DEATHS PER WEEK IN ACHOLI IDP CAMPS: 220 OR 1,000 ?

Dear readers,

Some people say that 1,000 people were dying in the IDP camps per day?  For about 10 years? This works out as 1,000 x 365 x 10 years…..3,650,000 souls!

They sometimes say 1,000 were dying per week for at least 10 years: 1,000 x 52 x 10 years…..520,000 souls!  And this is for a camp population that at highest was, according to the WFP, 57,000.

Let us now briefly step into the world of reality. I have with me a 2005 letter from the LC3 chairman of Atiak the county in Gulu that had some of the most dangerous IDP camps (…remember Barlonyo?).  In the letter , that chairman, Odong William George reported the deaths in the 14 Atiak IDP camps for the period 1-15 September 2005, i.e., 2 weeks, at 54 persons.  In other words, the weekly mortality rate was 27 persons.

As you may know, Gulu, Kitgum and Pader had 114 IDP camps.  If 27 persons died per week in 14 camps with the most adverse living and physical safety conditions, one can infer that on average about 220 persons died in all the 114 in Acholi region per week.  So, where did these people get their figure of 1,000 per week from (or 1,000 per day)?

The 10 years is the period over which the people of central Northern Uganda saw themselves being confined to IDP camps.  In fact one can even get it from the speech by their wonderful Dr Adam Branch…who refers to 1996 as the time when the camp policy was instituted.  Indeed they said that 1,000 people were dying per week, after being prompted to retract an earlier claim that those many people were dying per day.

They say they prefer Dr Adam Branch’s data to Mr Odong GW’s data…, and who in his wonderful paper refers to the Acholi as “our fellow citizens…”.  Yes. Dr Branch gives the figure of 1,000 and I wonder whether he remembers where he got it from, a source that actually stated that the Acholi region was experiencing a Crude Death Rate (CMR) of 1 person per 1,000 per week, which he and the rest of you then flew off with in the fantasy of 1,000 per week (or per day when our propensity for adding binzali takes the better of us).

One george Okello(UAH forumist working with IMF) remarked that “But even if I take your figure of 220 deaths per week in the whole of Acholi, is this not so repugnant to human sensibility?” is quite predictable.  Then why doesn’t he just say that many people have died in Acholi, instead of confidently bandying around 1,000; whose source you do not tell us and over which you vacillate, as per day, and later, per week?

Okello also said , “..playing games with figures…”: who is playing games with figures? ….is he the one who the other day was saying that the for the NRA to be a people’s army, it should have have had 98% Baganda in its Luwero days? What was his response when he was informed that Buganda has only about 54.9% Baganda?

Anyway, I have included here the picture of the wonderful Dr Adam Branch whose hot air of a speech is what they authoritatively refer us to…….

 

Adam Branch

 

Otto Patrick

Live video of the 12th september riots in Kampala

Live videos about the 11th september riots in Kampala

Ugandan Army a Disgrace to the region

What i saw on Kenyan Television yesterday left me terrified.For so
long i have been told that the Ugandan is not professional rather a
personal property of Yoweri Museveni.How can the Army deploy itself in
the streets to quel Civilian unrest?????
Here in Kenya we usually have civilian unrest……but then i have
never seen Military Officers on the streets.In fact the Kenyan law
enforcement is professional.There are four types of officers tasked to
deal with civilian unrest ie
1.Regular Police Officers
2.Administration Police
3.General Service Unit
4.National Youth service

we heavily depend on regular police to quell chaos because they better
understand the law and they are the only police officers who can
present you to the court of law.Administration police come in when the
regular police need a back up.The General Service Unit is  a semi
millitary unit with more than three quarters of its officers trained
in Israel.They are the last resort to deal with civillians
I have never seen our Army on the streets……not even during the
post election violence.Even on post election i only spotted two trucks
of Kenya Army in Naivasha and they were not there to chase youths
around but to clear a road which had been blocked by
youths………What a shame to Ugandan Army to chase un-armed youths
at the streets of Kampala!!

Musoto

Kenyan

UAH forumist

Who is Brig. Bernard Rwehururu(New Court Marshall Boss)

Guys,

Brig. Rwehururu was trained in India in the 1960s, not Pakistan. He was in both the Obote 1 and Amin armies and was one of the very few officers not from West Nile, who fought for Amin until they were defeated then fled into Sudan, and later Zaire. He was also among the last of Amin’s officers to meet Amin in Saudi Arabia when they went to ask him to support their war against UNLF and Obote but he says Amin told them to go hang.

