List of all nominated candidates for Parliamentary positions in Bugisu region

Ahead of the 2021 general elections, here is the full list of all nominated candidates for Parliamentary positions in Bugisu region
Mbale City:
Woman MP Mbale City
1. Lydia Wanyoto Mutende (NRM
2. Connie Galiwango Nakayenze (Independent)
3. Robinah Nadunga (NUP)
4. Nambuya Maimuna (FDC)
5. Luwungele Shadia (Independent)
6. Nansubuga Racheal Kakungulu (Independent)

Northern City Division MP
1. Wanyoto Paul (FDC)
2. Masaba Ivan (NUP)
3. Wambede Seth (NRM)
4. Gershomu Sizomu Rabbi Wambede (Independent)
5. Mashate Peter (Independent)
6. Nangoli Umar (Independent)
7. Magala Iman (Independent)
8. Aryampa Jackson (Independent)
9. Wandera Muhamad (ANT)
10. Webisa Dennis (Independent)

Industrial City Division MP
1. Karim Masaba (Independent)
2. Nabende Isaac Walera (FDC)
3. Mutenyo Augustine (Independent)
4. Wambogo John Wekesa (NRM)
5. Nambafu Geofrey (Independent)
6. Madoi Yasin (NUP)
7. Musaalo Micheal (Independent)
8. Musamali Martin (Independent)

Mbale District:
Woman MP Mbale District
1. Musuya Soobi Annet Florence (NRM)
2. Mukhaye Mariam Wangisi Massa (Independent)
3. Kakai Judith (NUP)
4. Nafuna Phiona (FDC)
5. Nandutu Suzan Mwalye (Independent)
6. Lunyolo Sylvia Aisha (Independent)

Bungokho South Constituency MP
1. Wandwasi Robert (NRM)
2. Mujasi Masaba Bernard Elly ( Independent)
3. Nakhale Daniel (FDC)
4. Wokuri Goeffrey (Independent)
5. Woshale David (Independent)

Bungokho North Constituency MP
1. Wanyenya Shafiga (Independent)
2. Magolo John Faith (NRM)
3. Godoi Yahaya (Independent)
4. Naleka Abdallah (Independent)
5. Wambede James (FDC)
6. Wambede Moses (Independent)
7. Mubajje Sam (Independent)

Bungokho Central Constituency MP
1. Mukhwana Eric Stephen (Independent)
2. Wanda Richard (NRM)
3. Mauso Andrew (Independent)
4. Wanamama Anthony Eddy (FDC)
5. Nangayi Guyson (ANT)

Bududa district;
Bududa Woman MP
1. Khainza Justin Mukuwa (NRM)
2. Khainza Agnes Shiuma (Independent)
3. Agnes Nandutu (Independent)
4. Wetsetse Esther (Independent)

Manjiya Constituency MP
1. Nambeshe John Baptist (NUP)
2. Mukhobeh Moses Khaukha (NRM)
3. Matanda Hussein Kaato (Independent)
4. Matsanga Jackson (Independent )

Bushigai Constituency MP
1. Wakikona David Wandendeya (NRM)
2. Wamboko Patrick Kituno (FDC)
3. Watila Wilson (Independent)
4. Namukowa Phillip (Independent)
5. Khatondi Job (Independent)

Lusteshe Constituency MP
1. Isaac Modoi (NRM)
2. Masika Robert (NUP)
3. Watenga Godfrey Nabutanyi (Independent)
4. Wekosesa Micheal (Independent)
5. Bikala Moses Mukuwa (Independent)
6. Nabwokye Wilson (Independent)

Namisindwa District;
Woman MP Namisindwa

1. Netalisile Kayegi Sarah (NRM)
2. Nekesa Faridah Nakizibwe (FDC)
3. Wayenya Leah Juliet (Independent)

Bubulo East Constituency MP;
1. Richard Mataya (NRM)
2. Musila John (Independent)
3. Wataka Nathan (NUP)
4. Nyote David Innocent (FDC)

Namisindwa Constituency MP
1. Masika Apollo (NRM)
2. Wameli Anthony (NUP)
3. Nakhabala Wilbrod Wandende (Independent)
4. Mupuya John Bosco Wopuwa (Independent)
5. Kutosi Rogers Khabusi (Independent)
6. Wulyalya Stephen (FDC)
7. Mwelu Stephen Lukunyu (Independent)

Bulambuli district;
Bulambuli Woman MP
1. Irene Nafuna Muloni (NRM)
2. Sarah Nambozo Wekomba (independent)
3. Muduwa Scovia (NUP)
4. Nalwele Harriet (independent)
5. Nambozo Patience (Independent)

Bulambuli Constituency MP
1. Biara Emmanuel (independent)
2. Burundo Alex (NRM)
3. Isaac Katenya
4. Gashali Tom
5. Samali Moses (FDC)
6. Paul Wabulaka (DP)

Elgon County MP
1. Mudimi Nyasio Wamakuyu Ignatius (NRM)
2. Masaba Emmanuel Wekomba Sabunyo (FDC)
Elgon North County MP
1. Gerald Nangoli (NRM)
2. Nangabo Henry (Independent)
3. Musudo Nengera Hannington (Independent)
4. Mwambu Madate Christopher (Independent)
Sironko district;
Woman MP Sironko
1. Asha Nabulo Mafabi (NRM)
2. Nambozo Florence Mayoga Wamala ( Independent)
3. Hilder Nadunga Can (Independent)
4. Juliet Gibbs (Independent)
5. Femiar Wodada (FDC)
6. Eva Kayegi (Independent)
7. Aisha Nakayenze (NUP)
Budadiri West Constituency MP
1. Nathan Nandala Mafabi (FDC)
2. Wambaka Kosea Makwasi (NRM)
3. Peter Muyobo (Independent)
4. Mafabi Ronald (NUP)
5. Bossa Nasser (Independent)
6. Christopher Nakisali (Independent)
Budadiri East Constituency MP
1. Woboya Vicente (NRM)
2. Sasaga Isaiah Wanzira (FDC)
3. David Woniala (NUP)
4. Richard Maserege (Independent)
5. Nagiyi Julius (Independent)
6. Sasaga Godfrey Wanzira (Independent)
7. John Kiwungulo (Independent)
Manafwa District;
Manafwa Woman MP
1. Mary Gorret Kitutu (NRM)
2. Mutonyi Rose Masaba (Independent)
3. Namalwa Annet (FDC)
4. Milly Khainza (Independent)
5. Ann Mugoma (Independent)
Bubulo West Constituency MP
1. Welikhe Chris Peter (NRM)
2. Nataka Richard Micheal (Independent)
3. Butita Paul (DP)
4. Matembu Chris Wataka (FDC)
5. Wosero Robert (NUP)
6. Simiyu John (independent)
Butiru Counstituency MP
1. Wokooli Godfrey Matembu (NRM)
2. Yiga Samuel Joel (NUP)
3. Mwalye Andrew Steven ( Independent)
4. Tingu Makuma Lorna Simiyu (Independent)

Full list of nominated candidates for parliamentary positions in Mbale City

Full list of nominated candidates for parlaimentary positions in Mbale City
Woman MP Mbale City
1. Lydia Wanyoto Mutende (NRM
2. Connie Galiwango Nakayenze (Independent)
3. Robinah Nadunga (NUP)
4. Nambuya Maimuna (FDC)
5. Luwungele Shadia ( Independent)
6. Nansubuga Racheal Kakungulu (Independent)
Northern Division
1. Wanyoto Paul (FDC)
2. Masaba Ivan (NUP)
3. Wambede Seth (NRM)
4. Gershomu Sizomu Rabbi Wambede (Independent)
5. Mashate Peter (Independent)
6. Nangoli Umar (Independent)
7. Magala Iman (Independent)
8. Aryampa Jackson (Independent)
9. Wandera Muhamad (ANT)
10. Webisa Dennis (Independent)
Industrial Division
1. Karim Masaba (Independent)
2. Nabende Isaac Walera (FDC)
3. Mutenyo Augustine (Independent)
4. Wambogo John Wekesa (NRM)
5. Nambafu Geofrey (Independent)
6. Madoi Yasin (NUP)
7. Musaalo Micheal (Independent)
8. Musamali Martin (Independent) 

Nothing is as expensive as poverty

By  Halima Kiberu via Ugandans At Heart Forum Facebook

Nothing is as expensive as poverty. When you are poor, you basically pay more for everything. It is a prison that charges you rent for being under arrest.

I used to think it was cheaper to be poor. Now I realize it is the most expensive thing in the world. Number one reason most relationships break up? Money.

When you are poor, you can’t even run a relationship let alone a friendship. You are in a super trap.

