By Swaib K Nsereko
Department of Mass Communication, Islamic University in Uganda
That death is happening among the hapless 800 victims of strange substances rather than authentic Covid-19 vaccines, is a scandal of global scales. It’s more than conventional terrorism in magnitude. A crime against humanity that transcends sovereign jurisdiction. Of the victims, are some of multiple nationalities; very typical of extreme violence that targets indiscriminately.
When the State House-Uganda whistle blew the tragedy in a press conference last week, the target audience wasn’t the vulnerable Ugandan. Nor the domestic investigation agencies—these were already privy. It was the international audience.
To Ugandans the revelation was even risky. It reinforced existing doubts surrounding the entire vaccination exercise and several other myths happening in Covid-19 treatment health centers. Citizens were already more alarmed with death rates of patients going to hospitals than those resorting to unconventional alternatives. The broader consequence of the tragedy is the effect it has to make more people shun even authentic Covid-19 vaccinations. This risks multiplying community infections—necessitating extended lockdowns, frustrations, miseries—all ultimately upsetting the economy. In fact, health minister Jane R Acheng already anticipates high infection numbers throughout August despite the current lockdown scheduled to have ended this July.
While whistleblowing the unfortunate action, Dr Warren Naamara, the head of State House Health Monitoring Unit revealed that some of the victims have already died. He said the killer project coordinator, Dr Francis Baguma is on the run. The killer team of health workers was facilitated with well labeled kits including personal protection equipment—PPEs, vaccination cards, vaccine carriers and vials of Covid-19 vaccines. They had absorbent cotton, medical examination gloves and record-keeping books for accountability. This confirms a well-systematic network pursuant to a particular goal. According to Dr Naamara, so far victims have been identified in major economic sectors involving direct foreign investors—FDIs such as in the construction industry (Dott Services—the main contractors for road constructions in DRC and Tororo cement—the main suppliers of construction hardware). Other targets are from the banking industry such as Diamond Trust Bank and United Bank of Africa. Yet others are from the major manufacturing companies like Uganda Bati, Madhvani, Seven Hills and Dot Maxs Packaging. These are companies that describe the depth of Uganda’s private sector, the country’s economic nerve-center. Hence the action clues a calculative racket under the guise of Covid-19 to advance its economic and political goals.
Therefore, the primary focus of investigation teams comprising agencies of International stature, should be to establish the broadness of the criminal network—beyond Uganda. Uganda’s own capacity of conducting such complex investigations is limited.
On its part, the world health organization—WHO, has to interest itself in identifying where else similar counterfeit accessories have applied. What were the consequences by who and for what? This will inform a world deterrent effect against a replica of similar conduct in other countries. These are the times for international agencies like WHO, FBI and Interpol to justify their physical presence in Uganda. They should share their global competence in tracking criminal fugitives. Dr Francis Baguma is within their reach. He is best equipped to tell the full length of the tale as it happened.
Assistant Lecturer, Islamic University in Uganda (IUIU)Mass Communication Dept
P.O Box 7689 Kampala, UgandaTel: +256701872431
30th June 2021
HEALTH (especially public health) is a PUBLIC GOOD that’s created through collective choice; paid for collectively; and supplied to recipients without charge (or below cost). That’s why the Government is indispensable in the delivery of healthcare.
Since Covid19 was first confirmed in Uganda in March 2020, there has been strong concern on it’s management. These concerns were generally ignored or, even, ridiculed by the Government.
Uganda reached Stage 3 of Covid19 transmission in June 2020 and the 4th and last stage- WIDE-SCALE COMMUNITY TRANSMISSION- by Aug/Sep 2020. That meant that Uganda had, by that time, lost the battle of tracing and controlling the spread of the disease.
The main reasons for the early loss of transmission control can be traced to 1) wrong framework and structures for managing the pandemic and 2) poor planning and implementation.
LEGAL and INSTITUTIONAL FRAMEWORK:
We pointed out at the onset that circumstances created by the pandemic, which threatened the economic life and public safety of our country necessitated a declaration of a State of Emergency, provided for under Article 110 of Uganda Constitution.
This would have offered Parliament (and the country) an opportunity to scrutinise and approve a plan for managing the Emergency and for monitoring the implementation of such a plan.
Apart from the absence of continuous parliamentary involvement, there was also over-reliance on political (PM & RDCs), rather than technical structures in managing the pandemic.
PANDEMIC MANAGEMENT PLAN:
Right from the onset, it was necessary to have and widely share a plan that dealt with the following:
Controlling the spread of the virus.
Monitoring the Covid19 transmission;
Increase in healthcare facilities, healthcare workers and their motivation.
Socioeconomic and healthcare support for the population.
Research on pandemic; including, the mutations, medicines and vaccines.
Long term socioeconomic recovery.
The above two cardinal weaknesses translated into three major negative outcomes from which loss of Covid19 transmission control was inevitable:
Firstly, lack of effective, timely and continuous communication of information on the pandemic to the population.
Secondly, wrong policies; especially 1) allowing continued 24/7 importation of virus by truck operators; 2) absence of a post-lockdown containment plan and 3) general elections, starting with NRM primaries, that ensured countrywide dissemination from the urban centres.
Thirdly, loss of faith/good-will in Government’s response generally. This was especially occasioned by: 1) widespread brutality and abuse of Human Rights in enforcement of poorly understood measures; 2) abrupt lockdown without corresponding attention to people’s socioeconomic (food, rent, water, energy etc) and healthcare needs; 3) massive government borrowing (~ $ 2bn) followed by a corruption bonanza, as people’s suffering intensified; 4) Government and NRM leaders violating Covid19 SOPs with impunity, while others were brutally treated for far less or no violations at all; 5) absence of post-lockdown socioeconomic recovery measures for most hard-hit sections of the population; and 6) Weaponising Covid19 to grab power again in 2021 “elections”, where NRM/M7 Junta opponents were totally crippled on account of controlling the pandemic.
DECEPTIVE DECLINE OF COVID19 TRANSMISSION:
In spite of losing the control of Covid19 transmission, illness and hospitalisation declined. Illness results from a combination of the aggressiveness of the virus, quantity of virus (load) in the body and the body immunity (ability of body to fight off the infection).
It would appear that Africans may have had greater immunity against the original virus (SARS-CoV-2) from China. It also appears that the young population of African countries meant that there was a high level of infected people without any symptoms.
This was, on one hand, celebrated as being a result of good Government response to the pandemic; while, on the other, it confirmed to a skeptical population that Covid19 was a hoax all along, being politically and corruptly driven!
Covid19 waves are driven by, both, human behaviour and changes in the virus itself.
The skeptical population had abandoned any attention to the SOPs for controlling Covid19 spread and, having lost control of transmission, meant new types (variants) were being imported or locally generated and widely spread.
The deceptive decline was the calmness before the storm.
UGANDA’S 2ND COVID19 WAVE:
The current Covid19 wave rampaging the country is the result of the lost control of transmission, lack of population observing the SOPs, progressive decline of people’s immunity and at least 5 new variants of the virus that are more aggressive.
Regrettably, because of the weaknesses outlined above, the 2nd wave came when the Government preparedness wasn’t much different from March 2020 and when the population had become much more vulnerable.
All the concerns outlined above remain up to now and some have become worse:
Lack of constitutional and institutional management of the pandemic has led to increased marginalisation and deprivation of the population.
Lockdown without social, economic, medical welfare support.
Education for the majority of the population stopped, while privileged few continue uninterrupted. The promised TVs and radios for home teaching are yet to come!
Industries, shops and supermarkets work; while small and informal businesses are shut down.
Commercial transport (including those importing viruses) and private transport (for “essential” people) work, while public transport is shut down.
No beds, ambulances, oxygen and other facilities in public health facilities, while private health facilities charge prices beyond the public’s ability.
Foreign tourists are welcome to tour the country during lockdown, while locals aren’t allowed to tour.
