was hit from his own sitting room with an ax he had fixed the very evening!!! Has Besigye ever told you his position over Kabaka in the Gulu meeting which he attended?Anyway, fool yourselves!!! You will again be disappointed!!!

Concerns about FRONASA are valid but Ugandans may not get a lot about it for the time being until somewhere in May 2010 or even after when all that stuff will be out in form of a book.Be sure, the world will have lots of information from this work.But again, we posted a lot of it on “radio Katwe”. You might have to consult this source for some pieces.

Banange, mundeke. Naye, do not take things for granted. We took things for granted with our Kagame and now some of us regret!!! ‘It is not gold’!!!OK.

LUSOKE WILLY

UAH forumist and former Luwero bush fighter residing in USA

Letter to President Barack Obama

Modify the attached letter as appropriate and send to your Congressmen and other people.   I just sent mine to Senators Robert P. Casey and Arlen Specter here in “rural” Pennsylvania.  I will be sending the same letter  every week until I get a response from one of the two senators.

Don’t ever give up, even as the US gives more aid to Uganda.

*13 Uganda Federal Union States*
AcholiAnkoleBugandaBugisu-Sebei
BukediBunyoroBusogaKaramoja
KigeziLangoTesoTooro
West Nile-Madi

Open letter to the Leader of the free World
Mr. Barack H. Obama, President of the United States
Dear Mr. President,
When you delivered that historical speech in Accra, Ghana, Africa „hang‟ on your everyword – in fact many of us still do! In that speech you acknowledged the tragic past that has haunted Africa, and reminded us that the West is not responsible for the destruction of the Zimbabwean economy over the last decade, or wars in which children are enlisted as combatants. Indeed, African leaders must take responsibility for the atrocities meted on the peoples of Africa.

Mr. President I am happy to inform you that efforts to take responsibilities for our own future have taken root in Uganda. However, the major concern is in respect to the United States‟ foreign policy towards Museveni which differs fundamentally from its foreign relations with other Sub-Saharan African countries. Indeed, despite Museveni‟s one-party style of governance,human rights abuses, the wanton killings of unarmed citizens, the United States continues to be supportive of his regime through aid which is said to be close to 50% of his budget. Moreover, the “soft-approach” to Museveni‟s regime taken by the United States in democratising Uganda is problematic and counter to the political democratization of the country and the responsibilities to the peoples of Uganda that Museveni should have assumed over the years. If this relationship continues, the United States would gravely be implicated in the gross human rights abuses that characterize Museveni‟s regime.

Over the last 23 years, Museveni has demonstrated that he cannot be trusted to open up the political space for a true multi-party system and for the rule law to emerge in Uganda. In addition, he amended the constitution to remove term-limits so that he can run indefinitely. Should Ugandans be concerned that the United States national interests would continue to impede Uganda‟s efforts to democratise? Such questions continue to boggle our minds but confident that you will ensure that they are dealt with appropriately.

The other most precarious human rights situation which exists in Uganda, and perhaps in the world, is the continual brutality being inflicted on the people in Northern Uganda. Therelentless war between Museveni and Kony has affected this part of the country for 19 years.

The issue of “ghost soldiers” made it very clear that Museveni had no intention of protecting people living in this region. What is not clear though, is why the United States continues to support Museveni irrespective of these irregularities. It would be comforting to learn from United States‟ actions that Uganda, the country, is important to the United States – not just Museveni; and hope that US foreign policy with Uganda will not act as an impedimental factor to enduring governance reforms that Ugandans seek.

May the Lord keep you safe for the good of humanity.

Christine Nabukeera

Let Njuba and others write books for future generation

People;

Let all those Ugandans who played some role put their thoughts in writing. Let Hon. Sam Kalega Njuba write a book about his experience for future posterity.  There are many others who should write their memoirs, people such as, Dr Ssemmogerere, Mzee Byanyima, Mzee Cuthbert Obwangor, Mzee Adoko Nekyon, Mzee Tiberio Okeny, Mr Bidandi  Ssali, Dr Rugumayo, Mr Nabudere, Professor Ssentenza-Kajubi, Mzee Mayanja-Nkangi, Mr Samuel Wako Wambuzi, Dr Martin Aliker, Mr Chris rwakasisi, Mzee Badru Wegulo, former education Minister under Amin, Brigadier Barnabas Killi-how did he do such a better job than today’s lot-Justice Kanyeihamba, Justice Mulenga and many ways and others.

These and others know a lot about the troubled events in Uganda’s history.  For the good of Uganda, they should share their views with the future generation.  Time to write is now.  Their books/memoirs  do not have to be long.  They could motivate their thoughts in 100 pages or less less the way the former Enganzi did.  The media and political folks who have access to these lucky Ugandans should plead with them to write books about their experiences.

Uganda’s history will be poorer if these men and women too take their experiences to heaven. There are some women who know a lot about Ugandan politicians in many ways. They too should write about their experiences.  For Uganda’s future, they should be urged to write books.  If many feel their revelations could be earth shaking, they could opt to publish them posthumously. They also be encouraged to donate their papers to their alma mater’s for future research.

WBK

Dr. Henry Gombya lied about me in the story he published in the str8chronicle

Fellow Ugandans,
I convey this message to the UAH forum after many hours of restlessness and confusion, for the trust I feel was misplaced. I write this message knowing that many of you will read it with the purpose of understanding and of course, as in every society some may read it with indifference. However, I am not worried about that. This concerns Dr. Henry Gombya and the story he published in the str8chronicle, which I believe many of you have read. I here convey to you my reaction to the story he wrote and published without my prior consent for approval of the contents. He has since not replied to my e-mail I wrote to him expressing my disappointment. However, I convey to you the e-mail to Dr.
Henry Gombya in its entity, so that you may judge his journalistic work for your selves
and perhaps inform me and the forum what you think. This e-mail also puts right the statements which may have been deliberately or otherwise wrongly presented.
The purpose of his visit was to interview me about my case which also had been partly judged by the United Nations Human Rights Committee. The case had attracted many, including the Danish media who came to my residence in Denmark to interview me for the Danish Television. The UNHRC ruled that Denmark observed remedy and to make sure that the mistake never occurs again in the future. However Denmark ignored the ruling of the UNHRC and after waiting two and a half years for the implementaion of the ruling to no avail, I left the country with the purpose of requesting another country to inform Denmark to respect the ruling of the UNHRC.

I hope that this message will give you a better picture of what transpired, as opposed to Henry
Gombya’s ‘’sensational article”.
Byaruhanga Johny. Rubin.

UAH Forumist

Hello Henry,
I hope this e-mail finds you in the best of your health, as I appreciate mine. I tried to find the story on the internet this morning, but there was no network to my computer. I got the network a while ago and I have read through the story. Since you asked me to tell you what I think, I shall be honest with you. I think that you wrote the story hurriedly without even referring to the documents, the audio tapes and the notes which you took from here. Not only are there many mistakes in the story, it is also not written in a chronological manner. The story only raises more questions in the mind of the reader , as I mentioned above, chronology of the events
that led to my present situation was vital to the comprehension of the
story.
Without repeating what you wrote, let me give you some corrections. I am sure you will find the paragraphs that need correction.
1- I left Uganda in March, 1981. Within 24 Hours I was in Europe.

2- By 1983 I was undefeated in the German Bundesliga, so that I turned professional. By the end of 1984, the German Boxing Magazine, Boxsport ranked me no.10 in the World. The US Ring Magazine ranked me no.2 in the Commonwealth.