Poor people cannot even get a bank loan. Like what are you even going to stake there? Your life? Poor people can’t even have an opinion. No one even laughs at a poor man’s joke. But for a rich man, all his jokes are ever funny.

Poverty charges interests on everything. You live in a place that floods when it rains. Now you can’t even do anything else the next morning except wake up and clean up the mess. You set up an appointment, it rains and you can’t even make it their on time.

You buy a cheap shoe, before long, it is worn out. Now you have to buy another shoe. A taxi decides to charge more, now you have to wait on the stage until a cheaper one comes along. There you go, time gone and by the time you arrive where you are headed, the opportunity has passed.

Guess who gets the discounts? It is the rich who buy in bulk. You have no idea how everything is cheap when you can buy it in bulk.

Guess which cars are flagged down by the traffic officers? They are cheap cars. It is very rare to see a Range Rover flagged down. What is there to even discuss? Now you are driving your tattered car, you are flagged down, you have to part with something. Before you know it all, you can’t even pay off the mechanic.

If there is one mission for a man in life, it is to escape the poverty trap as fast as possible. It is like there is tax for being poor. You basically pay a service fee for being poor.

Bottom Line: Don’t be poor. You end up as the in-law who fetches water and firewood at a funeral.

Poverty robs you of choices in life. A poor man never gets to choose. The choices are already made. Your kids will still go to the same fake schools, taught by fake teachers and then guess what? No one will even think about them when an opportunity strikes.

Poverty steals all options in life. Wondering where to hold your wedding? Nigga you can’t even wonder, you can be certain it is going to be some fake gardens. No one even wants to turn up for a poor man’s wedding meeting.

What’s even worse, when there is an ‘opportunity’, it is always a scam disguised as an opportunity. You think there is any rich man losing money in a Development Channel. Never! It is still the poor people’s money. It is much easier to scam a poor man than a rich man. Because a poor man is on the wall, he is desperate. He is ready to do anything.

Poverty is the most expensive thing!!!🤷‍♂🤷‍♂🤷‍♂🤷‍♂🤷‍♂

Note: According to the 2016 Poverty Assessment Report, many children still live in poverty. More than 50% of Uganda’s population are children. Uganda is the world’s second youngest nation after Niger. Sadly, about 55% of Uganda’s children below five and 38% between 6-17 years live in poverty. Women carry the most burden of early childhood care.



By Halimah Kiberu via UAH Facebook forum

There are habits you can develop that will make you poor forever. I am one of the many people who had developed 10 habits that almost destroyed my life. If you want to remain poor and desperate forever, try the following habits.

1 Sleeping early and waking up late

Poor people sleep early and wake up late. Statistics from a popular researcher in USA showed that nearly 90% of the poor people sleep between 7pm and 9pm and wake up between 6am and 9am while rich people sleep earliest 9pm and wake up latest 6am.

In life, the more time you dedicate into your work, the higher the chances of getting optimum results.

Poor people don’t see the value of putting more time into their work, they simply work under instructions.

2 Take a lot of alcohol daily and other hard drugs

The worst mistake you can make is to start swimming into alcohol. You will eventually become an addict, thus affecting your output.

If you want to be rich, you must have specific time you take alcohol and the limit set.

3 Keep lazy friends

Your friends will determine how far you’ll get in life because your thoughts and your friends thoughts are almost similar. If you have lazy friends, friends with little ambitions, the only thing you can achieve in life is breathing.

4 Marry and have many children when you have nothing

If you’re born by poor parents, the best thing to do to your life is not to marry when you have nothing or if you get married don’t have many children. It’s ironical that rich people have few children while poor children have several children.

When you give birth, that child will always look up to you for all the basic needs a human being needs. If you have 3 to 20 children, you will need several granaries of food to satisfy them. Nearly all your resources will be directed towards upkeep.

5 Spend too much time in school and college

Education should have limits. On this earth, no employer will pay you money enough to satisfy you even if you possess 30 degrees. Rich people have few academic papers because they know the value of being innovative as opposed to possessing many degrees. If you look around, you will hardly find a billionaire professor, why?!!

6 Avoiding risks

Most people always like to take safe routes, which is why they are poor. Great opportunities are hidden where risks are high. When you avoid taking risks, it means you have decided to settle for less.

7 Minding other people’s business

When you focus too much on other people’s affairs, you forget about your purpose in life.To succeed, you have to take time to plan, execute and see results. But if your work is to monitor what others are doing, you will achieve little.

8 Being an employee forever

Tell me how many employees are listed in top 1,000 wealthiest people on earth. There is no employer who will pay you more than they pay themselves.


Every once in a while, courts make decisions that upset whole industries and realign the way the industry operates, causing wholesale changes right up to for example, the agreements operational in such industry, even the wording of such documents.
In Uganda, these cases are many, including Frederick J.K Zaabwe Vs. Orient Bank Ltd and 5 others,  Sinba (K) Ltd and 4 others Vs. Uganda Broadcasting Corporation, Sam Kuteesa and others Vs. Attorney General, etc. The salient feature among these cases is that they stated the obvious, but which obviously had long since been  abandoned by the losers, yet just a little caution would have prevented such gross implications of the decisions. If I must add, the decisions led to loss of colossal sums of monies.

The same can be said of the decision of Ham Kigundu and others Vs. Diamond Trust Bank. From the reaction of other banks, the Uganda Bankers’ Association and the hastily released Statement from the Ministry of Finance, its clear that the decision has upset the whole Banking industry, development partners and of course Government. 

One thing every Ugandan must understand, is that  one of the most regulated industries in the world, is the banking and financial industry. The requirements to operate a bank or financial institution are onerous, to qualify to serve in certain positions in a financial institution are quite high. This is the more reason that whoever is a player in the Banking industry, should, before getting upset, understand the reasoning of the Learned Judge.

The reasons are obvious for such control, the need to protect the economy, the need to collect taxes and attendant revenue, the need to protect citizens generally, the banking customers and to prevent organized crime and money laundering, etc. the more reason why the decision of court in Ham Vs. DTB is very important to every Ugandan.
Ham Kigundu and others filed HCCS No. 43 of 2020 against Diamond Trust Bank (U) Ltd and Diamond Trust Bank (K) Ltd, seeking among others the recovery of monies unjustly and illegally obtained from the 1st Applicant’s bank accounts and for various breaches of contractual, fiduciary and statutory duties.
Subsequently Ham filed an amended plaint, where inter alia he specifically raised questions of the illegality of Diamond Trust Bank (K) Ltd conducting of financial institutions business in Uganda without a license to do so under the Financial Institutions Act, 2004 (as amended). It is on this later complaint that the whole case was decided .
It was argued for him that Diamond Trust Bank (K) Ltd illegally conducted financial institution business without a license and/ or in contravention of the Financial Institutions Act (2004) as amended, it was further argued for Ham and others that the financial transactions that the Diamond Trust Banks arrived at with Ham and Others were contrary to the Financial Institutions Act 2 of 2004 (as amended) since the Diamond Trust Bank (K) Ltd did not have a license to operate in Uganda but issued credit facilities to Ham and others  who are residents of Uganda in addition to the fact that the 1st Respondent acted as an agent of the 2nd Respondent in order to facilitate the said financial transactions which was illegal and contrary to the Financial Institutions Act.
From the onset, the expression “financial institutions business” must be understood. It is  defined under section 3 of the Financial Institutions Act, Act 4 of 2004  as amended by  section 3 (k) & (l)  of Act No. 2 of 2016 to include the  extending or lending money held on deposit by way of financing of commercial transactions, consumer and mortgage credit as well as engaging in foreign exchange business with the 2nd Respondent being a foreign bank engaged in the business of lending or extending money held on deposits through mortgage credit and financing of commercial projects which acts were required to be licensed by Bank of Uganda even for a foreign bank and thus was illegal and expressly prohibited under the Financial Institutions Act where no prior license was obtained. 
According to Counsel for Ham and others, there was sufficient evidence to show that the alluded financial institutions business was commenced in Uganda as the mortgage facility letter was drafted in Uganda by Ugandan lawyers and even witnessed in Uganda and further that Ham and his Companies were Ugandan companies based in Kampala, Uganda and issued securities for the loan facilities through mortgages, debentures and other securities registered in Uganda and that the 2nd Respondent never sought the permission of the Bank of Uganda to carry out its business in Uganda as required under sections 4 (1) and 117 of the Financial Institutions Act, which is rendered a crime under S.  126 (3) of the Financial Institutions Act and Regulation 5 of the  Financial Institutions (Agent Banking) Regulations 2017. 
These claims were not sufficiently answered by the banks. To quote verbatim, their written statement of defense under Paragraph 19 only briefly stated that  “paragraph 13 (k) of the Amended Plaint is denied and the Plaintiff shall be put to strict proof thereof. The defendants contend that the credit facilities obtained by the Plaintiffs from the 2nd Defendant were lawfully obtained in Kenya and are recoverable and enforceable”

This then left the question to be determined at that stage, the legality of the contracts enter into by the parties, which decision led to  a finding that they were not.
In a Letter of Offer dated the 23rd October, 2017 from Diamond Trust Bank (K) Ltd to Ham and others, titled Establishment of a term loan for USD 4,000,000 (United States of America Dollars Four Million), Diamond Trust Bank (K) Ltd wrote thus: “By accepting this Letter of Offer you irrevocably authorize Diamond Trust Bank (U) Kampala who are our appointed agents for this lending to debit your account held with them with the said appraisal fee and taxes simultaneously with establishment of the facility in the banks books and on each anniversary of the term loan and remit funds to us. 