Lack of a clear and publicly approved plan, means that the arbitrary knee jerk responses continue:
Lockdown without clear targets and a workplan to achieve them and, hence, end the lockdown.
The shambolic healthcare system continues; the majority of Ugandans unable to access healthcare; healthcare workers continue being poorly facilitated and motivated.
Institutional capacity and Research in the virus and its control/ treatment will remain unachievable.
Socioeconomic recovery for the majority population will never be realised.
Borrowing and stealing/ corrupt use of public money will continue unabated just like the nearly $2billion borrowed last year.
A plan for managing the current crisis should be urgently presented to parliament that includes immediate social welfare support for vulnerable sections of the population (food, rent, water, energy & medical).
It should be noted that those holding our country hostage and arbitrarily using our resources will continue doing so unless the population asserts its will over them and regains influence in running our public affairs. All pro-democracy forces and the general public must once again rally together for this purpose. Further guidance on this will be given in due course.
As the people of Uganda struggle to get democratic and accountable public institutions, domestic and external lenders to Uganda government should stop until what was borrowed last year is adequately accounted for and a proper legal and institutional framework for its management put in place. The IMF approving a new loan of $1billion in spite of the above situation shows how it’s a part of Uganda’s problem!
Meantime, let’s attempt to support each other to the extent possible since the provider of public goods is largely absent.
WHO CARES ABOUT UGANDA?
“Is the increase in internet access (12% Data Increase) the last stroke to Uganda’s Crippling Education System?”
An open letter to the President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni
Mr. President , I address you today with all the due respect you deserve.
I have a simple question to you, “Who cares about Uganda(ns)?”
Health of Ugandans
What happened to our lovely motto; “For God and my Country?”
Where are our leaders when over 800 Ugandans are injected with water for a high cost ranging from UGX 100,000 to UGX 200,000, in the disguise of getting the Covid-19 vaccine? How many Ugandans have got all the two covid-19 vaccine jabs? How many have got only one and have failed to get the second one? How many doses have so far been brought into the country to cater for over the 40 million Ugandans? Who cares about Uganda when one has to pay 3 million before getting an admission and has to pay a daily cost of over 4 million shillings? Who cares about Uganda when one has to access his NSSF savings while in ICU, at a death bed? Who cares about Uganda when the citizens are given rotten food, milk and substandard masks? Who cares about Uganda when the regional hospitals have not yet been fully equipped with oxygen, ICU bends, and only 3,000 beds have been installed out of the 42,000 beds like you directed?
Crippling Education sector;
Children have spent close to 2 years without attending school. A few who happened to report back were later sent back home after paying the already hiked school fees.
Many schools / students resorted to online learning, and others sought learning out of the country while in the country, through attending classes online in the various online universities / institutions across the globe.
With the continued lockdown, the demand for online learning has greatly escalated. For a simple one-hour class / online meeting via zoom, teams, among other platforms, 1GB of data may be no more. And how much is a GB of data even before the 12% increment is effected? About (On average) UGX 5,000.
1. What is the internet usage / penetration in the country before the 12% increment takes effect? It is still very low.
2. How many of your Bazukulu are accessing quality education online, especially in this hard period of the pandemic? There is a reasonable increase in the number.
3. How many universities have failed to fully operate online because internet is expensive to the students, and because internet penetration is still low? Very few universities have actually succeeded in fully going online.
4. What happened to the free internet we were promised? More than 99% of the Ugandans didn’t see / access it. You will be shocked to find out that this free internet was on the buildings of the rich people in the government.
5. How many young people survive on the internet for survival? Through online shopping, bloggers, safe boda, jumia, café javas, virtual platforms? Many at the moment.
6. Churches are closed, they offer online services to their followers. Schools are closed, they are embracing online learning. Markets are partially opened, but the customers are at home. They thus order for the basic necessities of life online. Mr. President, not all these people who regard internet usage as a necessity use it to abuse you.
7. How much money are you hoping to collect from the 12% increase in internet charges? Did you achieve the anticipated revenue collection from OTT? Do you realize that internet access and usage is likely to reduce and be regarded as a “Luxury”?
Mr. President, In your last address, you ordered us to work from home, and not more than 10% in the offices*. That means more than 90% of us are working from home.
How can we work from home when the internet is not affordable?
9. We do file the URA returns online. Increase in the internet cost will greatly affect this important area as well.
10. Facebook usage; Mr. President, when the admins to your Facebook account had their accounts suspended / deleted; you switched off / shut down Facebook for the entire country. Please note that less than 1% of the Facebook users do misuse it; and over 99% use it for constructive work like advertising produce, social networking, business, among others.
All these benefits were put on hold because of your decision.
Those who continued using it todate rely on VPN (Virtual Private Network), which consumes alot of data.
Mr. President, don’t you think that you were insensitive to majority of the Ugandans?
In conclusion Mr. President;
1. The 12% increase in internet / data usage is likely to do more harm than the anticipated good, and will go a long way in complicating the already complicated education system and the entire economy in our beloved country.
I actually believe that, this is the right point in time, to make internet as cheap as possible, or perhaps make it free (by providing the earlier on promised free internet), to make it affordable to all the Ugandans, otherwise, “NO ONE CARES ABOUT THE UGANDANS ANYMORE”.
2. We shall obey all the SOPs and guidelines Given, But please revise your decision on increasing the internet cost.
1/8 When we were young foot soldiers, we harboured a dose of resentment for the by-product of the overhyped secondary school called Makerere University; particularly because of what, we were told, was their principle ideology: the 1,2,3,4 doctrine.
2/8 The 1,2,3,4 doctrine means, One (official) wife; two children; a three-bedroom house; a four-wheeled vehicle (preferably, four wheel drive with a four litre engine). Apparently, that is all that the Makerere (large noises?) graduate possess as life’s ultimate ideal.
3/8 Right there in the 1,2,3,4 doctrine, the national manager is faced with a tough contradiction whose two poles are:
1. A yawning gap in “service delivery” to a largely rural population.
2. The abundance of a 1,2,3,4 bureaucratic, intellectual and technical elite (with an overinflated opinion of itself).
The question then becomes: how do you resolve that contradiction?
4/8 One of the two above is the means and the other is the end. One is primary and the other is secondary. The big-shot mentality of the “Moja, Mbili, Tatu, Nne pseudoelite” is, that if you are to be assigned as a public servant outside the confines of the national capital to the outlying country (which is literally 2 miles beyond the “city” centre), you have to go there as a “District-something” at a minimum: District Medical Officer, District Veterinary Officer…the same with education, administration, agriculture, culture, youth…mention it.
5/8 Here is how our Roman Catholic Priest Kiringente parish used to resolve a similar contradiction. Roman Catholic doctrine prohibited(or prohibits still?) the consumption of meat on fridays, except fish. When the Faza (Father) Pio found himself stuck only with beef or chicken on friday, he would have to sort out two contradictions: the subjective one to do with some obscure doctrine and the objective one to do with basic survival by avoiding starvation. Solution: take the beef to the altar in the Kelezia, and in the name of the father the son and the ghost, “I baptize this beef as fish, and from thence onwards it shall be fish”…sprinkle some water here and there…Kwisha!..and on to the kitchen, and a friday dinner of “fish”. Amen.
6/8 Now, if you have an elite with such a huge ego that they will not take any title that is not prefixed by the word “District”, you are in a bit of a fix. They will not be called Sub county Medical officers, or Sub county Education Officers etc, and those aspects of public service will remain unsuperintended by those with the knowhow, if know who. What do you do? Use Faza Pio doctrine. Get the thing called the Sub County, bundle it to the Kelezia called parliament full of rubber-stamp catechists that are indebted to you, cause them to baptize the Sub county as the “District” all in the name of the goat and the rooster…or whatever is on the Court of Arms….Amen.