3- The National Resistance Army, NRA took power in January, 1986.
4- I requested the Danish police to communicate with the German Authorities to let me return to Germany which I considered home at the time. The police requested for the telephone number of where I was residing and I gave it to them. It was an unregistered number. The
next day I received a telephone call from the Danish Boxing Promoter, Mr. Mogens Palle. The police called me several days later and wanted me at their station. I went there and I was told that the Germans could not take me. At that moment the police advised me to apply for asylum in Denmark. They instructed me how to do it and they took my statements for asylum.

5- My sons Henry and Ronny, their mother comes from Gombe, Butambala. She disappeared during the war that overthrew President Idi Amin.
When Henry and Ronny’s mother disappeared, I met the Tanzanian girl who had come to visit her uncle in Kampala. Her uncle was a childhood friend of mine and so was the Tanzanian girl. I asked her if she could help me take care of my children because it was during the time of war and as a Platoon Commander, I was extremely busy. After several Weeks, she wanted to return to Tanzania. She told me
that if I wanted her to stay helping me with the children, I had to marry her. Thence we became intimate and she conceived. She is the mother of my daughter who lives in Denmark.
6- By 1989 when I learned that the National Resistance Army/Movement (NRA/M) had taken the children to their army, Ronny was 9 years old and Henry was 11 years old. They were not ”teen age”, as you put it in the news.

7- May 6, 1996 the culprit rang the doorbell. He could not have knocked the door. My appartment was on the 2nd floor.
8- When the man attacked me, I was trying to run away from him when he stabbed me on above my left wrist.I did not fight him. However, as I turned trying to run away from him, I tripped on the pavement and fell. That is when he stabbed me again twice, once close to my waist and once again on my buttock. Someone shouted from one of the apartments
above us and that is when the culprit fled. I saw him talking to a woman who spoke from the window above. He took the key from his pocket and opened the main door. I walked to the door and read the name on the apartment doorbell of which the woman spoke.I suspected that the culprit lived in the same apartment with the woman. As I tried to walk away from their main door, I was bleeding profusely. I felt dizzy and weak, so that I could not walk any more. I collapsed and was picked from there by the Ambulance staff and rushed to the Hospital. I spent about 4 hours in the Hospital.

9- The Doctors advised me to go to the police and make a statement about what had happened. I phoned a friend, Charles Muteguya (Not Mutebi) who came with a car and drove me to the Police where I identified myself. The Police Officer checked with the computer, after which he asked me, ”Bore De i Danmark?” Do you live in Denmark?. I told him that ”We
are speaking Danish. If I was not living in Denmark, where do you think I could have learned the language?”, I asked him. He then told me that according to the computer I did not exist in the Immigration files. He told me to sit in another room and wait, as he made telephone calls. He told me later that, ”We cannot find your immigration files and therefore we have to open a new file for you”. The new file was opened and I received a new Immigration Number. After that, my interview about how and what had happened to me commenced. I was assured by the police that the culprit would be apprehended. My friend, Charles Muteguya drove me home with his car.

10- Although my neighbours told me affirmatively that the culprit had been arrested, within less than two Weeks, after 10 days precisely I received a letter from the police stating that, ”the culprit could not be found, therefore the case is closed”.


11- On the way to dowtown Copenhagen, there was a bus stop, next to the Police Station. It is the Police Station that handled my case.
12- On the 31 July, 1997 I received a letter from the Danish Immigration Authority that my wife and daughter would soon be coming to Denmark. I was so happy, so that after preparing a meal, I decided to take a walk downtown Copenhagen. On my return that afternoon, my key could not open my apartment door. The lock had been changed. Whence I remained homeless for about a year. Later I received a letter from the Post Office, written by the police to inform me that all my belongings had been auctioned. Up to this day, there is no accountability of my belongings which the Danish police claimed to have auctioned without consulting me.

13- The last paragraph you wrote, ”The story took another turn when the Lawyer who defended him, Ms Tine Vuust, said she was shocked that a Court in
Denmark could find a person guilty of such a serious crime on flimsy evidence”. There was NO evidence atall. Even the boyfriend of the Prosecution’s witness to whose case I was allegedly linked, was not allowed to come to the Court and testify.

14- When I fled Denmark, I did not request for asylum in the Netherlands. This was the idea of my Dutch Lawyers who thought it necessary. My idea was to request the Netherlands to help me inform Denmark to respect the ruling by the United Nations Human Rights Committee.

15- Pastor Mient Dijkstra did not say that he would help me aquire asylum in the Netherlands. He is sympathetic and concerned about my situation and so is his family.
Although you interviewed me for several hours in which I told you almost the whole story about my troubles in Denmark and how my daughter managed to come,you wrote nothing about that. How I was instructed by the
Danish Immigration to go to Tanzania and bring my daughter and how she got stranded in Dar es Salaam for four years, was not mentioned. How I was eventually told by the Immigration Authority that my daughter could not be allowed to come to Denmark because I was ”not married” and how my fiance’e was deported from Copenhagen Kastrup Airport, was not mentioned. How my wife and daughter eventually got permision to come to Denmark, was not mentioned. Infact, how and why I was imprisoned is not clarified. How I was denied a Lawyer of my choice, is not mentioned. You have a copy of the statement made by the Court President, in which it is stated that, ”You cannot change the Lawyer….” You have not mentioned how I smuggled a letter from prison to another Lawyer, Mr.Tyge Trier. You have not mentioned that the Lawyer, Ms Tine Vuust wrote a letter to Mr. Tyge Trier to inform him that the Police ”has taken the Case File to be destroyed”, so that Mr. Trier
could not find out why I was in prison and why I was beeing deported to Uganda.
Henry, very frankly the story leaves many questions and infact gives a suspicion that I commited the crime for which I was imprisoned. Even the previous attempt by the Danish police to arrest me under, Anti Terror Statute was not mentioned. Do you remember, the Ugandan function in which the Ugandan Ambassador and other Diplomats were in attendance, after which the police squad came and ordered us out ‘’slowly”, that there could be a bomb? I was later informed by the Danish police that I was their prime suspect in the threat calls to the Ugandan Embassy and the bomb threat to the function I mentioned above. Well, all that did not qualify for a sentence in your story.

Anyway, atleast the correction of the errors I have pointed out will be a positive step, if you donot inted to re-write the story
correctly.
I wish you all the best, as I hope to hear from you at your earliest convenience.
Yours brotherly,
Byaruhanga, Jonny Rubin.

There is enough food in Uganda

Dear Ugandans,

There is food in Uganda however the problem is with the food distribution system. This is why while there is food insecurity in Teso, bananas are rotting away on plantations in Bushenyi! This shows that the problem is with the distribution chain. If you want to know that Ugandans grow food, just visit Koboko and Nimule. You will be amazed by the tens of trucks carrying food into the Sudan. That is the same case with the borders of DRC and Kenya. It is because Uganda supplies food to all these countries that i refer to it as a food basket. And yet, while this food is being eaten by the Sudanese and Congolese, there are people sort of food in Teso. This means that the distribution chain has to be improved.

You will also realize that for the last two years, all the flour that the WFP has supplied in Uganda was bought from Ugandan farmers. WFP buys from those who have and districts it to those who do not have and that chain some how improves the food distribution system.

At the moment, we are selling food to all  neighboring countries including the Sudan and Kenya, but we should expand  and sell food even to  Ethiopia and Eritrea, countries that have got the  worst food insecurity.

On the subject of performance, note that the hunger and poverty is more prevalent in areas led by opposition MPs and Local leaders and not by NRM local leaders. Such areas include Teso, where NRM has got only 3 MPs, Acholi were NRM has got only 1 MP and West-Nile.

For the record, Rwanda is far below Uganda in all features of social development. For example, while poverty levels are 31% in Uganda, they are 40% in Rwanda, even with production of foods, Uganda according to all recent Global Indexs is the regional food basket with a better food security than even Kenya, Sudan and Tanzania,  again, Rwanda is behind. Overall, it is only Kenya that beats Uganda on all averages.