All the Banks had to do was seek approval and or license from the Central Bank of Uganda and or any other authorized entity. They did not.
Section 126 (3) of the Financial Institutions Act, 2 of 2004 As Amended provides that; A financial institution which does any act prohibited by this Act or fails to do anything required by this Act commits an offense and where no specific penalty is provided the financial institution is liable on conviction to a fine not exceeding two hundred and fifty currency points and in the case of a continuing offense to an additional fine not exceeding fifty currency points for each day on which the offense continues.

While Regulation 5 (1) of the Financial Institutions (Agent Banking) Regulations 2017 expressly bars such a transaction if not approved by Bank of Uganda it provides that: “A financial institution shall not conduct agent banking in Uganda without the prior written approval from the Central Bank.

It  needs to be emphasized that the terms of these sections of the law are couched in mandatory terms coupled with punishment for none compliance, which beyond doubt makes it absolutely mandatory to comply with them.The question that then remains to be seen is, can DTB (K) Ltd and DTB (U) Ltd or even Ham and others Recover any money from such a clearly illegal transaction, expressly barred by Law? 

The moralists would argue that Ham, having received the money cannot let to go scot free without refunding it, even if Diamond Trust Bank (K) Ltd did not have a license to lend to him in the circumstances. 
This question has been considered in several leading authorities in the common law the locus classic-us being the now famous case of Fibrosa Spolka Akajjna vs Fairbran Lawsan Combe Barbour Ltd (1943) AC 32 in which Lord Wright observed, in justification of refunding money or benefit derived from a frustrated contract, basing on the  doctrine of unjust enrichment and the remedy of restitution, as follows; 

“The Claim in the action was to recover a prepayment of pounds 1, 000, mad on account of the price under a contract which had been frustrated. The claim was for money paid for a consideration which had failed. It is clear that any civilized system of law which is bound to provide remedies of cases of what has been called unjust benefit, that is to prevent a man from retaining the money of or some benefit derived from another which is against conscience that he should keep.”

The Court of Appeal in Uganda Broadcasting Corporation Vs. Sinba (K) Ltd  and others, considered these positions. The case arose from a sale of UBC land without prior approval of the Minister.  Specifically, Section 6(a) of the UBC Act stipulates that UBC could only sale or otherwise dispose of property subject to ‘prior approval of the Minister’; Court stated at length that ;
“There was no contract to enforce. In his own words at page 26 of his Ruling the learned judge correctly states the position of the law as follows:- “No court ought to enforce an illegal contract or allow itself to be made an instrument of enforcing obligations alleged to arise out of a contract or transaction which is illegal once the illegality is duly brought to the notice of the Court”.

He went ahead to rely on the Supreme Court case of Active Automobile Spares versus Crane Bank & Rajesh Pakesh (supra) in which the Supreme Court held that courts of law will not enforce an illegal contract. In that case the Supreme Court went on to hold that where a person invoking the aid of the court is implicated in the illegality courts of law would not come to his assistance. And that it matters not whether the defendant has pleaded the illegality or not. If the plaintiff proves illegality the court ought not to assist him. 

Indeed Kakuru JA in the lead judgement distinguished the above Fibrosa case when he said that it must be considered that the contract in Fibrosa was not illegal. So there was good reason to order a refund. 
The above principle of law was followed recently by this court in the case of Nipun Norattam Bhatia Versus Crane Bank Ltd (Civil Appeal No. 76 of 2006) (unreported) in which this court refused to enforce an illegal contract and declined to make any orders that would assist any of the parties. By doing so it refused, for good reason I must add to allow itself to be made an instrument of enforcing obligations arising out of a contract it had held was illegal”.

From the above statement of. The court of Appeals it appears to be the  basic principle of law, that in cases of illegal contracts and contracts riddled with illegalities the Loss falls where it lies. Meaning no money can move from one side to another. Each party bears its loss.

It is on this basis that I would argue that if there is any outstanding balance under the illegal contract that was still due and owing from Ham and others to the Banks, then the Banks may not be in a position to recover the same. 
It will be noted that the learned Judge also directed that the banks refund Ugx. 34,295,951,553/= (Uganda Shillings Thirty–Four Billion Two Hundred Ninety-Five Million Nine Hundred Fifty –One Thousand Five Hundred and Fifty-Three Only) and USD. 23,467,670.61 (United States Dollars Twenty-Three Million Four Hundred Sixty-Seven Thousand Six Hundred and Seventy Only) being monies that were unlawfully taken by them from the Applicants / Plaintiffs loan accounts to Ham and others.
My view is that considering that both parties were complicit in this illegality, it would run counter to established principles stated above and reiterated in the UBC Vs Sinba Case, the import of which is that the loss falls where it lies. 

Many foreign banks which open up subsidiaries in other countries do this, where they under capitalize the “local” banks, which then keep relying on the parent bank whenever large sums of money are needed, rather than get the proper licensing from regulatory authorities, then come up with schemes where the parent bank purports to advance the loan, the local bank serves as the collection and lending agent and then transmits the money to the parent bank. This scheme facilitates a lot of money laundering, evasion of taxes which may include income taxes on interest earned, stamp duties on mortgage deeds, of course even the licensing fees that accrue when the License is applied for, etc. 
It can be rightfully argued that the decision is bad for the Banking industry, especially when you consider that many banks are bound to lose colossal sums of money, Others have argued that this decision is bad for syndicate Lending. 

Having read the judgment, I have not read anywhere, where the learned Judge stated that Banks and merchants shouldn’t engage in syndicated banking. All the case implies and I believe rightly so, is that whatever lending devices financial institutions want to engage in, they must do so in accordance with the law! It cant have been for idle purposes that the Legislature enacted many acts and regulations.
Moreover even the most casual look at this so call “loan syndication” unless syndication has lost meaning. 

Therefore,  a more important argument would be that its worse for the banking industry if banks are allowed to operate outside the law, even a football game has rules!, for its these rules which protect everyone involved.
In the meantime, URA must pick interest in any such schemes and transactions to see any tax matters arising. Just as BoU should stopSleeping on the job!

By Julius Galisonga, Advocate


Tribute to Francis Odida (RIP)

By Paul Lam via UAH forum

Francis Odida (RIP) will be best remembered, among his other achievements, for his role at the formative stage of the Heart- Beat -of Africa, the famous Uganda national troupe of dancers of different cultures and for being its first Administrator, under the Ministry of Culture and Community Development in mid 1960s.

The group brought joy and entertainment to people of Uganda.  They were a fixture at various national events across the country.  Francis took the troupe to different parts of the world, showcasing Uganda multi cultures as well as promoting Uganda as a tourism destination.  One such tour was to the famous Montreal (Canada) Expo World Trade Fair 1967.   

At one of their performances, held in Dar -es- Salaam University Campus in Tanzania, around 1970, one Ugandan student took it upon himself and jumped on the stage to welcome the group on behalf of Uganda community at the University instead of the official chair. The Uganda delegation later learnt that it was the routine habit of that student whenever there were visitors from Uganda.  I leave it to you to guess who that student was!!!
 One of the highlights of Pope Paul V1 first visit to Uganda and Africa in 1969, at Nsambya Catholic Centre in Kampala, was the colourful display of real dancing talents by the Heart- Beat- of- Africa.  However, all did not go well for Francis on that occasion as he was reprimanded by his Minister Hon C. B Katiiti, after receiving complaint from the Vatican entourage, through its Papal Pro -nuncio in Uganda.  The complaint was about the attires of the Dingi Dingi dancers.  The papal delegation regarded the girls’ attires as “topless”, unsuitable display in-front of the Pontiff.