7/8 That is how you deal with a philosophically constipated pseudoelite that will not distinguish between form and essence: essentially they will be sub county notables but in form, they will District this and District that; while taking services to the people shall cease to be irritating claptrap. “No money for many districts”: that is more of popular rubbish that it is enlightened public opinion.
8/8 Vote Retarded Lance Corporal Otto into State House now and I would baptise the sub parish as the “District”, if only to massage the morbid egos of the muddle-headed 1,2,3,4 pseudoelite, and take those services as deep down as the mayumba kumi. The end would justify the means.
By Lance Corporal (Rtd) Patrick Otto
Which langauge doens’t borrow from others any way?
E’saati = Shirt for English
Sapatu = Sandals for Italian
E’motoka = Vehicle for English
Yingini = Engine for English
Kompyuta = Computer for English
Makanika = Mechanic for English
Gomesi = Gomez for Spanish
Masiikini = Masikini for Kiswahili
Furiigi = Refrigrator for English
Palimenti = Parliament fro English
O’Busela = Obushera for Rukiga
We all do better when we allow borrowing and sharing as regional members!
by Joseph Kamugisha
By YAHYA SSEREMBA
ARTICLE SUMMARY: Buganda was allowed a privileged position during colonial rule, but the colonialists preferred Kiswahili to Luganda as a lingua franca. This was one of the earliest signs that the political dominance of Buganda faced an uncertain future.
AUTHOR BIOGRAPHY: Yahya Sseremba is the publisher of The Campus Journal current affairs website.
The history and status of Buganda should have made Luganda the natural national language of Uganda. Before and after the beginning of colonial rule in the late 19th Century, Buganda was the only bull in the kraal of what came to be known as Uganda. The British enhanced this status by empowering the people of the kingdom with schools, cash crops and administrative posts. But the colonial administration could not prefer Luganda to Kiswahili when it thought about a national language.
The British favored Kiswahili even though it faced strong opposition and indeed open hostility from the two most powerful players then after the government: the Kabaka and the Church.
The Churches – Protestant and Catholic alike – wanted Luganda for no reason but because they hated Kiswahili, which they associated with Islam. Islam had been introduced to Uganda by the Arabs and their Waswahili associates from the East African Coast. This history linked Kiswahili in this part of the world to Islam, a religion with which Christianity shares a past of rivalry, hostility and even war. In the eyes of the paranoid Christians, the elevation of Kiswahili to the status of national language would translate into the same status for Islam. Mazrui (1995) quotes Bishop Tucker:
Mackay… was very desirous of hastening the time when one language should dominate Central Africa, and that language, he hoped and believed, would be Swahili…That there should be one language for central Africa is a consummation devoutly to be wished, but God forbid it should be Swahili. English? Yes! But Swahili, never. The one means the bible and protestant Christianity – the other Mohammedanism…sensuality, moral and physical degradation, and ruin… Swahili is too closely related to Mohammedanism to be welcome in any mission field in Central Africa.[i]
Besides linking Kiswahili to Islam, the Christians reasoned that native languages were more suitable for evangelism in their respective areas than a lingua franca. Mazrui notes, “A lingua franca was deemed unfit to reach the innermost thoughts of those undergoing the conversion to Christianity”. It was argued that a child needed to be educated first in his native language in order to comprehend. [ii]
The Christian opposition to Kiswahili was significant in the sense the Church controlled the schools, which were supposed to teach the language.
The second front of opposition to Kiswahili was led by Kabaka Chwa II, the Buganda monarch who could not simply watch as an ‘alien’ language supplanted his native language. Buganda’s opposition was equally significant in the sense that the monarchy enjoyed a special relationship with the British colonialists. The British had come to Buganda at the invitation of a Buganda king and had substantially relied on the support of the kingdom to subdue other parts of the colony. It would therefore indicate a degree of ungratefulness and even betrayal on the side of the British to empower Kiswahili at the expense of Luganda. A newspaper quotes the Kabaka’s 1929 memorandum making his protest against Kiswahili clear:
I feel however that it is my duty to add here in conclusion, that it is quite unnecessary to adopt the Ki-Swahili language as the official native language of the Baganda in place of, or at the place of, their own language…[iii]
Despite this determined opposition to Kiswahili, the British went ahead and promoted it with a view of imposing it as the national language. In his 1927 memorandum, the development of Ki-Swahili as an Educational and Administrative Language in the Uganda Protectorate, Governor Sir WF Gowers strongly recommended:
Kiswahili should be adopted as the lingua franca throughout a considerable part of this Protectorate…for purposes of native education in elementary schools, and on the lines adopted in Tanganyika…Kiswahili is the only vernacular language in East Africa which can provide in the long-run anything but an educational cul-de-sac, in Uganda as in Kenya and Tanganyika…[iv]
Consequently, Kiswahili was taught and imposed as the lingua franca in vast parts of Eastern Province, Northern Province, and West Nile. Three factors could have motivated the British to prefer Kiswahili to Luganda. One could have been Kiswahili’s wider usage in the East African region. The British inclination toward Kiswahili was possibly inspired by their dream of creating an East African federation. Secondly, the colonialists didn’t consider the Kiswahili-Islam link a threat enough since the Muslim population was too small to turn the tables on the Christians. Where the Muslim population and influence was substantial, for instance in Buganda, Kiswahili was not imposed though it was taught as an additional language to Luganda.
The third and most enduring factor was the hostility of Bunyoro and the North toward Luganda. Bunyoro had suffered a great deal at the hands of Buganda. It has lost vast territories to Buganda both before after the advent of the colonialists. The British conquest of Bunyoro, though it would ultimately have come to pass with or without the help of Buganda, was greatly facilitated by the military contribution of Buganda. For this contribution Buganda was rewarded with parts of Bunyoro territory. Bunyoro’s opposition to Buganda and Luganda was therefore understandable.
When the opportunity to vote for a national language came in 1973, the Banyoro joined the Nilotics of the North in voting overwhelmingly for Kiswahili and against Luganda.
For its part the North has always been hostile to everything south, especially Buganda, owing in part to the British colonial policy of divide and rule. The Northerners had always looked at the south with jealousy, thanks to the schools, hospitals and roads that the colonial government concentrated in the region, especially in the Central. This bitterness would later drive the Northern-dominated army to brutalize southern communities after independence.
This widespread opposition towards Luganda could not have motivated the colonial government to favour Luganda as a national language. The colonial behavior of promoting Kiswahili had far reaching implications for Luganda and Buganda influence in general. By the 1953 when the British abandoned the Swahilisation campaign, Kiswahili had become the language of the armed forces,including the army which has since 1966 played a central role in the political management of Uganda.
Following independence the Swahilisation campaign gained new momentum.In 1973, twelve districts would vote for Kiswahili as the national language as opposed to only eight, which voted for Luganda. The results prompted then president, Idi Amin, to declare Kiswahili as the national language on 7, August 1973.[v]
Whereas Amin didn’t enforce Kiswahili as the national language, his decree was undoubtedly a blow to Luganda. Since no subsequent government has repealed this decree, it follows that Kiswahili is the national language of Uganda.
President Museveni’s government has even gone as far as declaring – albeit without enforcing – the teaching of Kiswahili compulsory in schools. In practice there are more people speaking Luganda among various ethnic groups compared to Kiswahili since the latter has had about 150 years of spreading. The large scale spread of Luganda dates back to the religious wars of the late 19th Century in Buganda, which forced Muslims to disperse in various parts of the country. The movement of the Baganda Muslims went hand in hand with the introduction of Luganda wherever they settled, including in parts of Ankole where the word Muslim became synonymous with Muganda.
The use of the Buganda model of administration and its Baganda chiefs during colonial era further spread Luganda far and wide. Despite this near-universality of Luganda, government policy has consistently favored Kiswahili. To the Baganda this is part of the jealousy and resentment that members of other tribes, who have composed government since 1966, harbour against Buganda. But to others Kiswahili would suppress the tribal sentiments likely to rise from the adoption of an indigenous language as a national language.