2011 might offer some surprises as far as Kampala is concerned. There may not be so much change as far as MPs are concerned, but with Local Governance, it will be a very different matter. Residents accuse the DP leadership in the city for failing them. Mayor Nasser Ssebagala came riding on a very populist ticket that his failure to change the face of the city has deflated all those oppositionists who had faith in him. The election of Peter Ssematimba in Rubaga Division was partly as a result of this opposition disappointment. In fact, during those by-elections, almost all councilors elected, including Minsa Kabanda of the Central Division were NRM. Among the MPs, Lukwago (Central) Ssebagala (Kawempe) Ssebuliba (Kawempe south) Hussein Kyanjo (Makindye) Beti Kamya (Rubaga North) are unshakable and will return.

It is not only Ssebagala who is not performing, even other DP LC3 chairmen, for example Nasser Takuba in Kawempe and Moses ‘Bill Gates’ Kalungi are not doing well. Even Nakawa division under Protazio Kintu is these days full of conflicts rather than positive administration. of the 5 divisions in the city, only the Central division under NRM has had less internal wrangles compared to the rest. For Ssematimba, it is still early to judge him. I see a time when the population simply lets go of these DP leaders and replace them with either independents or NRM. I bet on that.

There are things that you can see and conclude that so and so has performed. For example in urban areas like Kampala, the presence of garbage heaps means that the authorities have failed in the garbage collection task. The development of more slums and unplanned structures means that the authorities have failed on that task too, the pot-holes in the roads around the city means that the authorities have failed etc-then you combine these with on the spot views of the population about their leader and i assure you that Kampala is failing on all those fronts.

As far as Nasasira is concerned, i can give him 60% performance accross the country. If he is judged on Kampala alone, then he gets below average, but accross the country he gets at least 60% and this is why. At the moment, all major highways have got or are getting new tarmac. Such include Bombo-Karuma, Busunju-Hoima, Masaka-Mbarara, Masaka-Kampala, Soroti-Dokolo-Lira, Northern by pass, Gulu-Atik-Nimule etc. Secondly, roads that did not formerly have  tarmac are being tarmacked at the moment and these include Gayaza-Wobulenzi, Matuga-Semuto-Kapeeka, Ntungamo-Kabale-Kisoro etc.

Previously, he also over saw the tarmacking of Kafu-Masindi, Karuma-Arua, Mubende-Fortportal etc and all these are major links. In reality, Nasasira is not a failure if you take out politics.

Kagonyera failed to harmonise issues at NSSF so he is a failure and about Akankwasa, he is currently under the radar for issues related to his wife and money, but not his work at NFA. Those are DPs and everybody knows them.

Joshua Kato

Journalist

Fratricidal Political myopia in Uganda

Summary: The plunder of common resources in today’s Uganda is so rampant and merciless that those in power sometimes dispose of something {through selling it to themselves through someone else to manage, most usually, an Asian}, only later to need the facility themselves. The public parks and other green-grounds to the east of Kololo hill are a good example. Nice reading.

1/4.When Muniini K. Mulera [The daily Monitor Opinion, 5th October, 2009] talks of “public lands and forests and greenbelts given away to developers and other … “, I cannot but recall the “cannibalism” of the powers that be regarding the ‘rape’ of open space, the same space that they themselves have been benefitting from. A good example is the green parks between Shell Lugogo and the near-by Indoor Stadium and that directly to the east of Kololo National ceremonial grounds.

2/4.The earlier administrations, since 1954, had left these green-spaces for up-country buses/vehicles, army and school transport, to deposit the hordes of praise singers and school marchers during independence and other public celebrations at Kololo airstrip and during public music festivals and sports events at the nearby stadia [Kyadondo and Kampala rugby grounds, the cricket grounds, the 8-KCC football pitches, the indoor facilities, etc].

3/4. Now, these have been replaced by a forest of  “Indian” concrete structures.

4/4. Paradox: When President elect Museveni was being sworn in last time, the upcountry supporters had no where park and all the roads ended up being blocked and traffic paralyzed. Many never had a chance of reaching the venue. Talk of eating the cake and then asking for it!!!  The chaos caused by lack of parking space during the recent music contests between our musicians and when foreign artists perform here, is clear proof of the “shot-sightedness” of our planners, misused by our hungry politicians.

Christopher Muwanga,

Nakasero,

Kampala.

If Ugandans are fed up with Unitarism, let them have federo

Fellow Ugandans,
Do not allow your self to be split into half between then and now, by some of these illusionists. Uganda’s problems did not start yesterday, and they were not going to be solved by president Museveni alone coming to power…NO! Therefore, when faced with a situation where people demand to opt out of the unitary model of governance, you should start with addressing the causes, and not the symptoms. At that stage, it is late. When some one forces you to expound on why you prefer model A to B, with out first asking you why you arrived to that decision in the first place, then that person is taking un necessary short cuts.  Had model B not been disfunctional, there wouldn’t have been a need to demand for model A.
For instance, when people profoundly report to you that there is a gross public funds mismanagement, but you choose to respond with turn off statements like ” those thieves are historicals” then you’re the problem.
But if you must debate the merits and demerits of federalism therefore, you can not omit the causes that have brought about the thirst to quench the rampant marginalisation we’re seeing in Uganda today. If somebody has a better option to sort out these problems once and for all, then why don’t they table them for scrutiny, instead of the half backed regional tier offer? When the war of liberation was being waged, it was very popular, even with all the losses that were being inflicted on the people that supported the NRA. Like wise, had the unitary model of governance been popular, those agitating for federalism would have found it very difficult to put their message across. Their actions would have been resisted by the the majority of Ugandans, as opposed to a few handful generals and some other opportunists making sporadic noises.
The constitution of Uganda clearly states that, “Power belongs to the people“. There is only one way for those who can, to deal with that segment of the constitution of Uganda. To either flout it, or respect it, but you can not have it both ways.  When Ugandans demand that they want a certain system of governess, because what is being imposed on them has not yielded much since 1962, then they are simply referring you to article number (1) as enshrined in that precious document of ours. Is there anything wrong with that? If you disagree with that part, then you can opt for the lesser strainful panya road. You give five million to some people in Parliament, and they will purge that line and change it to read “Power belongs to me alone
John Nsubuga
UAH forumist

Listen members, good ideas are not adopted automatically, but driven into practice with courageous patience and determination. Now, get moving!!

Uganda issue by VP,Bukenya Gilbert

The Uganda Issue

My brothers and sisters, Uganda must move forward.

We should not delay its development any longer.

I am a very strong supporter of King Ronald Muwenda Mutebi and the Kingdom but I am also a very strong supporter of the Democratic Republic of Uganda in which the Kingdom is.

This means that we have to leave political power to the elected leaders of Uganda and cultural power to the Kingdoms and other cultural leaders within Uganda. These leaders know details of everything and if we give them time and a suitable environment they will surely come to a consensus. Distorting this will mean violence because we will react before knowing the bottom line of the situation.

We, the Baganda must know that we live in Uganda with other people of the same rights. When we demand, they also have a right to demand. When we destroy their properties, they may also have a right to do so.

Why can’t we live in harmony, love each other, respect each other and stop abusive language and the feeling that you are the only one!!!

My friends in the Diaspora just imagine you being segregated and even forced to leave where you are now because the natives don’t want you in their countries anymore? Would you welcome that?

Let us stop inciting hatred and confrontation. When one draws the gun what happens?? The innocent suffer and even die.