You will also be pleased to know that one of the group’s renowned dancers, later became Uganda First Lady, number 4, wife of Field Marshall Iddi Amin Dada, Mrs Madina Amin. 
It is unfortunate that she did not advise her husband to sustain the group after the 1971 military coup.
Francis other legacy is the Uganda artists and musicians’ association which he formed in 1963.  One white lady lobbied the Prime Minister Milton Obote on his behalf and the newly formed group was given the annex of Nakasero Presidential State Lodge as their centre and was named Nommo Gallery; the property that is now occupied by Major General Elly Tumwine under controversial  circumstances.  Most of the well- known names in Uganda music and art scene, like Elly Wamala, Eclas Kawalya and others made their debut from this centre.
He was Uganda’s Culture Guru.  
Francis Odida Born: 18.05.1938 – Died: 15.09.2020

Kabaka Mutebi is a Luo, and all Ugandans are related

President Uhuru Kenyatta today at State House, Nairobi held talks with the Kabaka of the Buganda Kingdom, Ronald Edward Frederick Kimera Muwenda Mutebi II who paid him a visit. The Head of State and the visiting cultural leader discussed subjects of mutual interest among them the central role of culture in regional integration and peaceful communal co-existence.Photo/PSCU

By Ahmed Katerega via UAH Forum
All the present kings, in Buganda, Bunyoro-Kitara, Kooki, Busoga, Tooro, and all the princes and princesses who descended from the first Mubiito king of Buganda, Kato-Kimera, and his twin brother Rukidi Mpuuga Isingoma of Bunyoro-Kitara, all of them in Tooro, Bunyoro-Kitara, etc, are all descendants of Omucwezi Kyomya and a Luo woman, Nyatworo. some of our elites, think that their clans came from Mars. l am a descendent of Kabaka Kimera, the twin brother of OmuKAMA Isingoma Rukiidi Mpuuga.

Kabaka Ronald Muwenda mutebi is a Luo, so is Oyo Nyimba KabambA Iguru, Solomon Gafabusa Iguru, Kamuswaga Sansa, to mention but a few. These people are no longer pure Luo due to inter marriages. But the nucleus is Luo.

Rukidi Mpuga and Kato Kimera were twin brothers, the former being Omukama of Bunyoro, and the latter, Kabaka of Buganda. But Baganda legend talk about Kabaka Kintu, and in the end it mentions Kimera as the third Kabaka after his grand father Chwa, who was Kintu’s son.

History talks about the Two luo Babiito twins that were found under a Biito tree in present day Madi sub region, on Uganda-Sudan boarder.Legends talk about Kyomya in order to relate the invading Luo to the defeated Bachwezi. Otherwise, Bachwezi vdynasity survived in Nkore under Ruhinda, son of Wamara, in Karagwe, in Rwanda, in Burundi and in Wanga in Luhya kingdom of Wanga, in Kenya.

Baganda people migrated from different areas, original Baganda were Bantu and probably Pygmies, then came Hamites, those who came from north east Africa, then Luo invaders from the north, etc….Each clan has its own oral tradition and some clans cut across tribes.

The Hamites in names of Bachwezi, and these are our Bahima in Ankole, Bahuma in Bunyoro and Tooro and Karagwe, Batutsi in Rwanda-Burundi, Batsietsie in Kenya and Banyamulenge in DR Congo.

Ever since l joined UAH in 2006 immediately after NRM victory, and even before l proudly regard myself as a Muganda by nationality, a Munnabuddu by tribe, a Luo Mubiito by clan. The Luo Babiito include royal clans of Buganda, Bunyoro, Tooro, Busoga, Bugwere, Kiziba, Kooki, Bwera, Buluuli, Bugerere etc….

Prior to 1966 Crisis, there was no gap between the North and the South. Alur chiefs used to import bark cloth from Buganda, Buganda used to import spear and salt from Bunyoro, despite the rivalry of the twin kingdoms, Nkore and the cattle corridor was a good ground for raids for women and cattle, etc..Bunyoro’s special relations with Alur, Acholi is historical from Luo invasion days.

Din’t Lango chiefs harbor Omukama Kabaleega and Kabaka Mwanga whoi were betrayed by their own Apollo Kaggwa and Semei Lwakirenzi Kakungulu?

But Baganda will never forget the dark day of May 24th 1966. Many of them were in disagreement with the Mmengo clique, but they wanted their kingdom spared. Obote humiliated Baganda when they were his in laws. Buganda was rubbed off the map of Uganda and was named Central Region. He even did not spare innocent kings and kingdoims of Bunyoro, Tooro, Ankole, Busoga, and constitutional heads like his own Yekosofati Engur of Lango!

That’s why they cerebrated after his 1971 fall and embraced Amin though well aware that he was the man that attacked the palace. They did the same in 1985 and 1986.

Obote never aplogised but only regretted. This has affected aspiring leaders like Norbert Mao and Olara Otunnu.

We neeth a truth and reconciliation commission.

I wonder why some Baganda consider Acholi as bad guys when they are actually Acholis themselves. You better educate those others about your being Acholis. And it should not surprise some people that Otunnu and Bbosa or other Baganda(Acholis) are friends, the blood draws them together and Mao should not say he is the only non-Muganda leader who can speak Luganda better since he is actually a Muganda who remained in Acholi while other Acholi moved to Central and became Baganda, but they are basically the same, including those that remained in Southern Sudan. You do not have to brag that you can speak your language very well, you are expected to and it can be a surprise if you do not speak your langauge. These Acholis, they are everywhere, Bunyoro, Toro, Busoga, in Buganda, even Kenya, Tanzania and USA, my lord, what a lucky race! And when some Acholis visited their relatives in Luwero in the 1980s, the Baganda( Acholi?) including Kateregga were crying instead of speaking the kiluga/language ya “paco-paco, wan keken ladits” that could have saved the situation; which reminds me of the Baganda legends we learnt in P.3 about Walumbe and his sister Naume?, children of Kintu. Walumbe was said to be notorious and I think he ate his nephews etc.

I know of people who want to associate and identify with certain ethnic groups for a variety of reasons that can include survival, marriage, defying odds etc. Let us examine Ahmed Kateregga’s historical claims which we all kind of know anyway. But the question is when did Ahmed start announcing this relationship? Was it not just a few weeks to the recently concluded elections? I am led to believe that Ahmed was sure that President Museveni was more likely to lose the elections to either Norbert Mao(an Acholi) or Ambassador Olara Otunnu(also another Acholi) so Ahmed was positioning himself to eating circles. Why, for decades Ahmed has always criticized the Acholis and even Obote who wasn’t a Luo by birth but by conquest.After President Museveni retained his seat, Ahmed starts saying even Obote’s two sons have joined NRM, and may be soon Mama Miria may join, I think this was to show NRM stalwarts that he,Ahmed was busy mobilizing for the party, just to cover his previous plans.

It is like when NRM came to power, nearly everyone came to announce his/her contribution to the struggle and many people started speaking with stammers, just to show how closely related they are to President Museveni who stammers, this world!
Back in my school days, we learnt from History of Migration that the Bantu emigrated from Central Africa somewhere in the Congo over 3000 years ago, moved southward where again they dispersed with some remaining in the present Buganda while others moved to Kenya (the Kikuyu, Akamba), another group entered Tanzania and more moved further down south to Zambia and neighbouring areas till they reached South Africa.

Meanwhile the Luo moved southward from Southern Sudan and fought their way displacing other tribes, conquiring and assimilating them, that is how the Langi got assimilated to the Luo culture, this particular group was forced to abandon their language(Ateker most of which is Akarimojong/Ateso/Turkana) but the Langi still have a lot of similarity with their main group (Iteso/Karimojong/Turkana). Those Luos who moved over the Nile reached Buganda and conquired those Bantu and ruled them ( the Buganda royals) and it is surprising that the Luo abandoned their language and adopted Luganda, historians can expalin why in this case, the Luo speakers preferred Luganda to Luo and yet they made the Langi abandon their Ateker language and forced them to speak Luo.

Another major group is of the Nilo-Hamities Ateker- (Karamojong/Langi/Iteso/Turkana) that emigrated from Ethiopia(Abyssinia) and by late 16 Century they had already settled in the present Karamoja areas but spread over to the present Teso and Lango regions in search of water and grazing land as they were cattlekeepers. One group moved to Bugishu, fought and beat those Bagishu, moved to Bukedi(Tororo) and a small group moved to Teso – Kenya where they currently live. Before entering Karamoja, one group, the Turkana entered the present area they occupy in Kenya including Kitale. The Turkana language is much like Ateso, especially the Ateso from Usuk-Katakwi but the Ateso from Kenya is much similar to Akarimojong and some Ethiopian language.

Peter Simon
If we all come from Adam (atom) and eve, isn’t it possible that one can be all of those and then some?