As the movement towards an East African Federation registers more steps, the support for Kiswahili is likely to multiply and fortify.
[i]Ali Al’Amin Mazrui, Swahili State and Society: The Political Economy of an African Language. East African Publishers 1995, p53.
[iii]P.H. Gulliver, Tradition and Transition in East Africa: Studies of the Tribal Element in the Modern Era. University of California Press (1969, pp.118)
[iv]Ali Al’Amin Mazrui, p.56.
[v]Viera PAWLIKOVÁ-VILHANOVÁ, Swahili and the Dilemma of Ugandan Language Policy, Asian and African Studies, 5, 1995, 2, 158-170
Swahili is a bantu language; It is used as a national or formal language in some countries of East and Middle African countries such as Tanzania, DRC, Kenya, Burundi, Rwanda and Uganda. Until now the Swahili language is estimated to be spoken by more than 200 million people worldwide. Other African countries that speak Swahili include Comoro, Zambia, Malawi and Mozambique. Swahili is also spoken in some Arab countries such as Yemen, UAE etc. Swahili is an official language of Africa Union (AU), East Africa Community (EAC), and Southern Africa Developing Countries (SADC). South Africa, Botswana, and Namibia have also initiated the use of Swahili as the subject in their schools.
Below are few among many Similarities between bantu swahili, Zulu, Shona, Sotho and Luhya.
Ndovu – Swahili
indlovu – Zulu
Nzou – Shona
Inzofu – Luhya
Tlou – sotho
Nyama – Swahili
inyama – Zulu
Nyama – Shona
Nama – sotho
Mbili – Swahili
Ezimbili – Zulu
Piri – Shona
Tse peli – sotho
Kumi na mbili – Swahili
ishumi na mbili – Zulu
Gumi nembiri – Shona
Ekhumi ne tsibiri – Luhya
Leshome le metso e mmedi – sotho
ezintathu – Zulu
Tatu – Shona
Tsitaru – Luhya
Tharo – sotho
Nne – Swahili
Ezine – Zulu
Ina – Shona
Tsine – Luhya
Tse ne – sotho
Mbuzi – Swahili
Imbuzi – Zulu
Mbudzi – Shona
Imbusi – Luhya
Poli – sesotho
Fundi – Swahili
Umfundi – Zulu
Mufundi – Shona
Mfundi – Luhya
Moithuti – sesotho
Yetu – Swahili
Yetu – Zulu
Yedu – Shona
Yefu – Luhya
Rona – sesotho
Lako – Swahili
Lakho – Zulu
Rako – Shona
Gago – tswana
Yao – luhya
Ulimi – Swahili
Ulimi – Zulu
Rurimi – Shona
Leleme – sesotho
Some people have described Swahiri Dynamic, the ability to grow as a language. Many scholars and linguists have described Swahili having limitations to grow= “not dynamic” enough to embrace science and technology at theorectical and working levels. This is a contrast with Luganda. Luganda’s dynamism or expandability is vast and has been demonstrated in lots of research some of which have made Kenyatta and Makerere University excel as centres of research & development.
Swahili’s problem comes from the fact that its Grammar structure is a mixture of Bantu and Arabic, two different languages. Its grammar is almost 70% Bantu, 25% Arabic. Its nouns are almost 60% Arabic, 50% Bantu. That’s a problem if you’re to develop a language to embrace science.
Think of the mathematical numbering in Luganda vs. Swahili. The 1st 1-5 are Bantu and 6-10 Arabic in Swahili: excuse (my spellings)
moja ( arabic?), mbiri tatu, ine, tanu ( bantu)——-sita, saba, nane, tisa ( arabic) kumi.
Luganda: emu, biri, satu, nya, tano, mukaaga, musanvu, munaana, mwenda, kumi.
Swahili’s mixture renders it inexpandable, less dynamic in numbering. Continuing to higher figures, its a dissaster for Shahili, and classical for Luganda.
If Luganda research had government funding like Swahili, we would have seen Universities and technical colleges teaching scince and technology in Luganda.
Luganda researchers, using their own resources, have made great contributions in Linguistic theories, thus making solid foundation for Scientific Luganda. Examples:
1. Formalized Domainal Role Theory;
2. Situatodomainal Theory
3. also check on the ” Sample Style Manual for English- Luganda- English Dictionary definers and Luganda Terminological Modernizers” at:
http://www.luganda.com under “UPDATE”
On the practical point of view, during Amin’s rule, there used to be more “Taifa Leo” newspapers bought than present day in Uganda. Just check with street vendors in Kla, Jinja, Mbarara, Masaka, Gulu, Tororo, Mbale.
– The sale of Bukedde, Eddoboozi, Kamunye to private individuals are far more than English newspapers combined. Most English Newspapers are bought by corporations and govt depts for Ugandans to read= isnt that subisdies?
Read about Tanzania’s Swahili project, before it scrapped it and re-introduced “Tuki”. They went on a “spending”/ borrowing spree to make Swahili scientific. They failed miserably why? You dont just borrow for the sake of expanding!! You must create a foundation for expantion and it MUST BE scintifically SYSTEMATIC. The words must meet 7 internationalyy recognized criteria. Kenya did the same. Where are they? They had to “fund” an expert in Bantu language to find out the reason why Swahili fas failed in science & technology. Who was that expert? Dr. Kibuuka Kiingi, who was then a D. Lit student at Kenyatta University. He got his Dr of Letters at Kenyatta University- its ONLY D. Lit ( Dr. of letters) awarded after examinations and the 1st D. Lit of its kind in East & central Africa. I dont know if Makerere has any, if they do, there are less than 3. The rest are honorary.
What is important is the potentila to create and or expand words from what you already have so that the speakers will easily grasp the scient term easily. Even where borrowing is done, especially in Chemistry, some kind of coining based on the grammar structure and noun formation are needed.
For example, if a teacher mentions a new Luganda terminology like ” kannabantuwano”, it will easily click to a Luganda speaker that its about a technic or study invloving human beings or human behaviour. Ask any S4 or S6 leaver in Uganda, whose mother language is not English, and who has never looked at ro be taught in school the difinition of “socialogy” if he/she will figure out what Socialogy is all about.
There is no developed country in this world with developed technology, that uses a foreign language as its only medium of communicating science and technology etc knowledge. By the fact that we re using English, we’re hand capped in innovation. If we are to add on Swahili, we will be doomed to extinction in innovations.
So, let those whose first language are indigenous in Uganda, retain their rights to learn and acquire knowledge in their 1st language so long as its beneficial and practical. Nobody should impose language rules where he’s not native.
South Africa has more than 5 National/ official languages. Switzerland has more than 4 . Why not Uganda?
During the recent African Queen conference at Munyonyo, Museveni was pictured with a big book ” Enkuluze y’Oluganda eye Makerere”. He was also promoting his “Kalondoozi or Katondoozi, his Runyankole dictionary. These are African Queens, from all corners of Africa. Why wasnt he holding & distributing ” Tuki” dictionary? Was he looking for votes in Buganda? He used state funds, “his funds” to fund & purchase Katondoozi, later on to claim its his research, my foot!!!! when did mu7 go on a field research in Ankole? How many of you were contacted by him? Soon he will get a Phd for his Runyankole dictionary work!!
check the real research work on http://www.luganda.com. under ” UPDATES”. Those Ugandans at MUK & KIU are Great, bravooooo!!!
By Yak Kirimwengo via UAH forum
By Peter Mulira
JOHN Simpson’s claim in last week’s Sunday Vision “New details on Mutesa’s death” that he was among the last people to see Sir Edward Mutesa just before he died in 1969 cannot go unchallenged because it is a stark distortion of history.
The last people to see Muteesa were his aide de camp, George Maalo, his bodyguard Major Katende and one Iga, who after finishing his studies in London decided to stay on to serve his Kabaka. The three lived with the Kabaka in his flat in Surrey Docks, Bermondsey and were with him from around 5:00pm on the fateful day.