The question of a regional government is the answer to devolution of power. If the central government surrenders power to regions to manage education, health, road networks, culture, agriculture etc. this is a good beginning and regions can ask for more in the future after proof of efficiency and effective management.

Whatever we aspire to achieve, must be supported by other Ugandans.

We cannot work in Isolation.

Friends, alone we can do so little but together we can do so much.

Make my joy complete by being of the same mind, maintaining the same love, united in spirit and intent on one purpose of developing our motherland.
Gilbert Bukenya
Vice presdient, Uganda
UAH forumist

Wake up ugandans and unite

Fellow Ugandans,
For so long we have come to observe our ability to listen to each other erode. You can almost see it on the various public fora that we all contribute to as a people from the various tribes of Uganda. We are a bit impatient with each other, and we cannot wait to unleash the harshest remarks to cause unnecessary pain upon each other. I’m not sure whether that comes directly from poverty of spirituality, or a resultant of an oppressed people with a haunting violent past.  Given that we come from a society that takes little pride in psychological trends the onus is upon us to recognize and desist rather unhealthy and disturbing trends that have come to define our own individual fragility.

I have also observed a more disturbing trend, emerge from our perspectives, one that has taken the peace and loving interiority of Baganda for a weakness rather than a quality attribute worthy of note for nation building.
Looking at their other counterparts the Hutu, a big difference demarcates their  gathered response, but lets not be fooled even a gentleman pushed too far can show signs of fatigue.

Now it is up to the rest of the country to take note, that the walking mat status is being lifted and like a magic carpet be prepared for a rocky ride and a “DO NOT TRAMPLE UPON US” signs that preserves Buganda’s sensibility in all areas where folks once walked freely to unload their insensitivity.
I pity those who have not seen the light of quite disturbing trends and signs to become the last Baganda, to befriend a regime that has violated every spirit and aspiration of the Baganda people and many others who are currently taking inventory of loss.
Waking the sensitivity nerves of a sleeping giant, might have not been a bad thing for the country after all. I think there has been an observed absence of active participation of unfettered Baganda in management of the affairs of the nation.

Which is premise to the many gaffs on all attempted projects in the recent years. To run a nation for 24years, and still have no private industry to speak off, which can employ the few graduates put out each year is indeed an index of bad governance.
The killing of markets of Vanilla and other products that once fueled the engines of Buganda ain’t such a hot thing either.
I wonder what men of Buganda, who hid the president like Lutamaguzi of luweero, or Captain John Muleke who paid the ultimate price while protecting a man who used to parade their King as a friend at every opportune moment simply to peak their interest and loyalty in his cause, would say today.
Those who fed and shielded him during his utmost hour of need, have to be turning in their graves at the turning of guns on their remaining tribesmen. Like in the Rwanda Kisingani incident,somethings a forgotten but not fully forgiven until a genuine apology is rendered by the perpetrator.

I’m told that DR. Kiseka, a man of integrity sold an entire building to help the president’s cause when dawns were young; but money to care for him and his wife was painfully slow in coming, once the president was asked to return the same favour in peace time.
Leaving such folks that saved his life hung to dry, ought to have been tell-tell signs to the Baganda, indicative of the insensitivity of the president, vices that have helped drive many who liked him away.
How could he hope to continue rallying men behind his causes, having shown all qualities of an iron claded heart with those who shielded, and supported him. We know that nations have no friends, but little did we know that even our president like a nation has no friends just his own interests period.

Tendo Kaluma

Uganda in Boston

Statement from the Kalundi Serumaga family

From The Sserumaga Family:

RE: THE UNLAWFUL ARREST, TORTURE AND DETENTION OF KALUNDI ROBERT SERUMAGA ON FRIDAY 11TH SEPTEMBER 2009 UNTIL TUESDAY 15TH SEPTEMBER 2009

ABDUCTON

  1. KALUNDI ROBERT SERUMAGA WAS ABDUCTED BY 5 armed men outside the studios of WBS television, Spear House at about 11pm on Friday 11th September 2009. Robert had just left the studios where he had appeared on Kibazo on Friday, a discussion programme.

  2. He was in the company of Kibazo, Bernard Tabaire, Charles Rwomushana and Mary Ikazi. The men approached him as their group broke up.

  3. As they departed, Mr Sserumaga was approached by the men, two of whom took hold of him by the belt, and told him they were arresting him. He asked them who they were to which one responded police. He held up a piece of paper which may or may not have been an identity card, as he looked away. They then immediately began to assault him.

  4. Mr Sserumaga put up a fight until they threw him to the ground. After that he threw his telephones towards his colleagues.

  5. He then fell unconscious and was dragged from the scene to De Winton Road and was bundled in to the back seat of a waiting Toyota Mark II. He regained consciousness in the car as the men tried to undress him and remove things from his pockets. When he started demanding to taken to a police station, one of the men tried to cover his mouth, and another fight ensued. As he fought to resist them they punched him and gouged at his eyes with their fingers, and also bent his head backwards and choked him.

JATT/KIREKA 11TH SEPTEMBER 2009

  1. He was driven to Kireka and logged in to a book and put in a cell with 25 other men, mainly youth.

  2. In the morning, a procession of guards came to the cell door and made all manner of threats to his life, and make sectarian insults to him, as well as the other prisoners. Finally the doors flew open and a tall well-built and well-dressed man in his mid-forties stood in the doorway and began to slap and punch him in the face while demanding answers.

  3. This statement is supported by the medical examination carried out by Dr M. Galukande at International Medical Centre, KPC building on 13th and International Hospital, Kisugu between 13th and 15th September 2009.

  4. Kizito Sserumaga searched all Police Stations in Kampala from that time to 3 am to no avail.

CENTRAL POLICE STATION 12TH SEPTEMBER 2009

  1. Kizito contacted the Irish Embassy as Robert is a citizen of Ireland by birth. We went to Central Police Station (CPS) where we were told he was not there and his whereabouts were unknown. We made a public appeal via NTV outside CPS and we were surrounded by 5 armed soldiers in red berets and two plainclothes men. We immediately made another appeal at a Press Conference organized by UJA. During that conference, the Irish Embassy informed us Robert was being transported to CPS after which we went back to CPS. We found Kalundi Robert Sserumaga in the custody of Jonah Kule, O/C CID, at CPS. He was being held handcuffed with two other gentlemen, both Local Councillors from Makindye Division area. They had been tricked out of their houses at night on the pretext that there was a disturbance in the area, and then bundled in to a van at gunpoint and taken to Kireka.

  2. We immediately asked that Robert be allowed medical attention. Kule insisted on waiting from instructions but that we would be able to do so. Later we were informed Robert was going to be released after i). WBS deposited a film of the Kibazo on Friday broadcast with CPS, ii) that Robert make 2 supplementary statements and iii). that he provide 3 sureties. These conditions were met. After the process of providing the sureties, Kule suddenly ordered us all out of the room, including Ernest Kalibbala the lawyer and then informed Robert that he had orders from above to return him to the cells.

  3. We escorted Robert to the ground floor. After that the police physically pushed us out of the station entrance and down the stairs while brandishing sticks. Those of us already outside were threatened by the armed soldiers seated along the wall, numbering over ten and the man in plain clothes from earlier who was carrying a stick.

  4. 13th SEPTEMBER 2009 We returned to CPS where Robert was now without shoes and had still not received medical attention. He had tried to inform a woman officer –one Commissioner Ayisu- in CID that he had been assaulted at which she laughed and said it was impossible. Mr Simon Kuteesa, Head of Media crimes informed us that he does not put people in car boots. He received a telephone call in our presence and said in our hearing that the prisoner ‘did not look too bad’. The entire time, there were two mambas, outside the station, countless men in plainclothes carrying sticks and whips, people in police uniform carrying sticks.