For example, who are these Chwezi? They were people with supernatural powers some say. They called themselves the sons of God. The bible talks about the sons of God in Genesis and calls them Nephilim. The Ethiopians used that word Nephilim to describe noblemen of great knowledge, ie astronomy, astrology, medicine, etc. All the characters that Bachwezi had.

Can these Chwezi simply be men of great renown who moved here? Did they not intermarry with babito, who are the forefathers of Buganda and Bunyoro? Were the Babiito not Luo? Where did Kimera come from? Was he not from Bunyoro sides?

I also distinctly remember reading our history of Bakiga and King Chwa of bunyoro at some time invaded our land. In Busigi which is now in Rwanda and Buganza they intermarried. The ancient Bakiga also intermarried with people from Karagwe and these (Karagwe-ians) were the people that brought forth Ruhinda of Ankore?

My Great grandfather Rwamuhanda was a raider by profession. They used to leave Mparo, Rukiga county and raid as far as Buganda. My great grandmother was a Muzaana from Kooki, Rakai who he brought as part of his booty from and to remember her roots, she named my grandmother and mother to my father “NyinaKabaka” which is a common name among bazaana descendants. Those people from Rukiga were different from us from Ndorwa even in their tonation. The Ndorwa rukiga is very similar to kinyarwanda in many ways, yet the Rukiga of Rukiga county is closer to Runyankore. Rubanda county almost speaks like us from Ndorwa county.

By Nina Mbabazi Rukikaire via UAH

Shaban Opolot, the first Army Commander of the Uganda Army

Brig. Shaban Opolot was appointed Army Commander in 1964, becoming the first Ugandan to hold that office. He was one of the key figures to emerge on Uganda’s military scene following independence in 1962.
He was deputized by Col. Idi Amin Dada. In the same year 1964, the three East African armies mutinied. In Kenya and Tanzania, the mutinous soldiers were punished while in Uganda, Obote rewarded them with promotions.

The late Mr Shaban Opolot was born in Kireka in Nakaloke near the border between Bugisu and Teso and not Namunsi. Yes Namunsi is in Nakaloke sub county too, but far from where the late Shaban Opolot was born.

FYI, the original Nakaloke sub countty is the ONLY sub county in the entire Bugisu region where the majority are not Bamasaba or Bagisu. It is is made up of Baganda, Bagwere, Banyole, Itesot, Bamasaba, Basoga, Sabiny, name it.

Kakungulu captured Kabalega while Andereya Luwandaga captured Mwanga

M’wanga and Kabarega

Semei Kakungulu captured Kabalega while Andereya Luwandaga captured Mwanga. They will be rewarded for excellent service to the whole Protectorate in clearing up such a cesspool,” Extract from A.B. Fisher’s journal.”

Omukama Kabarega Chwa II went on to ask his “captor” (Semei Kakungulu) to raise his children!! See Michael Twaddle 1993 Kakungulu and the Creation of Uganda:1868-1928 (same page that shows picture of Kakungulu with his captive, btw: that photo has some interesting history too: Omukama Kabarega kept turning his back to the camera and photographer … He was defiant to the last minute.

A History of Christianity in Uganda

A History of Christianity in Uganda
Kevin Ward

Buganda and Christianity

Buganda in the 19th Century [1]

Christianity came late to Uganda compared with many other parts of Africa. Missionaries first arrived at the court of Kabaka Muteesa in 1877, almost a century after the missionary impetus from Europe had begun. And yet within 25 years Uganda had become one of the most successful mission fields in the whole of Africa. What were the causes of this phenomenal success?

Any discussion of Christianity in Uganda–the creation of colonialism at the end of the 19th Century–must begin with Buganda–the ancient independent kingdom on the northern shores of the lake which the Baganda call Nalubaale (the home of the balubaale gods) and which the British christened “Victoria.” Over the centuries Buganda had evolved a complex system of government under a Kabaka (king), a system unusual for its high degree of centralization and internal cohesiveness. Another feature of Kiganda society, of importance in explaining the eventual success of Christianity, was its remarkable adaptability and receptivity to change.

In 1856 Kabaka Muteesa inherited a kingdom which was already the strongest in the region. During his long reign of 28 years he consolidated and enhanced that power. A major part of Muteesa’s strategy as rubber was to open up Buganda to the outside world. Swahili and Arab traders from Zanzibar were encouraged to trade their cotton cloth, guns and luxury items for ivory and slaves. But outside influences did not stop at trade; Islam was soon exerting a profound religious and cultural influence on Buganda. By the time Christianity arrived, the impact of Islam had already been felt for a generation.

The Impact of Islam [2]

In the 19th Century two “world” religions–Islam and Christianity–were both making significant advances in Africa. Often they were in serious competition; and this indeed was the case in Buganda. But this should not disguise the fact that both Islam and Christianity were in many ways complementary. Both were called “dini” in contradistinction to the traditional African religious heritage. Both offered a “worldview,” a universal explanation of life with all its opportunities and problems. Such systems seemed increasingly relevant to societies, like Buganda, which were being drawn into a larger world. In this sense, Buganda, Islam, despite its rivalry, prepared the way for Christianity in a number of ways. In fact, Christianity arrived al strategic time–when Islam had awakened among Baganda certain needs and aspirations, but before Islam had become 50 entrenched in society that Christianity failed to find a foothold. Islam had, for example, created a thirst for literacy, especially among the young pages (bagalagala) at court. Christianity was able to build on this interest, and with its printing presses and distribution of cheap books in the vernacular or Swahili, was able to satisfy that interest to a much greater extent than Islam was able to do.

But Islam had prepared the way in other ways. The idea of a holy book, of a holy day, of a God above all gods who was interested in the affairs of this life and in the moral life of the individual, the expectation of the resurrection of the body and of a judgment after death–these were concepts pioneered by Islam which received further emphasis from the Christian missionaries.

But how far did the Baganda already acknowledge such a supreme Gad? Certainly neither Islam nor Christianity needed to import a foreign name in order to proclaim their God. The Baganda already knew of Katonda, the Creator. But the status of this Katonda has been the subject of controversy within the religious historiography of Buganda. Was Katonda just one, very insignificant lubaale? Or had he always been regarded as superior to the balubaale, high above Mukasa and Kibuuka and Muwanga, but remote from the life of the nation and of the individual, and therefore not the focus of a strong cult? Whatever the answer to these questions, it is certain that Islam gave a new prominence to Katonda, and that Christianity built on this growing significance.

Thus, in a society already open to new ideas, responsive to the technological, cultural and religious influence of the outside world, first Islam and then Christianity made an impact on Buganda in the second half of the 19th Century. But if the Buganda were so receptive to the message of a “world-religion,” why did they not simply remain with Islam? How could Christianity not only mount an effective challenge to Islam but eventually become the dominant dini of Buganda, forcing Islam into the position of a small (but tenacious) minority?

Answers to this question lie, not in any supposed superiority of Christianity over Islam, but in the volatile political situation of these years.

Muteesa’s disillusionment with Islam

For ten years from 1867 to 1876, Muteesa strongly patronized Islam. He learnt some Arabic, attended and even led prayers in a mosque built at the lubiiri (court), and ordered the observation of the Ramadhan fast. Muteesa had a genuine intellectual curiosity in the teachings of Islam. One should not discount such interest. But inevitably as a ruler his concern was largely with matters of state. He saw Islam as a religion which, under his patronage, could enhance his own power. The powerful balubaale cults were not always so amenable to royal control. But by 1876 this basis for the encouragement of Islam was being undermined by the forces of Muslim Egypt, striving to incorporate the head-waters of the Nile (including Buganda) into an Egyptian Empire. The visit of Egyptians to Buganda in 1876 precipitated a crisis in Muteesa’s relations with Islam. They criticized the Qibla (direction) of the court mosque and the fact that the uncircumcised king should lead the Friday prayers. They also encouraged Buganda Muslims strictly to observe Islamic food laws and to refuse to eat meat slaughtered by the Kababa’s butchers. The subsequent defiance of a number of young bagalagala (pages) led to the execution of some 100 Muslims at Namugongo, one of the traditional execution sites of Buganda. For Muteesa it was not simply a matter of insubordination, serious as that was, but a confirmation of fears that Islam was becoming a politically subversive creed.

It was about this time that Henry Morton Stanley visited Muteesa. For the Kabaka the advent of the Muzungu (European) was a welcome opportunity to counteract the Egyptian threat, as well as to get in contact with the actual source of the technological innovations which the Muslims had introduced but did not originate.