As a young student in London who was deeply involved in the Kabaka’s affairs, I became privy to the true story of the Kabaka’s death and the preceding events through Iga. Iga became disgruntled by the information which was being peddled by some Baganda that a certain girl called Tatu Sekanyo had poisoned the Kabaka on the orders of the Obote government.
Iga’s conscience troubled him so much that one Sunday afternoon about a month after the Kabaka’s death, he came to my hostel and asked me to lock ourselves in my room because the information he was going to give was very sensitive. “Ekiseera kigenda kutuuka kyetaagise okwogera amazima”, Iga told me, meaning that a time would come in the future when it would be necessary to tell the truth. That time has come after 41 years, thanks to Simpson.
The events that preceded the death are tragically woven around the Kabaka’s birthday of that year. For the first time since he arrived in London, his birthday fell on a Wednesday, which forced the organising committee to postpone the celebrations to a Saturday.
In retrospect, this was the straw which broke the camel’s back, to use an English saying slightly out of context. Because, unknown to the organisers, the change demoralised the king who was used to celebrating his birthday on the day it fell for all his 43 years. To the king, this change was another sign of the changes in his fortunes and although the postponement was unavoidable and well-intended, it had a direct impact on the events that ended in the tragedy.
As Iga put it, the Kabaka had been morose over the departure of his Katikkiro J.S Mayanja-Nkangi, who had become an Economics don at a university in northen England.
Then news reached him, whether true or not, that his adviser and close confidant, the erudite Fred Mpanga, had secured an appointment as a judge in Botswana. With these two gone, life would definitely take on a new quality for the Kabaka who, by the very nature of his office, only acts on the advice of trusted friends. It was in this frame of mind that he went for a birthday dinner at a friend’s house on Wednesday.
Upon his return from the dinner, he found a few of his people waiting to congratulate him and there was an impromptu session of merriment. It was agreed that they should spend Friday together. Kimera was unable to oblige since he had just started on a new job, but offered to join his brother in the evening. This rattled the Kabaka somewhat for he remarked to his aides that: “Even Harry has deserted me!”
On Friday at around 7:00pm, while the aides were in the kitchen and the Kabaka was alone relaxing in his favourite chair next to a bookshelf full of military history books, the phone rang, but he did not pick it up. After some time, Katende decided to go and see what was happening and to his shock found the Kabaka had collapsed as he approached the phone. Katende had no alternative but to answer the phone because he needed to ring for instructions from his minders as to what to do with the Kabaka.
Later, this split-minute conversation Katende had with the caller became the defining moment in this tragic story. Who was the caller and what did she say to Katende? First let it be mentioned that the aides did not get permission to call in the ambulance until five hours later when the Kabaka breathed his last as he was being taken down the stairs to the ambulance.
The caller was Sekanyo, who had been a school friend of the Kabaka’s niece Betty Namulondo at Kololo High School. Namulondo was at the time married to Dr. Peter Bull and they lived in Cambridge. When Sekanyo arrived in London for her studies a week earlier, she joined up with her friend when she went to visit her uncle on the previous Sunday as was the custom of people who were close to the Kabaka.
The two arranged that Namulondo would come down to London on Friday in preparation for the celebrations the next day.
They were to meet at King’s Cross tube station but Namulondo was not on the 7:00pm Cambridge train as she had indicated to her friend. Sekanyo decided to ring Namulondo’s sister at the nearby Chalk Farm to check on her whereabouts. The sister suggested that Namulondo was most likely in Surrey Docks because she had mentioned that she would go there.
The sister provided the telephone number of the Kabaka’s place, whereupon Sekanyo made the fateful call which changed her life.
The innocent question Sekanyo had asked the person who picked the phone at the other end, “Is Namulondo with you?” was changed in an article which appeared in Sunday Telegraph the following Sunday to be “Has he died?” suggesting that the caller expected the king’s demise.
But Sekanyo would be a stark, starring fool to give such a direct clue that she had poisoned the Kabaka during the day as was claimed later. Two things can be categorically stated. Sekanyo did not kill Mutesa. She was a scapegoat of the inadequacies of others. His statement is not difficult to prove because all the principle characters in this story are still alive. Iga, Namulondo and Sekanyo live in England while the sister lives in Naguru. The facts of this story can, therefore, be verified from the original sources.
Secondly, Simpson’s version of the events is not correct. At the time of the Kabaka’s death, I was working part-time as commentator on African affairs with the BBC programme African Talking Point whose producer was the late Chris Cuthberton. I know it as a fact that every reporter used to be given a tape recorder to record his interviews which would then be stored in the archives.
If, therefore, Simpson interviewed Mutesa on his last day on earth, the interview should be in the BBC archives and it would help if he got the BBC to make the story public if indeed it exists. If the claim is that he just dropped in for a chat, that would not be true either. For security reasons, the Kabaka never met anybody alone.
The writer is a lawyer.
Published on: Saturday, 22nd May, 2010
In an attempt to portray Idi Amin as not only an evil person as the West sought to do, a web page http://www.idiamindada.com/ has been dedicated to reveal the good side of Amin and also how the West connived “forcing him to be a president at a gun point.”
Below are some of the issues raised in the webpage.
1 – “Did you know that Idi Amin has two grown twin sons by a Former Female Israeli Secret Service Agent?
2 – Did you know that there are people who think Idi Amin was framed for the murders he allegedly committed in Uganda?
3 – Did you know that some people think Idi Amin was “set up” and “slandered” because he couldn’t be controlled by “super powers?”
4 – Did you know that Idi Amin’s father was a Police Officer and not a peasant as told by many people and he served as a soldier in the First World War?
5 – Did you know that Idi Amin was guarded by a snake as an infant while being subjected to an unusual paternity test practiced by ancient Kakwa?
6 – Did you know that Idi Amin wrestled a crocodile in Somalia during a tour of duty when he was in the Kings African Rifles?
7 – Did you know that Idi Amin disobeyed orders from his British Superiors to shoot Kenya’s Jomo Kenyatta on sight during colonialism and saved his life instead?
8 -Did you know that Idi Amin’s superiors held him in high regard during his time in the Kings African Rifles?
9 – Did you know that Idi Amin was forced to become the President of Uganda at gun point?
10 – Did you know that Idi Amin had a “rock solid” relationship with Israel before he crossed over to the Palestinian side?
11 – Did you know that Idi Amin gave a 10,000 dollar tip to a Black American cleaning lady while on an official trip to New York City, to ease her suffering from racism?
12 – Did you know that the novel and film “The Last King of Scotland” is fictional?
13 – Did you know that during the war that led to his ouster, Idi Amin travelled to the war frontline and waved to the opposing soldiers and they excitedly waved back instead of shooting him?
14 – Idi Amin’s Father Mzee Amin Dada Nyabira and 1st wife Sarah
15 – Did you know that Idi Amin’s Presidential Guards “wrestled him to the ground” to get him out of harm’s way because he wanted to die in Uganda like a true soldier during the war to overthrow him?
16 – Did you know that upon his release from decades of imprisonment on Roben Island, South Africa’s hero Nelson Mandela thanked Idi Amin for the role Idi Amin played in overthrowing Apartheid in South Africa?
17 – Did you know that Idi Amin became a devout Muslim after fleeing Uganda and regularly denied that he committed the atrocities attributed to him?
By Eric Kashambuzi( R.I.P)
Buganda was founded around A.D 1200. It consisted of three counties of Busiro, Mawokota and Kyadondo.
Baganda were originally divided into six clans, each with a separate totem. Although the six clans were equal, the leader of Civet Cat (Ffumbe) clan was leader of all clans, making him the first leader of Buganda.