  5. In the afternoon, we telephoned John Nagenda, Media Adviser to the President. We informed him that the story had broken in the international media and that we were going to continue to campaign for Robert’s release. Mr Nagenda was at that point was aware of the abduction but not of the torture. He arranged for us to meet Major General Kale Kayihura, Inspector General of Police. Mr Kayihura informed us the Irish ambassador had spoken to him and asked us what we wanted. We said our first priority was medical attention for Robert. Secondly we were formally complaining about being physically assaulted and ejected from CPS. Mr Kayihura telephoned Mr Ochom, Director CID, CPS and instructed him to have Robert examined at a hospital of our choice and admitted at a hospital of our choice if necessary. IGP Kayihura also telephoned Mr Sorowen the officer in charge of CPS and instructed him to ensure there was no humiliation of suspects and their relatives and the public generally. IGP summoned Mr Ochom and instructed him to implement everything agreed in that meeting and to ensure Robert was taken to a hospital of his choice immediately. He called in on Johnson Karugaba of the Professional Standards Unit to investigate our complaints. We then returned to CPS.

MEDICAL ATTENTION

  1. After the Police Surgeon, Dr Moses Byaruhanga arrived, we traveled to International Medical Centre at KPC, under guard. There was an attempt to make Robert travel without shoes in order to humiliate him which we resisted. The armed and uniformed policemen sitting on the back of the pick-up truck and the plainclothes policemen became angry and said they would teach M. Serumaga a lesson (‘Tujja kukulaga enkola’.)

  2. Dr Moses Galukande carried out the examination and the results are consistent with Robert’s description of the assault. He diagnosed concussion as Robert could not account for some time between the first onslaught and being bundled in to the car. He recommended observation, neurological tests and rest. Immediately Dr Byaruhanga stated that he had to be referred to Mulago Hospital. He said it was the law and that Mulago was ‘the national referral hospital’. When he insisted, Mary Serumaga tried but failed to telephone IGP, Kale Kayihura. She then telephoned Mr J. Nagenda who spoke to Dr Byaruhanga and told him there was no problem with admitting Robert at International Hospital Kampala as long as he was under guard. He said Government’s only reservation was that we should not expect them to pay the bills, which we accepted. Dr Byaruhanga still insisted that he needed to speak to Mr Ochom, Director CID. We refused to board the vehicles to be taken to Mulago Hospital, a government institution which we felt to be unsafe. Robert stated if they inssted on Mulago, he would prefer to retun to the CPS cells without any treatment. After nearly an hour Mr Ochom relented and allowed us to go to IHK.

  3. 13th September 2009 Robert was admitted at IHK at approximately, nearly 48 hours after he had been very seriously assaulted.

  4. Dr Galukande diagnosed concussion and recommended neurological tests. We returned to CPS to collect Robert’s bags. Again, Kule introduced another condition. He wanted, Robert to sign a charge sheet before going to hospital. He also wanted his passport. We ignored both instructions as 48 hours had elapsed and the police were merely trying to legitimize their abduction of Robert Sserumaga. Eventually Kule gave in and we proceeded to IHK.

  5. Robert was admitted to IHK at about 8.30pm where he underwent tests and had some bed-rest. He was escorted by over 5 armed soldiers to Kampala Hospital for a CT scan.

FORMAL CHARGES

  1. Tuesday 15th 2009 we were informed that Robert would be collected from the hospital at 10am to go to the Police for finger-printing and formal charging. Robert refused at first to co-operate because he wanted it to be acknowledged that he was being charged after 48 hours of detention had elapsed, i.e. he had been being held illegally.

  2. Robert was produced at Buganda Road Magistrate’s Court and charged with 6 counts of sedition resulting from his remarks on Kibazo. The State opposed bail and was overruled by the Magistrate on the grounds that even if Robert were a flight risk, that could be cured by his depositing his passport with the Court. Also that because the validity of the sedition laws was being challenged in the Constitutional Court and it was not possible to try Robert immediately, he would grant bail.

  3. We reported to IGP’s office that we were surrounded by ‘security operatives’ outside the court building eavesdropping on our conversations and stated we were holding IGP responsible for our continued security, and left the Court.

LEGAL AND MEDICAL COSTS AND SOLIDARITY

  1. We would like to express our gratitude to the members of our communities and the public for your overwhelming support. The journalism profession has been a pillar of strength and has boosted our morale with their presence and their coverage.

  2. We are grateful to Open Society, Uganda Journalists’ Association, and East African Journalists’ Association all of whom have offered to pay Kalundi Robert Sserumaga’s legal costs. We are grateful for the fact that his medical costs were covered in advance and without our knowledge. P. E. N. International Clifford Derrick Committee to Protect Journalists (S. Africa) have also expressed solidarity.

INVESTIGATION IN TO THE ABDUCTION AND TORTURE

  1. During the time we were waiting for Dr Galukande’s report at IM Centre, Mary Ikazi spotted a man in a lavender jacket, white cap and dark glasses. He was carrying a long thin stick or car, that were commonly used by kiboko squad members during the rioting. He was short in stature, about 5ft tall. He was peeping through the window of IMC where he had been sitting with O/C CID, J. Kule. M. Ikazi froze and told us that he was one of the men who had abducted and assaulted Robert. Mary Serumaga photographed him with a cell phone. The plainclothes policemen with whom he was standing warned him that he was being photographed at which he covered his face with his lapels, turned his back and then they all scattered. One policeman returned and took photographs of M. Serumaga and M. Ikazi. [The following Tuesday at Kibuli Police Station they filmed M. Serumaga and made close-up films of Robert’s children in our view. This was an act of intimidation.]

  2. 14 September 2009 at about 5.30pm we spoke to IGP Kayihura about the police brutality experienced by Robert Sserumaga. We thanked him for finally permitting the delayed medical treatment even though it required the intervention of the Ambassador of Ireland and other lovers of justice and peace before he acted. We showed him the photograph of the man who had inserted his thumbs and fingers in Robert’s eyes and attempted to gouge them out. We informed him the man had followed us to the International Medical Centre and only ran away after we had photographed him. IGP stated he did not know the man but he would investigate. At first he said he and all those in plain clothes carrying sticks were policemen, if so, he is able to produce this man.

  3. We informed IGP that his instructions about the medical facility Robert should be allowed to access were countermanded by Dr M. Byaruhanga the Police Surgeon and Mr Ochom, Director CID at CPS. They preferred to discuss the matter with persons unknown to us. He seemed to express shock that such clear instructions could be changed.

  4. We requested Interpol be asked to help locate the abductors, to which IGP responded he has no objection although he would prefer we work with Uganda Police in the matter. He assigned Assistant IGP, Mr J.M. Okoth Ochola, in charge of Special Duties to investigate the matter. We agreed with Mr Okoth Ochola that we would contact him after the court appearance.

  5. 15th September 2009, the same woman officer at CID who had refused to record Robert’s complaint of torture, telephoned him as he left court inviting him to make a statement.

THE WAY FORWARD

  1. In view of the fact that the orders of Major General Kale Kayihura IGP are so easily countermanded by officers junior to him, receiving ‘orders from above’; that one of the offending officers (see paragraph 13 ) is now assigned to the investigating team; two officers Kule and Ayisu, have already dismissed the reports of assault as “impossible”, we decline to participate in the investigation unless Interpol is involved.

  2. In any case we are unwilling for Robert to return to CPS or any other police station while suspected criminal elements are still employed and deployed there.