The arrival or Christian missionaries, 1877 [3]

Stanley’s famous letter to the Daily Telegraph painted a much romanticized picture of Muteesa. He represented the Kabaka as a great enlightened despot eager to hear the Gospel and speedily to propagate it throughout his kingdom. The reality was different as the missionaries were soon to discover once they reached Buganda. But the letter did produce a speedy response in Britain. The Anglican Church Missionary Society (CMS) hastily assembled a band of enthusiastic missionaries. The first two representatives of this group arrived at the court of Muteesa on June 30, 1877, having travelled from Zanzibar on the route pioneered by the Swahili traders. Eighteen months later, on February 17, 1879, a group of French Catholic White Fathers arrived, also by the East Coast route.

The presence of these rival versions of Christianity was immediately a matter of controversy. CMS understandably felt that this was a deliberate attempt to sabotage the Protestant missionary effort. The Catholics on the other hand, and equally understandably, could point to the fact that they had been planning the evangelization of the lake region of Eastern Africa for many years and were not to be out-staged by the superficial emotions aroused in Britain by Stanley’s misleading letter. They could also point to the flimsy and insubstantial nature of the CMS presence in those early years.

The rivalry has to be understood against the background of centuries of controversy and warfare between Catholic and Protestant in Europe. ln these years (1877 -1890) the rivalry was embodied in two individuals: Alexander Mackay and Fr. Simeon Lourdel (‘Mapera’). Both were young men in their 20’s when they arrived in Buganda; and neither was the head of his mission. Both were passionately prejudiced, and both delighted in the vigorous cut and thrust of theological debate or rather polemic. The confrontation was a “scandal to the Christendom” (Kiwanuka). But the spectacle was also much appreciated by those in court, who applauded the dialectical skill with which each missionary defended his version of the faith. It should also be noted that the rivalry between the two religious groups fitted well into the traditional factionalism of court life. It was to encourage competition and zeal among the Baganda converts and is one factor in the success of Christianity in Buganda. For the Christian believer this is the first of many ‘contradictions’ in the success of Christianity in Uganda: that zeal for the Gospel should be fuelled by prejudice, partisanship and polemic. Even more scandalous aspects of the rivalry emerged later, with the “wars of religion” and the cut-throat scramble for political power in the 1890s.

The first converts [4]

Both Protestant and Catholic missionaries soon attracted a lively interest, especially from the young pages at court, many of whom began to frequent the missionaries’ compounds. These basomi (readers, as they were called) — enquirers, catechumens, and from about 1881, baptized — began to form little groups of believers in different sections of the lubiri. The Protestants were especially numerous at the Gwanika (the treasury/armory), under the patronage of Chief Kulugi — a consistent friend of the Protestants, though not a Christian himself. The Catholics developed a strong following in the private quarters of the Kabaka. This was a measure of the greater favor the Catholics tended to enjoy. Both Muteesa and later Mwanga came to regard the Protestants with some suspicion. This seems to have originated from the links which CMS had with General Gordon, acting as agent for the Egyptians in Sudan. (The second group of CMS missionaries had arrived from the north). Since missionaries had been invited to Buganda expressly to counter the threat from the north, these links were detrimental to good relations with the Kabaka. Moreover the Arabs at court increasingly denounced the missionaries as agents of European imperialism. In 1882 the British actually bombarded Alexandria in Egypt and this was the prelude to a gradual takeover of Egypt. CMS missionaries protested that they had non connection with their government; but they could not at times resist pointing out the might of the British Empire. ln the event the authorities were right to be suspicious — by the 1890s the CMS missionaries were openly advocating a British takeover of Uganda; though this is not to say that they had been conscious agents of imperialism in the 1880s.

The Catholic withdrawal [5]

The Catholics did not fall under the same suspicion, if only because the French government had little interest in East Africa at this time. Nevertheless what favor the Catholics did enjoy was precarious. Mapera incurred the active hostility of the Muslims at court by his flamboyant and extravagant denunciations of Islam. In 1882 the White Fathers withdrew from Buganda altogether. This was a surprising decision; and even now the precise reasons for their withdrawal are not altogether clear. But it seems that they were particularly concerned about the corruption of their orphans and freed slaves by homosexual practices infiltrating into their orphanage from the nearby lubiri. These orphans were, by and large, not Baganda. The practice of redeeming slaves to provide a nucleus of Christianity was still a major element of their mission strategy in Buganda and this may be a sufficient explanation of their withdrawal to the moral haven of Bukumbi, south of the lake. The withdrawal did not mean an end to Catholic activity in Buganda–the pages continued to meet and an increasing number of neophytes were taught. Responsibility for the propagation of the faith increased among Baganda Catholic converts.

Muteesa’s last years and the succession of Mwanga

By 1897 Muteesa had come to realize that a complete alliance with one of the Christian groups was neither practicable nor desirable. (The insistence of both on monogamy was a fundamental obstacle, but there were other factors.) Muteesa decided that he should identify with none of the new ‘dini’, while allowing them to stay and extracting what advantages he could from each, without letting any one group get too much power in the country. Muteesa was a consummate master at this political balancing act His successor, in the much more difficult international climate of the late ’80s, prove incapable of keeping things under control.

Mwanga succeeded his father in October 1884. He was 18 years old. Mwanga seems to have lacked strong religious convictions–he was a skeptic in an age of faith. His homosexuality alienated him from the missionaries. Like all Kabakas at the beginning of their reign, Mwanga needed to assert his authority over all elements and factions within the country, including the foreign missionaries (the White Fathers had not yet returned and so at first this meant the Protestants). This general need to assert his authority and the personal antagonisms with the three missionaries in the country (especially with Ashe) led to the death of the first three Baganda Christians on January 31, 1885. The young protestant martyrs, Makko Kakumba, Nuwa Serwanga and Yusuf Lugalama, were all members of the mission household. The missionaries were being warned against becoming a focus of political power or political discontent against the young Kabaka.

The deaths of Bishop Hannington and the Uganda martyrs [6]

Whatever may have been his personal attitudes to Christianity, Mwanga, like his father, was of necessity primarily concerned with the political implications of the new religions. By 1885 this was causing very grave anxieties. The Muslim threat from the north had receded with the Mahdist rebellion in the Sudan in 1881. But a new and greater threat to Buganda’s independence quite suddenly emerged from the East African coast with the intrusion of German imperialism early in 1885. It was fear of a European invasion which principally caused the death in Busoga on October 29, 1885 of the 37 year old Anglican Bishop, James Hannington. Hannington was either ignorant of, or chose to ignore, the precarious position of the Christian community within Buganda and the dangers, in the international climate, of approaching Buganda by the politically sensitive ‘back-door’ of Busoga. Hannington was killed on the orders of the Kabaka. His death is often blamed on a fickle and revengeful young king; but this is very unfair to Mwanga, who was certainly acting on the advice of his great chiefs–including the normally friendly Kulugi. Hannington’s death, from the Kiganda point of view, was a legitimate act of state, designed to ward off a potential invasion.

Nevertheless, it was politically a mistake. Hannington had not been heading an invading army–on the way up from the coast his caravan had been ridiculed for its puny size. Hannington’s death had repercussions within Buganda. It led to further killings of Christians. Only 2 weeks later, on November 15, 1885, Joseph Mukasa BaIikuddembe was brutally killed for daring to criticize the Kabaka for the murder of the Anglican bishop. Balikuddembe became the first Catholic martyr.

In May and June 1886 a large massacre of Christians, both Catholic and Protestant, took place. Many were executed at Namugongo, the traditional execution site also used for the Muslim martyrs of 1876. The immediate cause for the killings was the Kabaka’s anger at the disobedience of his Christian pages, in particular their refusal to indulge in homosexual practices. Charles Lwanga, the Catholic head of the pages in the king’s private apartments, had been particularly vigilant in protecting the Christian boys under his charge from the advances of the Kabaka and some of the chiefs.

But, in addition 10 young pages, quite a number of the victims were minor chiefs: men such as Andrew Kaggwa and Matthias Mulumba for the Catholics; and Robert Munyagabyanjo, Nuwa Walukaga and Freddie Kizza for the Protestants. The youngest page, Kizito, was about 14 years; some of the chiefs were in their 50s. Some of these chiefs were the victims of particular grudges by their seniors- (for example Katikkiro Mukasa, the Prime Minister), jealous that these up and coming young men would soon be ousting them from power.

Undoubtedly these Uganda martyrs (there were Bunyoro and Basoga as well as Baganda) died believing and trusting in Christ as their Savior. They sang hymns on the way to their deaths, preached to their persecutors, strongly believed in a life after death, and their courage and fortitude made a great impression on those who saw them die. But naturally, secular historians have been cautious about accepting wholesale the simple pieties of hagiography. The deaths of these Christians must be put in the context of the traditional precariousness of life at court, and the deeply ingrained habits of obedience which made Baganda generally face death philosophically if the Kabaka so wished. This would put the Christian martyrs firmly in the long tradition of the kiwendo, the ritual sacrifice of a number (kiwendo) of victims at the instigation of one of the balubaale. Conversely, it has also been argued that these Christians were rebels against the Kabaka, unwitting tools of foreign imperialism. There is some truth in all these assessments, traditional and modern, religious and secular. Historical reality is complex and does not admit of simplistic explanation. The martyrs are part of that complex reality.