The first Kabaka of Buganda was Kato Kintu. Kabaka Kintu deprived clan heads of their political and judicial powers, leaving them with cultural powers only. He created thirteen clans to counter the original six and made himself the leader of all clan heads (Ssabataka).
Baganda were divided into royals and non-royals. The non-royals were subdivided into three groups: clan leaders (Bataka), civil/political leaders (Bakungu), and peasants (Bakopi).
All the land was entrusted to the king for use by all without discrimination. (The 1900 Buganda Agreement between Buganda and Britain changed this arrangement giving land to the Kabaka, saza chiefs, few prominent Baganda and the Crown, leaving peasants who constitute the majority of Baganda out in the cold. Land ownership in Uganda including in Buganda is currently changing hands once again). The Kabaka was supreme ruler.
At the beginning, clan leaders were hereditary and were powerful. Kabaka Mawanda made some changes and gradually eliminated most hereditary leaders. Ultimately power was centralized in the Kabaka. Kabaka Mutesa I had absolute power and his word was final, reminiscent of Louis XIV of France.
The expansion of Buganda began in the 17th century. The areas of Butambala, Gomba, Busujju and Southern Singo were conquered and colonized or annexed to Buganda.
Conquest and colonization continued in the 18th century. Buganda gained territory largely at the expense of Bunyoro. The counties of Kyagwe, Singo and Bulemezi were colonized. Buddu was added to Buganda around 1770.
Buganda gained more territory when six counties of Bunyoro were forcibly annexed by Britain to Buganda in 1893 as reward for Buganda’s support in Britain’s defeat of Bunyoro resistance to colonial rule. Buganda also absorbed Kokki and Kabula.
The acquisition of guns by the kings of Buganda helped in Buganda’s colonization process. For example, by 1880, Kabaka Mutesa I possessed 1000 guns. The possession of guns and Anglo-Buganda alliance speeded up the geographic expansion of Buganda.
Contrary to popular belief, Buganda is an amalgam of many clans with different histories and cultures, with some clans bigger and more powerful than others. Given this background, secession of Buganda from Uganda could open a pandora’s box that may be difficult to close.
By way of illustration, soon after Dudayev announced Chechen-Ingushetia sovereign and independent of Soviet Union on November 1, 1991, the Ingush people split from the Chechens. On November 30, 1991, the Ingush people voted to remain within the Russian Republic.
Thus, there is a possibility that some clans in Buganda may choose to remain within Uganda should Buganda attempt to secede.
The information is not exhaustive. It has been provided on demand as part of civic education.
Let us see the simple difference between the following terms:
1.SOCIALISM:You have 2 cows. You give one to your neighbour
2.COMMUNISM:You have 2 cows. The State takes both and gives you some milk
3.FASCISM:You have 2 cows. The State takes both and sells you some milk
4.NAZISM:You have 2 cows. The State takes both and shoots you
5.BUREAUCRATISM:You have 2 cows. The State takes both, shoots one, milks the other, and then throws the milk away
6.TRADITIONAL CAPITALISM:You have two cows. You sell one and buy a bull. Your herd multiplies, and the economy grows. You sell them and retire on the income
7.ROYAL BANK OF SCOTLAND (VENTURE) CAPITALISM:You have two cows. You sell three of them to your publicly listed company, using letters of credit opened by your brother-in-law at the bank, then execute a debt/equity swap with an associated general offer so that you get all four cows back, with a tax exemption for five cows.
The milk rights of the six cows are transferred via an intermediary to a Cayman Island Company secretly owned by the majority shareholder who sells the rights to all seven cows back to your listed company.
The annual report says the company owns eight cows, with an option on one more. You sell one cow to buy a new president of the United States, leaving you with nine cows. No balance sheet provided with the release.The public then buys your bull.
WHAT ABOUT YOU? WHAT DO YOU UNDERSTAND BY FASCISM? DO U REALLY THINK NRM IS A FASCIST PARTY?
By Agaba Francis
I trust the president when he says something, he must fulfil it. The way he dismantled opposition is amazing. I think the Museveni project in the name of Bobiwine have done great harm to the opposition. Leaving the former prominent oppositionists helpless. I remember the days of Dr Besigye, real issues that affect Ugandans would be talked about but now……..
International best practice in political movements and resistance requires that for a political party to be successful, it must also have a radical action wing! NRM had NRA, ANC had uMkhonto we Sizwe , the Communist Party of China had the People’s Liberation Front/Army, etc. One of the roles of these radical wing was to handle betrayal and ensure discipline using all methods possible. Unless this happens, this indiscipline and betrayal shall continue. These also were used to counter the under hand methods used by the sitting Governments; ensuring that Newton’s First Law of motion is put to practice. FDC and NUP hope you read! Otherwise the man was serious when he said that by 2021 there will be no opposition in Uganda, and we are still in 2021 please!
I read reactions about Museveni luring opposition members to his party and that some people are following their stomachs and so forth. Incidentally, when some leave NRM to join the Opposition, it is okay. Funny and pedestrian politics!
Political parties grow through recruitment and if you can attract high profile persons, the better. It is common practice in the democratic world.
And as time passes, people’s views change so it’s not uncommon to see a person leaving one group to join another, based on well considered views. In Canada, there are many such high profile politicians that have left parties to join others and even leading those new parties. Perhaps the best example is former Ontario premier, Bob Rae. He was a Liberal, crossed to New Democratic Party (NDP ) became premier and introduced controversial policies like the Social Contract Act, and after some time left NDP and rejoined Liberal Party, represented his riding and later became the Acting Leader of the Liberal Party. Later resigned to join in the first for Aboriginal cause and is currently Canada’s UN Rep.
People should be free to join and leave any political party and even religion as they see fit.
Why crucify and demonize people when they exercise their free will?
That’s dynamism but not following his stomach!
by Peter Simon
By Stella Nyanzi
Her Worship Owekitiibwa Joyce Nabbosa Ssebugwawo is a beauty whose dress sense is matched by none other. She wears the gomesi like a royal model. She pays specific attention to every fine inch of her skin. Her make-up is always spot on, even in the late hours of the evening. Her finger nails are ever manicured and polished to perfection. And her royal palm is soft to the touch. Her jewellery and other accessories steal the show whenever she is at public functions. She smells of the finest exotic perfumes.
She is among the handful of older women who whole-heartedly supported my entry into formal politics. She honoured me with the graceful acceptance to be my proposer in the 2020 political party primaries for the race of Kampala Woman Member of Parliament. She gave me money for my posters. She opened tightly shut doors to the traditional media when I had no money to pay for air time on radio and television shows. She was honest enough to criticise some of my ways in my face. She advised, encouraged and gave me tips on how to efficiently run an election campaign. When I was discouraged and despairing, she uplifted my spirit. And often she invited me to speak to the numerous groups of voters she met during the campaigns. Even when I was absent, she would ask her voters to vote for me as well.
And so, for me, Owekitiibwa Ssebugwawo has not only been a party leader but also a rare role model in opposition politics. She held my hand and believed in me when most did not.
Is she a true member of the opposition in Uganda? Definitely! In all my engagements with her, Owekitiibwa was earnestly working to liberate Uganda from dictator Museveni. Is she a leader I look up to? Yes, most certainly! She has been at the very apex of the FDC political party leadership – even when taking over the presidency when POA was contesting in the national elections. Am I disappointed that her names are on dictator Museveni’s list of ministers? I am gutted, heartbroken, aching, in pain and shock that she accepted to work with the dictator she has challenged for a large chunk of her life.
And yet, I understand. I know what it means for an underdog from an amateurish party to beat me in the race for political office. I know what it means for the so-called opposition to be so fragmented that we contest against each other. I know what it means to be rejected in the elections, not because I am incapable but rather because of an empty hollow wave. I know and I understand the pain of my political party offering no alternatives for fulfilling service after one loses in the formal national elections. As a Muganda elite woman, I also know what it means to be called a mole eating from the dictator even when one is innocent and sold out to liberation.