  3. We demand disciplinary action is taken against Mr Edward Ochom, Director of CID at CPS for trying to ensure Robert was sent to Mulago where his safety would have been compromised. We demand to know from where above Kale Kayihura’s head, Mr Ochom was receiving instructions. As Director of CID at CPS where the kiboko squad move about freely and interact with senior officers and have meals in the police canteen, we hold Ochom responsible for the deployment of the kiboko squad to abduct, detain and torture Kalundi Robert Sserumaga.

  4. We demand the same in regard to Dr Moses Byaruhanga who kept us at IM Centre for over 30 minutes while liaising on the telephone about sending Robert to Mulago. Although he was supposed to carry out his own examination, he did not and it appears his role was to ensure Robert was admitted to Mulago Hospital. He failed in that.

  5. We demand the investigation of the plainclothes policeman who filmed Robert’s children at Kibuli Police Station on 15th September 2009 and those who threatened Robert’s family on 12th and 13 September outside CPS.

  6. We demand the investigation of Simon Kuteesa’s role in the abduction and torture of Kalundi Robert Sserumaga. Kuteesa was instrumental in convincing us on 13th September that Robert was going to be released for medical treatment in a few hours as long as he had three sureties and a passport. He then vanished at about 10pm before Kule said he had ‘orders from above’ to detain him further. Kuteesa has consistently acted in an unprofessional manner treating our complaints about torture as a joke. He too receives anonymous ‘orders from above’ and made a ‘phonecall assuring someone that Robert was not too badly injured even though he had no medical evidence. Simon Kuteesa is a callous and dangerous man.

  7. We demand the immediate suspension and investigation of O/C CID, Jonah Kule who was seen in deep conversation with the perpetrator we managed to photograph outside IM Centre during Robert’s medical examination, Kule is in direct command of the kiboko squad and is a danger to all Ugandans.

0782199589

The End.

On Sat, Sep 19, 2009 at 6:09 AM, Kalundi Serumaga <kalundi@yahoo.com> wrote:
Greetings Charles, and thanks for your concern.

This is a summary of the situation as it stands to date.

Regards,

Kalundi Serumaga

Byaruhanga is being unrealistic on the Kabaka

Dear Mr. Byaruhanga .
As a Presidental Advisor I welcome your proposal for a “new law to regulate” cultural leaders. That law would be a Federal Constitution. Under a federal constitution, the Kabaka’s “powers of state” would be devolved to the Katikiro. At the moment because of  lack of a fedeeral constitution the Kabaka is caught up deep in the politics of his Kingdom.
You are mistaken in your assertion that the Kabaka is “apolitical”. His Highness the Kabaka is the embodiment of the kingdom and people of Buagnda. The Kabaka is a deeply political animal by nature. But if you want to remove His Highness the Kabaka from the hazards of daily politics then you must grant a federal constitution. Simply writing the “do” and “don’t” for His Highness the Kabaka to follow will not work, BE WARNED.
THE CRUX OF THE PROBLEM
1. Mr. Byaruhanga I wish to draw your attention to an embarassing situation regarding the current “status” of His Highness the Kabaka. In the last few days I read in the press (The Monitor, 10, September, 2009) where President Museveni was quoted as saying that he tried calling His Highness the Kabaka for the last two years but the Kabaka would neither pick nor return his calls. The question is, did the President try to call His Highness the Kabaka to discuss cultural matters or was it about government Policy? It is more the latter rather than the former. So, His Excellency the President of Uganda is himself dragging the Kabaka squarely into politics through his action of calling the Kabaka to discuss Policy. The Kabaka should be permanently out of politics, not just when it suits the government.
2. In the same press report, President Museveni was quoted as saying or implying that His Highness the Kabaka wanted him (the President) to discuss these issues with the Katikiro, but that he “does not want to deal with unelected officials” (The Monitor, 10, September, 2009). So, in trying to aviod dealing with the Katikiro who is not an elected official, the President ends up dragging the Kabaka into politics whenever he discusses with him Policy. How?  Because the Kabaka might have to give the President his opinion about policy which is political. The way out of the ampasse is again the grant of a federal constitution, which recognises the government of the kingdom/state of Buganda. In that way the Katikiro will become an elected official, and the President can then discuss policy with him.
3. In order to address the 1961 situation that you refer to below, the solution was found by way of granting Buganda a Federal Status in the Constitution during the Lancaster Conference. At the subsequest Lukiiko elections in 1962, the Baganda participated in the elections peacefully and no one had their banana plantation chopped down.
Regards
Pilipo Oruni Oloya

I apologise to those who warned us against M7

So what were we liberated from in 1986? What vision is that? I deeply regret all what I thought about this Govt. and President. Many people warned us that he was not the character he portrayed himself to be. I told off many well intentioned people. Many of us were hoodwinked by the so called uplifting of women, fighting poverty, restoring kingdoms. I make a public apology to all of them including Hon. Sebaana Kizito. The 10 point program was indeed a hoodwink as a bait to get us. For these last 23 years and so I have watched my people getting poorer and poorer, disenfranchised, disempowered, losing morality, getting arrested, their mouths being muzzled, etc. We have kept quiet for so long in fear of our lives and our loved ones. We can no longer be silent. We have to document our experiences so those after us should not be hoodwinked by those who come singing Buganda. For those who come singing liberation. Buganda and Uganda is NO LONGER AT EASE for THINGS HAVE FALLEN APART. Oppression is just continuing in every area.

Remember Oluyimba lwa Wankoko

Wole Soyinka

Waangari Maathai

Ngugi wa Thiongo

Chinua Achebe,

Harriet Tubman,

Steven Biko,

Aung San Suu Kyi, etc.

A more significant phase should mean serious political dialogue.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

I have been free for more than a month. Some people may think that that is long enough. Others may think that that is not quite long enough.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

I saw many aspects of the country which I needed to see in order that I might know what we need to do.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

I was surprised by the response of young people because there is a perception that those younger than the 1988 generation are not interested in politics.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

Once serious political dialogue has begun, the international community can assume that we have achieved genuine progress along the road to real democratisation.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

Sanctions and boycotts would be tied to serious political dialogue.
Daw Aung San Suu Kyi

There is so much that we need to do for our country. I don’t think that we can afford to wait.

Those of us who still have our voices we shall continue to speak and write.

We shall continue to demand our human rights and freedom to express ourselves.

We are the Sojourner Truths of today, the Rosa Parks of today, the Nelson Mandelas, the Martin Luther Kings of today, the William Wilberfoces of today.

And we shall no longer be silenced for the blood of our brothers and sisters is crying out to us from the earth to demand for justice. Even when others are killed, others will be born. “Awakula ennume tewakula emu.

We shall arise and we shall not be stopped.

15 He said: “Listen, King Jehoshaphat and all who live in Judah and Jerusalem! This is what the LORD says to you: ‘Do not be afraid or discouraged because of this vast army. For the battle is not yours, but God’s. 16 Tomorrow march down against them. They will be climbing up by the Pass of Ziz, and you will find them at the end of the gorge in the Desert of Jeruel. 17 You will not have to fight this battle. Take up your positions; stand firm and see the deliverance the LORD will give you, O Judah and Jerusalem. Do not be afraid; do not be discouraged. Go out to face them tomorrow, and the LORD will be with you.’ “

18 Jehoshaphat bowed with his face to the ground, and all the people of Judah and Jerusalem fell down in worship before the LORD. 19 Then some Levites from the Kohathites and Korahites stood up and praised the LORD, the God of Israel, with very loud voice.