Rwehururu, from Kabale, was also perhaps the only Amin officer to put up any fight against the Tanzanians and Kikosi Maalum around Sembabule. In fact he stalled the Tanzanian advance until 205 Brigade Commander Brig Herman Lupogo (currently Chairman of Tanzania AIDS Commission), had to be removed and flown back home, to be replaced by Brigadier Muhiddin Kimario. From then on, Rwehururu’s battalion was badly beaten till Kampala was taken and he fled to West Nile.

Whereas the current generals, after the fall of Amin either worked in the UNLA or the anti-Obote army belonging to the other rebel groups, Rwehururu stuck with the forces of the defeated Idi Amin and were seen as fighting to return Amin to power. Rwehururu was among the officers who led the attack on Arua and Bombo by former Amin soldiers in the 1980/81 and was still keeping the company of people like Brig. Abdallatif, Col Dronyi and Brig. Taban Lupayi among others, when it was seen as ‘politically incorrect’ to do so at the time.

He was among a group of officers who went to Jeddah to meet Amin and seek his support to recapture power. He writes of this very clearly in his book. He only returned to Uganda after the Lutwas took over. Apart from that he is a very highly trained officer through and through.

He has also been serving in different capacities in the UPDF. He was lastly commandant of Kabamba Army Training School, which is one of the most respected infantry training schools in the country.Before Kabamba Military School, he was also a military attachee at the Uganda High Commission in Nairobi.

He was heading a Military Tribunal against economic saboteurs in charge of Busoga and Eastern provinces, at the outbreak of the war in 1978. So court martial things will not be new to him.

The brigadier who was originally a seminarian,  joined the forces in 1965 after the east African mutiny of 1964 and he  is a mukiga by tribe. But he is a real professional soldier who should be admired.

It is Brig.Bernard Rwehururu who led journalist ,Ahmed Katerega of the Newvision Newspaper, to admire military and almost joined it. Ahmed Katerega states that he(Rwehururu) used to be smart and used to frequent Ssembabule on his way from and Kabamba and Masaka. Then in 1979, he was based at SSEMBABULE and taught Tanzanians A LESSON THEY WILL NEVER FORGET. He is remembered however that his Suicide Reconnaissance Regiment was Bantu dominated compared to other battalions like Tiger in Mubende, but was less disciplined. So it is not proper to generalise all Nilotics, Nilo Ha mites and Sudanic as indiscipline simply because UNLA and Anya Anya were indiscipline. Uganda Armed Forces in Ssembabule was more discipline in 1979 than Tanzanian People’s Defense Forces and UNLA. People of Lwemiyaga near Kabamba, can tell.

After Rwehururu had ordered civilians, to leave Ssembabule, some old people remained claiming that they had no where to go. When Tanzanians came, in they killed all of them. One was Wookulira who was then around 90, Lupiiya Zitta, and a few others. However personally, the two Tanzanian soldiers who came to Ahmed Katerega’s home in Nnambiriizi, five miles West of Ssembabule, were good. They first visited a trading centre and started training youth how to shoot. Then they went to Katerega’s antie, Nantale, who was a local beer seller, drunk, then came to the bush where Katerega and his little sister were grazing cattle. One greeted them(Katerega and the sister) that “Siboota,” they then moved to our home where one of Katerega’s step mothers from Kyotera, knew some Kiswahili and engaged them for a while. Then they teased another who knew nothing claiming that they were taking her with her baby. She cried and they laughed off, and left for Ssembabule.

Tanzanians did not know that an ordinary person could own a iron sheet roofed house or tile roofed one, putting on a watch, or owning a radio and a radio cassette. They were all “amaalo” to borrow from Luganda.Tanzanians destroyed Masaka and Mbarara deliberately, before they had developed an idea of taking over Kampala.

Ahmed Katerega was one of those people who dreamed of a revenge. But with regional integration, he has decided to forget and embrace our brothers and sisters south of River Kagera.

Ahmed states that on a day he does not remember in March 1979, a MIG 21 was hit by another MIG 21, at Byesika village, five kilometres Ssembabule Town on Masaka-Mubende High Way. ”We all run to the scene from our local R/C primary school. The pilot’s body was badly dismembered. l remember on of the local residents examined the private person’s pilot and CONCLUDED THAT IT WAS NOT AMIN SINCE HE WAS NOT CIRCUMCISED.