Would I take a job of minister from dictator Museveni? No way! Over my dead body! I cannot join the rapist of Uganda in raping my people. I cannot eat food from the plate that has poisoned my people. I cannot kneel down to join the sycophants praising a corrupt brutal murderer. That is my firm position.
When FDC political party leadership went to Bulange to meet Owekitiibwa Katikiro Charles Peter Mayega, there were only two women in that room: myself and Owekitiibwa Ssebugwawo. While she sat in a settee during the interaction, I knelt down to introduce myself to the kingdom’s prime minister. She is royalty, and she was born in 1944 – the same year as my father! I was the most junior and youngest person in that meeting.
That meeting in Bulange is significant because of its symbolism. The Ssebugwawo generation of Baganda elders in FDC politics is in the evening of its time. It is good for the women in FDC that Owekitiibwa’s departure to work for dictator Museveni has clarified for us the vacuum in our party. There is a leadership vacuum. There is a power vacuum! We must arise and occupy these spaces of position, power and leadership in our political party. Her exit (if indeed it is an exit) is an open door for us. If it is not an exit (as yet), it is the eve of a retiring generation of hardworking leaders. I can smell the coming of a new generational cycle of FDC leadership in the horizon.
My generation, be steady! Prepare your boots. The race to fill the multiple vacuums in our party is on. Owekitiibwa Maama, genda otusakire ewa Kanywa Musaayi nga bweweyongera okutugabilira mu opposition. Thank you for your exemplary firm leadership. Thank you for vacating the hot seat of party leadership for us!
By Rajaab Kaya Sema
POLITICS IS PART OF LIFE! Take It or Leave It
( The Principe of Minzan – The Weighing scale )
In life we spot, get close to each other or through maneuvers! we propose to each other and invite other people to celebrate with us, we dine and prove to those present that we understand, appreciate and love each other more to the bone marrow!
There comes a time when we feel that we can no longer be together as husband and wife. When we feel that each hour, day and month we remain together is unproductive.
To some people who are naive and with limited life experience in this field may think, believe or rather conclude that we didn’t love each other in the first place! That is an error in reasoning.
In life people breakup in their marriages or relationships but maintain a mutual working relationship! How does that happen! It happens only when people understand their history, appreciate each other’s contribution in their journey and most importantly respect each others decision.
Does your former girlfriend, boyfriend, fiance, partner, wife or husband become useless when you breakup ? The answer is NO !
By this, I worked with Owek Joyce Nabbosa Ssebuggwawo for 7 years as an Administrative Officer and her Personal Assistant. We had our political differences especially on choices of candidates during our internal party primaries. At some point in 2011 during EALA party primaries she asked me to choose between my job and supporting Hon. Among Anita! I chose Hon. Anita and we won the race! She was for Hon. Salaam Musumba.
In 2015 during the contest between Dr Wrn Kizza-Besigye and Gen. Mugisha Muntu, we crashed again. In another EALA contest between Hon. Ibb Florence, Hon. Madam Ingrid Turinawe we crashed again! She was for Ingrid and I was for Ibb. Hon. Ekwau won. You may not wish to know what ensued later.
Our last hot encounter was in 2017, she supported Hon. Amuriat, I did support Gen. Muntu. At Najjanankumbi she was the Deputy President Buganda and I was National Vice Chairman Buganda. At KCCA Lubaga Division I was her Personal Assistant. These two roles required a lot of skills and wisdom to balance.
In April 2017, I asked Owek. Mayor Ssebugwawo politely and respectfully not to renew my appointment which was expiring at the end of May 2017. ( KCCA contracts were renewed every after four months). She couldn’t believe it! but I explained to her why she needed to let me go! She however thanked me for the good services and noted that although we conflicted on several party candidates choices, I always stood my ground and that I was never intimidated nor easily compromised.
Fact: Owek. Joyce Nabbosa Ssebugwawo loves Dr Kizza Besigye, after her great love for Buganda, Besigye is next. She loved FDC and treated members of the party as an extended family. Take this from me.
Did Joyce Ssebugwawo benefit financially from her position as the Mayor Lubaga? At least not in the 7 years we worked together. She would drive go to her bank when KCCA would credit her account ,put money in the white envelopes and gives to the waiting visitors from the party, division and beyond. I must thank her for that big heart.
When Dr Besigye didn’t express interest to contest in 2021 presidential elections, Ssebugwawo was one of the few Senior leaders who thought that FDC would support a joint opposition candidate in the name of Bobi Wine. That was criminal ! In additional to her views on how the Party leadership in Buganda had to be accorded respect in conducting party primaries for KCCA Speaker ! Her choice was Hon. Kawalya Abubaker
Is Ssebugwawo looking for money in the NRM? At least not that! but to remain active and working everyday. That is the life she has lived of Owekitiibwa! Take it or leave it.
Does President M7 need more money to survive ? No
Did Rt. Hon. Kadaga need to remain Speaker and get more money to survive? No ! but to be and remain the Speaker.
Owek. Joyce Nabbosa Juliet Ssebugwawo has never been a mole in FDC ! Let’s not throw insults at her, let’s not undermine her! Even at the highest provocation, there is no such a time when I ever disrespected or abused her. I left that ka job where I was earning 3.8m gross & 2.3m Net. What have you lost ?
Any intelligent mind or call it a sane person reading through the insults from the members of the same family ( FDC party) would easily tell that the person of Ssebugwawo was unwanted or her life threatened!
Kaaya Rajab Sema
Adult Educator – Nansana
Former National Vice Chair FDC
By Kahemba Samora,
I stand with Joyce Ssebugwawo,90% of FDC members did not vote POA,why make her the escape goat?
That photo shows Mama ticked either Bobi or M7 just as the rest of FDC members did!
FDC is still the biggest opposition political party in Uganda by membership registration but that was completely opposite of how POA scored.
Rukungiri and Kasese the Mecca of FDC overwhelmingly voted for M7 and Kyagulanyi,POA only got good votes from Teso(his tribe mates) not necessarily FDC members.
If we had a chance to peep into ballot basins of all other FDC leaders,you would know that Jesus is the Lord!!
We just need to sit and assess why our candidates were not voted for by their party members so we can do better next time!
Ssebugwawo was not alone,all FDC members did exactly what she did,it is hypocritical and out of shame that they are turning guns at her,
Otherwise about her crossing to NRM,that is her! That is the Mama I know(as an FDC Youth Leader ,I worked under her in Lubaga),entondo nobusungu alina bingi,she couldn’t take that humiliating loss lightly.
By Nyanjura Doreen
Often times we know those that are not firm in the Party, those that meet M7 at night but be opposition during the day! We fear the Public, we fear being bashed and we keep those spies in the Party, we keep them because we want to keep the numbers in Parliament and atleast be in charge of the opposition. unfortunately when the truth finally comes out, it’s too late, no one believes us when we tell them that we knew so and so was in talks with the Junta.
I guess now you know why Katonga was created, unfortunately it was also infiltrated and it continues to struggle to identify and shake off the infiltrators!
For long, some of us that have advocated for exposure and expulsion of double elements, are always reminded how political Parties can’t be built like that.
Personally, I was not shocked by Owekitibwa being on the list, I was only shocked that it’s only her that was on the list and others were left out, we are still with them in the Party, they make decisions on behalf of the Party!
The FDC was created on the premise of a Liberation Movement, this is because the environment in which we operate today can’t give a free and fair playing ground to Political Parties. Unfortunately, the premise on which it was founded got diverted into settling to operate in the suffocating environment. The time is now for us not just to change gears but to return to the liberation struggle as it should be and as we know it.
To those in the FDC for Liberation, do not despair, It is when it is darkest that the struggle to find light intensifies. I can state without fear of contradiction that our struggle is going to take on a new trend that will soon deliver our country liberation.