The Wars of Religion 1888-1892 [7]

Whatever the original motivation of the missionaries, the traumatic events of 1885 and 1886 convinced many of them that foreign intervention might be the only long-term solution to safeguard the future of Christianity in Buganda. Meanwhile, however, events in Buganda pursued an internal logic which at first had little 10 do with external affairs. The persecution of Christians (perhaps 200 had died in all) was not part of a coherent strategy to eradicate Christianity. By 1887 Mwanga had begun to rely on the younger generation of Baganda leaders– and this meant relying on many who were converts to the new religions. Backed by official favor, the leaders of the three religious groups (Muslims, Protestants and Catholics) began to bring in large quantities of arms and to organize themselves into militarized “regiments”–the first time that Buganda had something resembling a standing army. These soldiers were nicknamed bapere and gained a great deal of notoriety for their high-handed attitudes, for rape and plunder. It is one of the ironies of the Christian history of Uganda that the witness of the martyrs (strong in faith but weak and powerless politically and militarily) should have convinced the survivors that the future of Christianity depended on securing military and political power. Moreover these regiments attracted young men, fortune seekers and adventurers, who saw membership as the new avenue to progress, and who at first had little conception of Islam or Christianity.

Mwanga at first encouraged these groups as a way of countering the older generation of chiefs. But by 1888 he began to get scared that they were becoming too powerful. His feeble attempt to get rid of the bapere provoked a coup, and in April 1888 Mwanga was overthrown by the united forces of the new religions. Mwanga fled and sought refuge with the White Fathers at Bukumbi, to the south of the lake. But the new leaders were soon quarreling among themselves. The Muslims, as the most powerful group in terms of numbers and fire power, were able to oust the Christian groups, who in October 1888 fled to Kabula, on the borders with Nkore. The Muslims proceeded to establish a Muslim state. They circumcised their Kabaka, Kalema, and called him ‘sheikh’. They envisaged a radical reordering of society along Islamic lines.

At this stage the survival of Christianity seemed to depend entirely on questions of military and political power. The Christian exiles made overtures to Mwanga to restore him as their Kabaka. They also made a tactical alliance with traditionalists fighting the Muslim regime from Kyaggwe (eastern Buganda)–since many traditionalists were alienated by the harshness of Muslim rule and its radical attempt to overturn traditional society.

By the end of 1889 the Christian forces had managed, at least temporarily, to defeat the Muslims, who retired to the borders of Bunyoro to regroup. They might well have regained control if it had not been for intrusion at this point of an external factor in the form of Captain Lugard and the Imperial British East Africa Company (IBEAC). The Christian forces needed help to ensure that the Muslims did not get back to power. But the Catholics were unhappy that this help should be British and, therefore, Protestant. The fragile unity of the Christian factions soon gave way to bitter quarrels about the division of political office. The Catholic party was stronger in that it attracted more followers as the party of the king. Mwanga was not baptized, nor did he lead a life morally acceptable to the Catholics. But he did believe that he had more chance of retaining Buganda’s independence if he sided with the Catholics. The Protestants, conscious of this fundamental weakness, clung all the more strongly to Lugard, who at first tried to remain aloof from these conflicts. But increasingly he was drawn into supporting the only group which supported him–the Protestants. When open warfare broke out in 1892, Lugard threw in his lot decisively with the Protestants. He directed his Maxim gun against the Catholics and routed them.

The Protestants, exulting in victory, were keen to divide the spoils (i.e. political office) among themselves alone, on the basis of ‘the winner takes all’. But Lugard, the real arbiter of the situation, insisted that both Catholics and Muslims be given some small share in the political life of the country. This was how Buddu became a Catholic county, the strong base on which much of the subsequent success of Catholicism in Uganda was based. Nevertheless, the Catholics felt bitter against Lugard, the architect of their defeat. Lugard, for his part, always insisted that he was neutral as far as religion was concerned. His support for the Protestants had been purely on political grounds. It is quite conceivable that had Lugard found the Muslims in control of Buganda in 1890 he would have tried to work with them–in which case Buganda might have become a Muslim state!

The British annexation [8]

IBEAC was a private British chartered company, which the British government approved of but had no financial responsibility for. It was a way of ensuring British influence without the inconvenience of costing the British taxpayer anything: Imperialism on the cheap. But by 1892 the IBEAC was in imminent danger of bankruptcy. Bishop Tucker and the CMS conducted a vigorous campaign in Britain to ensure the ‘retention of Uganda’. Tucker enlarged on the inevitability of a renewal of the religious wars (and a Protestant defeat?) if the British government did not assume direct control. One M.P. asked ironically why the state should spend money “to prevent these very remarkable Christians from cutting each other’s throats”. But British Public opinion had been effectively mobilized and in 1894 the British government formally declared a Protectorate over Uganda’. The Protestants were well satisfied. The Catholics bowed to the inevitable. Bishop Hirth, who had been such an outspoken critic of Lugard, was transferred to German territory; and it was arranged that the Mill Hill Fathers, a British-based Catholic missionary society, should start work in eastern Uganda in 1895, a sign to Ugandans that being a Catholic did not mean being anti-British.

British control was at first hesitant and problematic. In 1897 there was mutiny of the Nubian troops used by the British to subdue their Protectorate. There was also a last attempt by Kabaka Mwanga to regain his independence. Both revolts were put down, largely with the help of “loyal” Baganda. Mwanga was deposed and exiled to Seychelles. There he was baptized as a Protestant: a recognition that the forces of Christianity and imperialism had triumphed. But was his choice of baptismal name Daniel, a final act of defiance–a reference to his confinement in the lions’ den of his British captors? In 1900 the Buganda Agreement consolidated the British takeover and established the special relationship between Britain and Buganda which was to survive until 1955. The Agreement consolidated the dominant position of the Protestant oligarchy under Apollo Kaggwa, the Katikiro and one of the regents to the boy Kabaka Daudi Cwa.

A “Christian Revolution” [9]

The events of this violent period in Buganda’s history are sometimes characterized as a “Christian revolution”–by which is meant the fact that a fundamental change occurred in Buganda in which Christianity was the motivating force and the chief beneficiary. It was a revolution with several phases: a revolution of the ‘new dini’ (1888), a ‘Muslim revolution’ (1888-9), a ‘Christian counterrevolution’ (1889), a ‘Protestant seizure of power’ (1892), and finally the consolidation of the revolutionary changes by the British take-over and loss of Buganda’s sovereignty (1894/1900).

Christianity came to dominate the political arena of Buganda; and Islam was relegated to an under-privileged minority. But the Christian chiefs have also been called ‘conservative modernizers’. They had a strong sense of Buganda’s history and traditions. They wanted to graft Christianity onto these traditions, to use the literacy which Christianity had brought to preserve these traditions. Kaggwa wrote a history of the Kings of Buganda in Luganda. He also wrote a history of his clan. The institutions of the Kabakaship and the clans were the two fundamental pillars of Buganda. Christianity (in its two forms) was now added as a third pillar. This meant that the balubaale cults (especially the large shrines) were displaced by Christianity. But the national gods did re-emerge in times of national crisis, such as the deportation of the Kabaka in 1953. And the basic thought patterns and practices of Kiganda religion remain strong to this day.

The Spread of Christianity in Uganda

Christianity and “sub-imperialism” [10]

The fact that Christianity, in its two rival creeds, became the religion of Buganda profoundly affected its spread to other arts of colonial Uganda. The British needed local collaboration to make their occupation of Uganda effective and cheap (financial economy was always a prime consideration for the British!) The British regarded the civilization of Buganda as superior to anything else available in Uganda; and the acceptance of Christianity and literacy enhanced that superiority.

The Baganda, for their part, became enthusiastic “sub-imperialists”. They benefited from their relationship with the British. Buganda increased its territory at the expense particularly of Bunyoro, which was severely punished for Omukama Kabalega’s heroic but in the end futile resistance. Baganda–both Christian and Muslim–became chiefs (British agents) in such areas as Bunyoro and Ankole. The soldier and adventurer, Semei Kakungulu, a Protestant Muganda who had quarreled with Apollo Kaggwa, attempted to compensate for his political failure in Buganda, by carving out for himself a “kingdom” in eastern Uganda. His followers, in search of land and power, were able to find both in Bukedi and Teso.