”Over a week later, one Saturday (Saturdays were school days as Fridays were public holidays since December 1977), army trucks full of soldiers took over Ssembabule. A public rally was called by our County Chief Francis Kasozi, who was also a soldier. In attendance was fresh Haji Bello, the incoming Assistant District Commissioner Buddu District in charge of Mawogola Sub District. We were addressed by non other than Rwehururu, acting Commanding Officer Suicide Reconnaissance Regiment Masaka (He was Second in Commander but his Sudanese Commander had already fled home). He told us to leave the town as it was a war zone.”

”Days later Tanzanians, who had already taken over Masaka attempted to add on Ssembabule, basing from Mateete near Mbiriizi on Masaka-Mbarara High Way, but failed. Hundreds were killed in Balisanga kibugo valley. They attempted second time basing at Kitaasa in Bukomansimbi county but failed and this was when Rwehururu used a Katutsia at Kikoma hill.”

Ahmed finaky said:”The third time, the battle was at my home village nambiriizi, but even then, Tanzanians were defeated.After the fall of Kampala, Uganda Armed Forces retreated to Kabamba, Mubende, Masindi etc… They were never defeated in Ssembabule. l was 12 and l attempted to join the army but was too young. But several future uncles in law joined, surrendered to Tanzanians who never knew about rights of prisoners of war, tortured them, detained them without trial, until they were released around 1982, and they joined NRA.”

Apartheid, just like Zionism, were far worse than any racial, colonial, imperial armies. But regime change in post independence Africa should not come with its own armies. There should be ejection and absorption, the way Nyerere did after 1964 mutiny. Rwehururu’s villagemates like Msuguri were retained. Notorious ones could be detained , tried, then others dismissed, but disciplined ones like Rwehurururu should have been retained after the fall of Iddil Amin.

Rwehururu’s book is a must read, for any body who wants to know the inside and out of our past armies and probably the present army.I recommend you to read one of his master pieces…  “Cross to the Gun” then you will understand his anatomy….Basically he was one of the men and women who fought along Idi Amin againt TPDF…….

The book: ‘A Cross to the Gun’  is one of the most interesting books about the 1971 coup, the Amin army and factionalism that befell it, the 1978-79 war and Amin’s troops in exile. In Kampala you can get it at Aristoc Booklex for about 20,000shs.

UAH FORUMISTS

04/08/09,12:27:34

Background checks in Uganda

Ugandans,
1/11 This question of background checks is related to many other questions that we have debated here, including that of the tribulations of Uganda Police, the ubiquity of violence in Ugandan society, and broader questions related to our general capabilities across the board.  Even when you look closely at the debate on political participation, the autocratic propensties of leadership/political elites at every level of society (not just in the state, a point we often refuse to acknowledge), the question of the capabilities of a pre-industrial, mediaeval society always catch up with us.
2/11 Now, background checks: what are these? What do they entail?  Me, myself, Corporal Otto: I was born in a banana plantation at the back of our kitchen.  My illiterate grandmother was the midwife.  My dining table, the placenta, for the 9 month intrauterine phase of my life was eaten by our dog, Popi.  There are no records anywhere in Uganda that I was ever born.  In places where they carry out background checks, things start from there: you are born in a hospital, your DNA is harvested, your blood group is established, bottom line, you get onto some database.  You are registered with a general practitioner in places where there is a national health system, and every ailment you get is placed somehwere on a database.
3/11 You will go to school and this is compulsory, lest your parents end up in jail, and that means you will end up on the national educational system database.  You will be mistreated by your booze-loving Mzee and end up on the vulnerable children’s database.  Your parents will be entitled to child benefits, that will place you on the revenue services database.  Your parents may get you a passport, and you will end up on the Home Affairs database.  Every trip you make abroad will be logged somewhere, right from your infancy.  And they will automatically have your finger prints.
4/11 As soon as you clock 16 years, you will see a card coming through the post, telling you that you have a social security number (SSN) or national insurance (NI) number depending on the country.  Because all your correspondence comes to you by post, it means that your physical address is known, by post code or zipcode.  You don’t live at “ekikkilira, kumpi nekiyinja, noyita kumuyembe, kumpi nakavule”.  No! If you are Otto, yours will be, 117 Coffin Grove; Death side, Warwickshire; CV40 10QT; United Kingdom (thanx Mr John Nsubuga).  In other words, you are on some one’s radar.
5/11 As you advance in your education, you will be entitled to a student’s loan.  You will open a bank account where monthly instalments of the loan will be deposited.  Every time, and whereever you draw cash, and where ever you do shopping, that is logged somewhere on a database.  You will take bus/train rides using a students swipe card.  Where ever you swipe it, someone knows already which city or town you are visiting.  You will own a mobile phone, and not pay-as-you-go, but contractual.  Whenever and where ever you make or receive a call, that is logged somewhere by GPS.
6/11 You will have a login to use the computers in your local library or your campus.  When ever you use those computers, that is logged somewhere.  You will have an email address.  What ever you do with that address and whenever you log in, that is captured somewhere.  Some camera will even have already recorded some of your biomentrics like the character of your iris…without your knowledge.
7/11 If you live in a country like Britain, which has 1 CCTV for every 13 members of the population, the highest CCTV density in the world, everywhere you walk, you are advised to smile, because you are on camera, being recorded somewhere.  If you acquire a driving permit, you are already on the database of the agency that licences drivers and vehicle owners, by address etc.