By Nyanjura Doreen
FDC has an open door policy, when you open for those that want to enter you will also have opened for those that want to leave. If you close the doors so that people don’t leave, you will also have shut out those that want to get in. The strength of an organisation is not just about numbers of those that hold positions. It is normally argued that in politics we should seek to add and multiply and avoid as much as possible subtracting and dividing. It is not a given that in all situations multiplication is better than division. Going by this logic let us take this example 100 multiplied by a half is 50 while subtracting 10 from 100 leaves one with 90 so in this case is multiplication better than subtraction? Numerical strength in politics is determined by organisation and an invisible force called cohésion. An organised cohesive group will in the long run have numerical supériority.
Thé builders of the Babel tower could not succeed because of their discord inspite of being many. So when those that are not like minded opt out they strengthen our cohésion. The organised and like minded will always triumph over the divided disorganised many.
FDC NEC MEMBER.
With regards to Kijambiya Idi Amin,you will come across many second hand stories, self-centred stories, selective stories and short stories all talking what they think an Elephant is.
The Reality is often much different from whichever version of the story being told. Idi Amin was a man who used his Gut instincts in dealing with issues that confronted him. Gut instincts are immunological responses we often apply to prepare us for fight or flight.
By and large, whatever “good” Idi Amin is purported to have done is dwarfed into insignificance by the myriad of heinous things he chaperoned like killing of innocent people on a whim.
That he was the President, the buck must stop at his doorstep because he never came out openly to show that he was peeved off by the senseless killings.
Ugandan highways and streets became potholed during his reign, yet people will select certain stories which they think gives Amin pat on the back to portray ”developmental’ plans Amin had.
Like I stated before, the only lasting legacy Amin would have given Ugandans was the National Language Act, which became stillborn after being decreed. It is surprising that Amin’s son Hussein Jaruga Amin continues to delude himself about his Father’s achievements even thinking Ugandans do not know how his father personally was involved in the Killing of Archbishop Janan Luwum and my cousin Oboth Ofumbi and Erinayo Wilson Oryema.
Oboth Ofumbi’s killing was very surprising because on the Christmas of 1976,like Amin had done since 1972,he spent that holiday at Ofumbi’s rural home in Nyamalogo,and yest barely 3 months after the very Snake he had been inviting to his home killed him.Not even family members were allowed to bury their loved one as everything was done under heavy military and Police guards for fear of people seeing what really caused Oboth’s death.
So, for those who want to praise Amin,you are at liberty to do so but just like those who used to praise Museveni,the best judge Time will soon show you that ignorance is an incurable disease.
We need to identify Fascists as Fascists, not benevolent tyrants et dictators.
By Dr. Owor Kipenji via UAH forum
By Edward Mulindwa via UAH forum
Look I am not here to praise Amin for I love the man, but I praise his nationalism. A man like Obote handed the Israeli a contract to build the 16 hospitals, question is, did we not have a Ugandan company to build them? But look closely at all the 16 what is common about all of them? They were all built in ditch. Do you know why? For Israelis cut the soil out, pack it into containers and shipped it to Israel, the agriculture you see in Israel today much is done on soil they took from Uganda and for free. Do you think Amin would have donated the soil of Uganda for free to anyone? How many times did Amin preach how we need to build a trans African highway? By the time he left office the surveying had even started, how is it today come 40 years later now that Uganda has the professionals leading it? Museveni’s government has more degree holders than any African continent how is Uganda doing today?
Don’t you wonder why today in 2021 I am raising the issue of the water of River Nile going to the Middle East for free, when the Uganda cows and the population are starving of water? Where are the professionals? Do you think if Uganda was in Middle east, we would be getting that water for free?
Idi Amin’s army tanks were meant for battlefields in the bushes but not to be driven on any kind of roads
Idi Amin’s army tanks were meant for battlefields in the bushes but not to be driven on any kind of roads.
When TZ and Uganda exile pursued Idi Amin’ soldiers, they fled in disarray; some tried to flee using tanks. If you traverse the country, you see skeletons of tanks lying on side roads everywhere for instance on the corner to Nakasongola from Gulu Road, one huge metal was lying there.
The damage to the road network was extensive. For instance, Soroti town had excellent tarmac roads which got damaged, one particular stretch from Soroti Hospital to the Railway Station(6miles) got particularly damaged by the tanks and it’s only now that the damage has been addressed.
By Peter Simon
Kabaka Daudi Chwa_II’s Albion 16-H.P car, the first privately owned motor car in Buganda
1920: Ssekabaka Daudi Chwa_ll while in Edinburgh Castle in England
Prince Ronald Muwenda Mutebi and his brother, Richard Bamweyana Walugembe
Ssekabaka Muteesa ll, the first president of Uganda, was a trained soldier
Ssekabaka Muteesa ll, the first president of Uganda, when he was 6 years old
This is the palace of Ssekabaka kalema at mende in Busiro. He was a kabaka of Buganda between 1888-1889
This is the palace of Ssekabaka Kimera who was a kabaka of Buganda between 1374 and 1404.
1925: introduction ceremony in Buganda called OKWANJULA
He was pictured at St Henry’s College Kitovu watching the march past by students. Near him (on his right) is Brother Aidan Mulabannaku the then Headmaster. That was in 1964.
Ssekabaka Muteesa II- Desecration of My Kingdom, pg. 127-128:
‘The wind of change had started to blow in West Africa and there was no doubt now that Uganda would become independent… We [Buganda] had struggled long and hard to retain out integrity during the life of the Protectorate Government. Now the situation was to be different and we looked ahead to see if there were different dangers. Where would we stand in an independent Uganda?
Buganda’s relationship with Uganda had never been important before. We had dealings with the British and we had friendly neighbours…the airport, the University and the main cities were on our land…we were far the largest and most forward unit in Uganda…It was not true that, if we were granted federal status, everyone else must get it also. We never had at any time a wish to expand. Nor did it make sense to suggest that I would become Kabaka of all Uganda… We wished to hold what we had, to continue to govern ourselves, as we were demonstrably capable of doing.”
By Edward Mulindwa via Ugandans at Heart Forum.
Iddi Amin is a president that led the entire country; many after presidents have had one region or the other none governable. I worked in Acholi for many years, very normal region, Lango was very normal, with full government services–all equally represented with other regions. The president visited them on many times and they danced together on many times. How many times did Obote visit West Nile?
Did you know that Amin was a good guitar player? Yes he sometimes pulled out himself walked into a band and played a guitar. “Nze neyagalira ono Omulungi ……… “ was one of his favourites. What have you enjoyed being a Ugandan if you were born in or after 1979?
Nsambya road just where there are or were so many trees including Mango trees, I do not know if they still exist- I have not passed there for a while, if you saw so many cars whizzing through back and forth, you would know that the Field Marshall was cutting his hair. His barber was actually working under one of those trees. He was a very regular, he drives all the way from state house to Nsambya road to get a clean-up of his head, and he was a very regular under those trees. Usually afternoons was his favorites, No arrangements, no appointments– he just pulls in waits for the Ugandan being cut to get finished, and he sits for a good chat. And he always paid, never for free; he always had a brief case in the trunk with Uganda shillings. He pulls it out, counts the cash and pays extras too. In all presidents I have watched in Uganda and out of Uganda he enjoyed it bunches. Normal markets when he sees meat, he pulls over and asks for a Lubirizi after cutting a joke with the citizens.
Oh and because of the economic embargoes, there were two prices of meat, it should have regularly been 7 or 8 shillings a pound, and the magendo price was 40 shillings. Amin was paying the 40 shillings. I know everyone is in a squeeze for they are holding our goods in Kenya, fuel isn’t coming but we will survive. And you bet we did.
In Amin’s time I had no reason leaving the country, why? What would I actually do to leave everything I worked for and hardly to live this winter? Look we have every right to brag about our good history, for that is all we have to share, for as soon as he got out the traumas, the camping, the massacres, the concocted wars, the armies of trade is what we have witnessed.