( Chronicles 20)

Rev. Jessica Nakawombe

UAH forumist

“Be strong and courageous, do not be terrified…” ( Joshua 1:9)

M7’s “Bantustans” mis-named

1/4. When M7 wants to ‘manage‘ some people that have not supported him or to break the unity of a determined group or still, to bribe a certain sychophat from a village, he calls together his henchmen and they draw lines on the village map splitting the friends and enemies into 2 or more, so that they may develop ’separately’ or apart from one another, disunited- [typical apartheid]‘

2/4. In many cases, these are an exact replica of the South-African Bantustans under APARTHEID before 1994. Good examples are Kiruhura, Kisoro, Kanungu, Kabula, Kayunga,  ……

3/4. In some cases, however, the bribing exercise results into something else, not just a “bantustan”.  For example, the new Mujuku area is not really a “Bantustan” but in reality, a “Tesostan” [though it will encompass Tororo municipality where the 'japs' (Dhopadhola) are majority, who may need to be 'ring-fenced' in future, to survive]. May be, the new Kisoko creation is not a Bantustan either, after all, but a “Jopastan“, short for “Jopadolastan“. In that measure, I do not know what the right name for Bukwo, for Amulata etc will be called by future historians, who will study the rise and fall of the projects in an area once called “Uganda”. Then ofcourse, ‘ring-fencing’ a la Bunyoro will be the order of the day.

4/4. Paraphrasing iron lady Beti Kamya: “I cannot fathom what Uganda/Ugandans did to deseve this, such treatment” from Emperor M7.

Christopher Muwanga,

Nakasero,

Kampala.

18.08.2009

Are Bakiga being targeted in Bunyoro?

Dear UAH,

I notice that other people who settled in Bunyoro have been elected to leadership positions there. Although The Monitor says Kibanda county MP Amooti Otada is Munyoro, he is actually a Paluo (derogatorily referred to at times as Chope).

His father Opio Owor is a big businessman in both Lira and Karuma areas. Some people there have Kinyoro names when they are Luo, such as former Obote II Prisons Commissioner Barnabas Byabazaire (Langi) or special forces chief Ahmed Ogeny (Paluo).

In Kibanda county there is a big settlement of Luos from Acholi (who fled Kony and other Langi, just having fun). That was why Amooti Otada went through unopposed.

My question is: why is the impression being created that only Bakiga are being targeted? Is it not right to discuss President Museveni’s proposals with open minds, bringing on board all those issues?

I think the Bakiga have a right to stand for office anywhere though I doubt any of the people talking about this will allow Bakiga settler citizens to stand in Acholi, Lango, or Teso if they moved there.

Bakiga leaders Adolf Mwesige and Dora Byamukama (East African Parliament have been elected before in Kabarole and it is causing no problem there. Let us discuss why it is that the Banyoro are complaining. Bunyoro is a kind of melting pot for Uganda, much like Kampala and Jinja (Dr Ojok Mulozi, Freddie Ruhindi and Odaka and Harry Kasigwa come to mind).

I recently gave a call to a Lugbara friend of mine and he told me ‘I am at home in the village’. I asked him ‘how is Arua?’  He said ’no, no, my village is in Isimba, Masindi dsitrict!’.

A real melting pot indeed!

Just as the Igbo elder would say, ‘ahem’ to you. I have a village in my home district and I have another urban in in the Wakiso urban area bordering Kampala. I do not think our villagers in Wakiso will take on each other. I have seen them rise up and take on night robbers and thugs. That is their and our common challenge.

Billie Kademeri

Ugandan journalist based in France

Federalism in Uganda is a Stone Age issue

Fellow netters, it’s the DNA of ethnicity that makes federalism in Uganda a Stone Age issue. We are currently not able to survive in the caves of our forefathers or hem in our brains like coconuts, the world is way wide open, opportunities are every where and the level of interdependence needed to survive these days is more than palpable, and so constricting.

For starters, those who have there eyes to the future (all true leaders should be visionaries), the definition of an ethnic group on which federalism is centered should be clearly explained. For a generation like ours, one for example will ask who is a true Muganda? My kids can marry or get married to any one they choose and excuse me but tribe will not be on my wish list for a suitable partner. Pluralism is a norm for many Ugandans scattered in and outside our borders. Diversities within many individuals are conflicts many don’t even want to address. Many can identify with Tiger Woods answer on the question of him being Black or African American.

So the question then is who is deceiving who? Who is going to benefit from this federalism movement? In the central area, baganda will benefit you would say, but then who is a muganda. The litmus test is before our eyes, who is benefiting from the few assets that those who want more currently own. Don’t forget that it’s the same people who administrate Bulange and its controversies that are holding the steering wheel for federalism.

For federalism to work we should have some other galvanizing force in the stipulated regions other than ethnic groups. On record I don’t think the failures in Uganda can be fixed with federalism. We are better of installing a couple bulbs in the heads of our current leaders , drill holes in some  coconut skulls or scavenge for a few brighter minds.

For God and My Country.

Dr. Kayondo Eddie, MD

Museveni is right on Bunyoro

Folks:

The reaction  to President Museveni’s innovative proposal illustrates one thing : NRMO and perhaps even President Museveni himself take online forums very seriously. They are the ones distilling ideas and benefiting from them. Sections of the opposition may be represented in Ugandan online forums but they are asleep like maziwa laala.

Sections of the opposition (so far not DP and UPC) have responded out of ignorance to President Museveni idea.  To hear FDC people react is revealing as how strategically inept and dumb they are.

For starters-those interested in Ethnic federalism should spend their time and read the proposal at www.federo.com and yes you FDC people you better read it too-there is nothing illegal or unconstitutional about Ethnic federalism were President Museveni choose to have it legalized.  Let those speaking from a position of ignorance do some Google search if they are too lazy to visit www.federo.com whether there are countries with stronger protections against discrimination than Uganda that have embraced Ethnic Federalism.

Did sections of the opposition even digest YKM’s letter?  In whose interest was the proposal being put forward?  Well YKM is actually trying to make Bunyoro hospital to land seekers aka bafuruki/internal immigrants. But YKM also sent a clear message top land seekers: yes go seek land in Bunyoro but forget dominating Banyoro. Forget it kabisa and completely.

Now here is a question to UAH: which ethnic group in Uganda is willing to be dominated by abafuruki’ and seekers/newcomers?  People should name me some example.

Secondary, why would land seekers/Abafuruki try to dominate ‘owners’?  I challenge sections of the opposition who believe that YKM has committed political suicide to go to any part of Uganda and find out whether they disagree with YKM’s proposal. I may have lived out of that country for 20 plus years, but I am willing to bet that the majority, yes the majority of Ugandans agree 110 with President Museveni. They will cheer him in the hope that he will be consistent on the question of “Abafuruki”-what is the meaning of this word anyways?

Once again, I fully endorse President Museveni.

If some of the Abafuruki are full of themselves that are they are political geniuses, like I have said let them go back to their respective home/original/ethnic homelands and offer them leadership too.  Charity begins at home.

Mark you every ethnic groups has its home base so go back there and contest for political office.
Guess what, either people embrace YKM’s proposal or no land. President Museveni could not put it that crudely but that is the matter folks.

Also remember that YKM needs to keep three regions-Buganda, Busoga and Bunyoro within NRMO territory to win. He just did with Bunyoro.

But on a serious note why are sections of the opposition not politically savvy? Why do not they not reflect a bit more? Put simply, why do they respond faaaa!

WBK

Museveni was never a member of DP!

Dear all ,

Ssebaana in no liar. Museveni states that he was a member of the Democratic Party. I repeat here Museveni was never a member! What my brother Abbey fails to do is to distinguish between the several categories that are found in a functioning political party. Parties have Members, Supporters, and Sympathizers. The research we have conducted indicates that he was a sympathizer for a very brief time; the question we could not answer, was as to whether he was sympathizing with DP because he was a benefactor of a strong DP family or it was ideological? As far as we know Museveni was even never a supporter of DP. Actually some of the confusion in Uganda’s political parties is for many to see parties as mass movements. Not every body who puts on blue, red, black during an electioneering period is a UPC or any one who clenches his/her fist and screams “Egumire” becomes a DP Member.