8/11 In other words, where ever you are, you are leaving a massive electronic footprint, and that is the real content of your “back ground” in that “back ground check” that you are wondering about in the Ugandan context.  In countries where individuals have such a huge electronic footprint, by the time police come to you to arrest you, you know they have their data: you just ask with a smile, for the handcuffs to be put on your wrists, because in your heart, you know they have the data: wamenikamata, bankutte, bangemye!

9/11 The other day we were talking about safe houses and torture and so on.  Where people undergo subtle surveillance like I have tried to describe above, there is not torture.  It is not because of democracy, as some of us argue here simplistically, it is because you do not have to whip some one to get information from him.  You have it by just one push of the button.  In Uganda, you lack that background information, whether on criminals, prospective judges ( I heard of a Senior Justice Kalanda who was found to have used some one else’s papers to advance his education), MPs, presidents, let alone military recruits.

10/11 So, let us get real and understand what makes things work or fail to work, instead of spending all our time ridiculing ourselves, wishing that we were like others, and generally cursing the dark without ever lighting any candle.

11/11 The lack of such infrastructure as I describe above accounts for such proverbs as “Ente endhirugavu enakuleta”, in other words, I can’t catch you now but when darkness sets in, you will come back to roost……I think that is Lusoga, your language.  In other settings, whether it is shining or not, they will get you.  Why?

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Otto Patrick

A matter of indispline within the PGB

Fellow Ugandans,
The moment we let our military police collapse or become secondary in protecting the public, we run the danger of loss on all sides, and the consequences become dire as witnessed here. The American police is made up of former MPS-who are called upon at an instant to lift up such fellows and throw them in the slammer to cool off, the minute such utterances or threats to the public are heard by colleagues of the soldier or any citizen for that matter.
We ought to invest in a special police unit, well armed and capable of dealing with such incidents, militarily.
Major  Felix Kulayigye, has missed the point here, by blaming the victims of this veteran, who had clearly run amok, I wish he had used a different choice of words, that took responsibility and showed some sensitivity towards the grieving families of those whose lives were violently taken, due to lack of proper safe guards and training that would have prevented such an incident from occurring.
This is not the first instance of  indiscipline with the Ugandan Presidential Guard Brigade, the person in charge has to take full responsibility and needs to remind those who have frayed, that they are citizens first and within the confines of the law of Uganda. Guarding the president and visiting dignitaries is a privilege and a professional job, extended to the elite within the security organs, just like being a minister or the president for that matter.
If the president they are supposed to guard: can’t go around prostituting, getting violently drunk or on shooting sprees,every time he is upset, what makes them think that they can do this with impunity?
Major Felix kulayigye, should leave no wavering doubt in the minds of those on this elite force, that they are not immune to prosecution or  public scrutiny and they cannot bring shame to a unit that prides itself in being the best in the world-for it’s job is to protect the president and visiting world leaders.
A test of sobriety should be the first qualifying measure of any would be Guard to the president, to avoid danger to the president or any visiting world leader.
If a man or woman cannot control his or her liquor or is seen prostituting, what makes you think that he won’t sell out the president or a visiting world leader he or she is supposed to protect?
I have not seen the elite men of the secret service in this country bar hoping, prostituting, threaten the public or causing such mayhem as we see in Uganda.
I’m sure the unit has such good men of integrity, but one bad apple can taint the whole Unit, so it is the job of the person in charge of the elite unit to take the matter very seriously, by admitting full responsibility and weeding out fellows of this calibre from the PGB, before it is too late-carry out random urine tests,if you have to but, keep them professional.
Members of this unit are supposed to have passed an high level psychological profile, random sobriety tests, picked from a very intelligent elite class of security, the cream of the crop and exemplary to all other security professionals.
Intolerance to non-professionalism,  individual acts that put it to shame, and avoidance through due diligence such monstrous acts by it’s members ought to be the order of the day. The key here is proactivity, teach them how to tread softly while carrying a big sticks.
That said, we also have to look at the issue of not properly caring for our returning soldiers or those who have Post Traumatic Stress Disorder. I wonder whether the person who is charge of the PGB, is fully aware  that such Rambos exist within his special unit?  If they do exist, he needs to seek help for them, today we have all sorts of pills, therapies, that can help out soldiers in crisis. I truly believe that this fellow was somehow deranged, and had been suffering for a while, and we should start helping our soldiers deal with PTSD.
We cannot afford to expose the president or any visiting dignitary to such dangers, remember Indira Gandhi, Anwar Sadat were all killed by a person from their presidential guard. My condolences to all the families, lets make no excuses please raise the bar, keep them professional.