Members

:- Usually they hold membership cards, they can vote and be voted in party elections. Often they pay a membership/and/or a subscription fee and they are usually bound by a code and have specific obligations to the party.

Supporters:-

Usually they provide material and financial support to the party. (i.e. Mr. Sudhir R. Is a supporter of NRM, FDC, and DP.) These can influence party policies through there contribution. They do not vote and they are not bound by the party codes.

Sympathizers

:- Usually independents, who vote for a given party of their choosing. Some can continually have feelings for a single party over a long period of time. Usually there only contribution is the vote to the given party.

Re-read Bwengye’s “The Agony of Uganda” (Regency Press), it is a long time since I read it, but the facts are that Museveni came to DP leaders and asked them to give him the party leadership. At the end of the negotiation he wanted on of the three most senior positions in the party. When DP told him that all party position are not given, bur he will have to face an electorate he scrummed. His collegues like Buzabo (RIP) T. Kabwegyere, stayed and stood for offices.

Mzee Ssebaana is no liar, it is museveni who is a congenital and pathological liar. He know very well that he was never a member of DP. And who believes the “messed-up seed”, it is a pack of made up stories at best. The only truth about that book is that he wrote it!

Abbey, also check your argument that many Bahima were DP members. Real data may tell you a different story.

Addendum

:- DP was never opposed to the Federal status for Uganda. Our argument then and now was to not to page it to individuals, but look at it as a system of government. The Kind of Federal that was granted to some parts of the country in 1959/1960 was surely bound to fail. It is for the same reason that people should not be asking for Federalism from Museveni, we need to have a nation conversation as Ugandans and decide for ourselves. If Museveni “grants” anybody federal, minus the involvement of Ugandans it will be equally sham. DP fully participated and voted for the principal of federalism, the disagreement was in the details of how it would be structured and its leaderships.

The only battle worth fighting in the proposed Kampala takeover is the democratic right of Kampalans

Ugandans At Heart,

While we await the official position of the FDC party on the Kampala Bill and the taking over Kampala by the central administration, let me volunteer the following personal perception:
1. FDC is unlikely to support the dilution of democracy as is proposed in this new Kampala bill. The people of Kampala deserve the right to be governed by their popular will just as other Ugandans in any other district. If other Districts are going to continue electing the LC5 chair persons by adult suffrage, why should city dwellers be denied this right
2.The question of territory is also not very clear, the expansion of the commercial attributes of Kampala into the areas surrounding it is inevitable. Urbanisation is on the up trend and that is good for our future, we can let the city expand into the neighboring Districts without first annexing them into Kampala. We could instead put in place the planning regulations in those areas that envisage such an eventuality.
 3.These Districts should be prepared to host the growth of the city into their territory, it will be good for their revenues and I don’t see how it harms anybody least of all central GVT
4.Let Mukono, Entebbe Wakiso and Mpigi, be part of the same planning framework that envisages the commercial territory of Kampala growing into them but let them maintain their administrative identity. We can have a modern well governed metropolis that sits across several districts. It should not be impossible.

Having noted the above, it is also important that we remind ourselves that the district boundaries are not unchangeable. Article 179 (a&b) of the constitution empowers parliament by simple majority to alter boundaries of districts and to create new ones

Parliament has been creating new districts by splitting existing ones and what is proposed in this new bill is not new, only that in this case, chunks of existing Districts are being added to another existing District. There is nothing illegal in it

What is contentious is that the Districts losing territory are all deemed to belong to Buganda but Kampala which is to gain the territory does not.

Ugandans need to remember, that the only territory that the constitution considers immutable is the territory of Uganda as defined in the second schedule. Everything else within the territory of Uganda can be adjusted for administrative, cultural and political convenience as long as it is done in accordance with   the constitution.

The regions, ie Acholi, Ankole, Busoga, Bunyoro, Buganda and Toro are not fixed territorial entities, they are instead groups of districts that consent or were deemed to have consented to co operate on cultural matters by article 178.  This co operation is not irreversible. A District can democratically opt in or out acording 178(4).

The facts as per our constitution are as below:-
1.Districts can be created and adjusted by power of parliament. Their boundaries are determined by parliament
2.Regional groups (including Buganda) can be created and adjusted by the democratic consent of the districts involved. Their boundaries are determined by the vote of the district councils.
3.Theoretically Mbarara can vote itself out of Ankole to Buganda or choose to remain an attached like Kabale, Masindi could decide by vote to join the Acholi group. It may be difficult to imagine but it would all be legal and constitutional. Regional groupings by their constitutional status are more cultural than geographical.
4.If any Ugandans or Baganda for that mater are unhappy with the above constitutional disposition then the focus should be on constitutional reform, not political pressure when the other side is on solid legal ground. Eventually this matter may need a national referendum

The only battle worth fighting in the proposed Kampala takeover is the democratic right of Kampalans, and the maintenance of the entire council under universal Adult suffrage.

The issue of territory to me is secondary, because like I have elaborated above, within Uganda, there are no other unchangeable territories, no permanently fixed boundaries. Government can legally adjust district boundaries even if that may affect Buganda’s current deemed geography. But what is legally tenable may not necessarily be morally right or politically tenable.

Let me again reiterate that these are my personal views.

Desmond Nzana

 FDC Activist and UAH forumist

The peasant mode of production must be stopped to avoid further famine

Dear Ugandans,

I am recycling this message to once again emphasize that the uncertainty of national food supply (“food insecurity”) is a function of over-reliance on the peasant mode of production.  The peasant mode of production has now reached its elastic limit and recurrent famine is clear testimony to that fact.  The country must find the final solution to the peasant question.  That population explosion bogey we keep resorting to whenever we come face-to-face with the limits of subsistence agriculture is sterile.

Uganda’s principle problem now is that it is experiencing an explosion of a population of elite that is mainly made up of part-time thinkers.

These were my words a few weeks ago:

1/6 An average person feeding on grains, legumes, vegetables and common meats requires about 300 Sq Metres of land to provide for his food requirements if the calorific consumption per day is the minimum requirement for a human being, i.e., about 2,600 calories per day; and assuming that there are 3 harvests per annum on that land.

2/6 An average human being requires at least 715 square metres of dwelling space at maximum dwelling density, this being the average amount of space per person in the great New York area.

3/6 Uganda has up to 5.2 million Hectares of arable land, that is, 13 million acres or 52 billion square meters. For the current population of 30 million, the optimum arable land one would expect to be used for food production, (assuming an average Ugandan consumes 2,500 calories of food per day – which he does not) is 18 billion square metres (30,000,000 x 300).

4/6 The amount of space that used for living is 2.15 billion sq M (30, 000,000 x 715) giving a total of 20.15 Billion Sq M that we would currently utilise if every Ugandan was taking up the maximum optimum living space (OLS) and consuming the recommended daily allowance of calories.

5/6 Therefore, out of our 52 Billion sq M, we are theoretically “using” only 38.75%. Basing on that computation, Uganda’s maximum carrying capacity is at least 77.42 million, which at the current rate of population increase shall be attained at 23:47 Hrs on 17 September 2036.

6/6 Note that, although we claim to be agricultural, our productivity is still abysmal. Kenya has only 4.6 million Hectares of land and they are able to add value agriculturally to the tune of $1,600 million per annum, compared to Uganda with 5.2 million hectares but adding value only to the tune of $574 million. Uganda’s value addition rate is about 36% that of Kenya. The difference can be attributed largely to Uganda’s peasant mode of production.

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Otto Patrick

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