Tendo Kaluma
Boston,USA

Explaining Uganda Police Crisis

Dear Ugandans at Heart,

1/7  The current strength of the UPF is 18,000.  According to the United Nations, the optimum ratio of police personnel to the population for effective policing is 1:450.  With a population of 31 million, our current ratio is 1 police officer to 1,722 members of the population.  What this means is that, Uganda is underpoliced to the tune of 272%. 
 
2/7  Long before we talk ourselves hoarse over the deprivations of the police in Kampala metropolitan area, what we need to be worrying about is the fact that all that the country has in terms of police is a scarecrow: walinga. 
 
3/7  In fact, the 1:1,722 ratio is a national average.  It conceals the gross regional imbalances in policing as the table below for northern region shows:
 
                 “POLICING” IN NORTHERN UGANDA
Sub-region                                                                       Police

                                                                                       to population ratio
1.Northwest:

(Arua, Adjumani, Moyo, Nebbi,Yumbe)             1:5129
2.Central Northern:

(Pader, Kitgum, Gulu, Lira, Apac)                           1:4803
3.Northeast: 

(Amuria, Katakwi, Kaberamaido, Soroti, Kumi, Pallisa, Sironko, Kapchorwa)

                                                                                                 1:2884
4.Karamoja

(Moroto, Nakapiripirit, Kotido)                                  1:7202
Regional average                                                          1:5004
National average                                                          1:1,722

 
4/7  If you go and talk to the logistics officer of UPF right now, he will tell you that the force needs an additional 576 vehicles.  Even the distribution of the existing vehicle fleet is so skewed that, sometime in 2003, it was reported that, 16 districts in 2 regions had no police vehicles at all.  Of all the vehicles, 76% were in Central Region, 10% in Eastern Region, 9% in Western Region and a mere 5% in the troubled Northern Region. 

5/7  Even when we talk about Central Region, we may easily miss the imbalances therein.  In 2003, the UPF had a strength of 15,401 and 7,143 of those were in Kampala…i.e., 65%.  The reason why they are in dilapidated structures of Kampala may also have something to do with the fact that the majority of them are in Kampala. 
 
6/7  As we reflect on this problem, we also need to disabuse ourselves of partisanism, as I am seeing with forumists that are allied to UPC.  Underpolicing in Uganda is a historical malaise that requires suprapartisan solutions.  For example, the population of Uganda in 1985 was 15, 491,000.  The police force was a mere 8,000 personnel, the same strength as in 1969 when the population was 9 million.  For the 1985 population, Uganda required 34,450 police officers.  In other words, in 1985, Uganda was underpoliced to the tune of 330% compared to 272% today.  The ratio of police officers to the population in 1985 was 1: 1927, less favourable than today’s which as we have seen above is 1:1,722.  So forumists like Mr Mulindwa, the time for you to really explode unreservedly may have been 1985 when we maintained the strength of the police force equivalent to when we were almost half of the population of the day.
 
7/7  The point is that, the policing crisis in Uganda goes beyond the state of dilapidated billeting in the pampered Kampala.  Partisan cynicism should be taken out of our thinking because the policing crisis is a historical one and it is testimony of the failings of the elite class across the board, irrespective of what faction has been in power.    Diasporan feel-good hot air voluntarism of donating $500 is self-foolery, just as it is grievous self-deception.  I say, it should be culled and it must be called off forthwith. 

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Otto Patrick

‘UAH’ forumist