In the wake of this “sub-imperialism,” and indeed part and parcel of it, went the missionary expansion of the Church of Baganda evangelists. They were motivated by an eagerness to spread Kiganda culture alongside Christianity, by desire for a status and prestige often unattainable within Buganda itself. But, apart from these political and social advantages, we must not discount genuine religious impulses. The Catholics appealed to the sacrifice of the Uganda martyrs as an inspiration to Uganda to offer themselves as missionaries: as living sacrifices. For the Protestants, Pilkington’s revival of 1892 emphasized a victorious Christian life of a total commitment in the power of the holy spirit.

Many of the evangelists shared the arrogance and domineering tendencies of the colonial agents. But many are remembered for their devotion 10 duty, often in difficult circumstances and with little financial reward. ln these early years, two men stand out for their qualities of devotion and saintliness: Apollo Kivebulaya and Yohanna Kitagana. Kivebulaya, a Protestant unusual for his life-long celibacy, became an evangelist to Toro in 1895, and subsequently spent his life among the Mboga people of Kongo (now Zaire). He was ordained a priest, made a canon, and died in 1933. Kitagana was a polygamist who gave up his five wives before baptism. ln 1901, when already in his 40s, he set off on a remarkable evangelistic career, pioneering Catholicism in Bunyaruguru and other parts of Ankole, in Kigezi and Bufumbira, before his death in 1939.

Christianity in Western Uganda [11]

From the 1890s the Western kingdoms of Uganda had come to terms in one way or another with British colonialism. The acceptance of Christianity was an important means of adjusting to this new situation. In Toro Christianity came as part of an attempt by Kasagama to recreate the kingdom of his father; in Bunyoro as a response to military defeat and devastation; in Ankole as part of the Mugabe’s aggrandizement of influence, assisted or rather, promoted–by the ambitious Enganzi, Nuwa Mbaguta. In each case it was the Protestant version of Christianity which was promoted by the local leadership.

Colonialism and Christianity meant the extension of Kiganda influence; and this provoked resentment of varying degrees of intensity. In Bunyoro it produced an explosive situation and the Nyangire (“I have refused”) disturbances of 1907. This marked the beginning of the end of direct Kiganda influence. The British switched to a policy of relying on the indigenous leadership 10 implement their policies, and phased out the Baganda chiefs/agents. This also meant an end of missionary hopes of establishing Luganda as the common language of Uganda. The Anglicans, reversing their policy, embarked on a Lunyoro-Lutoro translation of the Bible and Prayer Book.

Paradoxically, although Christianity in western Uganda early threw off tutelage from Buganda, Christianity did nevertheless develop a long line first worked out in Buganda. Thus, kings and chiefs overwhelmingly became Anglican. But, just as the political defeat in Buganda had not meant the collapse of Catholic missionary efforts, so in western Uganda, the Catholics took advantage of their underprivileged status to make an appeal among the peasantry. To take the case of Toro–Kasagama’s kingdom was not as ‘traditional’ as he had made out to the British. It was the 19th Century creation of his grandfather, a dissident Munyoro prince, and lacked a strong local root. Kasagama tried to exclude Catholics altogether from his kingdom, but was prevented by the British. Despite continuing political discrimination by the Mukama’s government, Catholics made impressive progress and were to become a majority of Christians in Toro.

In Ankole, colonialism accentuated traditional divisions between the bahima pastoralists (who constituted a kind of ruling class) and the majority bairu agriculturalists. The Anglican Church became a religion of the Omugabe and the bahima, but the bahima were less than enthusiastic about practicing their religion and tended to leave education to the Bairu. It was only with the Revival movement of the 1940s and 50s that the Anglican Church really took root in the bahima communities. Meanwhile the bairu had accepted Protestantism and Catholicism in fairly equal numbers. As a rough generalization one can say that Protestant bairu tended to be in a majority in central counties of Ankole, such as Kashari and Shema; Catholics predominated on the periphery, for example in Bunyaruguru.

Christianity struck deep roots in western Uganda. Today some of the most dynamic Christian communities in Uganda can be found in this region. But Christianity also played a very complex and at times divisive role, helping to aggravate old tensions and create new ones. For example, in Ankole, the Anglican Church at first reinforced the traditional division between bahima and bairu by its political alliance with the rulers. But it also created a politically-conscious Protestant educated (bairu) elite, which by the 1950s had become the most articulate critic of those traditional class distinctions. But, at the same time the Protestant-Catholic antagonism was hardening into party political division along religious lines.

Christianity in Eastern Uganda [12]

Eastern Uganda lacked the cultural cohesiveness and large-scale kingdoms of Buganda and western Uganda. In fact small-scale politics and cultural and linguistic diversity were the most obvious characteristics of the area, which included a wide variety of Bantu societies (Basoga, Bagwere, Banyole, Bamasaba) as well as Jopadhola (Luo speakers) and Iteso. The whole area beyond Busoga was called by the Baganda “Bukedi”-“the place of naked people,” expressive of a patronizing attitude to peoples who “did not know how to rule themselves.” European missionaries accepted and expanded on these prejudices and imported their own racial theories about primitive peoples on the lowest ladder of civilization. Such stereotypes tended to be reinforced by the devastating effects of famine and sleeping sickness in the early years of the 20th Century. One particularly blatant example of these negative attitudes can be seen in A.L. Kitching’s On the Backwaters of the Nile (1912), which was even more revealingly sub-titled Studies of Sorne Child Races. The book is replete with such expressions as “loathsome and disgusting,” “a rather dull race with heavy unintellectual faces,” “a reputation for expert thieving,” and “the least admirable thing about them is their language” — Kitching cannot decide whether it is “degenerate” or “undeveloped!” Kitching went on to become in 1926 the first Anglican Bishop of the diocese of the Upper Nile.

For most of the area (with the exception of Busoga), Christianity came in the aftermath of Kakungulu’s conquest. It was associated with the imposition of Kiganda culture. Luganda became the language of church and school. In Busoga an attempt to use the Lutenga dialect had to be abandoned in the face of opposition from Northern Busoga, where a markedly different form of Lusoga was spoken. For the rest, there was never any alternative to Luganda, and this applied even to the non-Bantu Iteso and Jopadhola. Defeated and fragmented there was no possibility of a “Nyangire” rebellion in the East. Eventually in the 1950s the Anglican Church in Teso did produce an Ateso Bible and Prayer Book; and the Catholic Church among the Jopadhola has more recently emphasized the vernacular in worship. But, elsewhere, Luganda remains dominant.

The Protestants, in an effort to overcome or mitigate some of the resistance to accepting the Gospel, and hopeful that a “civilizing mission” would produce spiritual results, pioneered cotton production and ox-plowing in Teso, and encouraged coffee cultivation in Bugishu. Christianity remained essentially a foreign imposition for many of the people of the area. But, predictably, it was from the Protestant educated elite (products of Mwiri School near Jinja and Nabumali in Bugishu) that, in the 1920s and 30s, the first welfare societies, incipient political organizations, sprang–the Young Basoga Association, the Bugishu Welfare Association and the Young Bagwere Association.

As in other parts of Uganda, Protestants and chiefs were from the beginning in close alliance. In fact, the Roman Catholic Mill Hill Mission was known as the mission ekitalya bwami — the mission which doesn’t eat (i.e. obtain) chieftaincies. But, again as in other areas, this did not inhibit Catholic evangelistic zeal. The Mill Hill Fathers, often with more foreign personnel working in the area than the CMS, scored successes among the peasantry, and have become the majority of Christians in Teso and Bukedi (i.e. the district around Teso). Protestants predominate in Busoga and Bugishu.

Christianity in Northern Uganda [13]

In the North, Kiganda influences were minimal. The first Ugandan evangelists were Banyoro (where traditional links were strong) or Lwo who had spent time in Bunyoro — such as the Alur Sira Dongo. Christianity did not put down strong roots in the North. Rwot (chief) Awic, of the Payira clan, invited missionaries to Acoli in 1903. But Awic himself had no interest in Christianity and was skeptical of European values generally. In any case he was not the ruler of the whole of Acoli. In Lango, Odora of Aduku did actively promote Protestant Christianity. He was ambitious to be recognized as ‘Kabaka’ of Lango, something the British had no intention of doing. Lango had no traditions of chiefs of any kind; and the colonial-imposed chiefs had no traditional authority. Odora’s Christianity was a matter of profound indifference to most Lango. Moreover, J.H. Driberg, one of the early Des in Lango, a “strident secularist,” insisted on a rigid separation of church and state, burning down churches built too close to the government boma. The Lango got the message that the colonial power had no interest in promoting the new religion; and this reinforced their own prejudices. Thus, in both Acholi and Lango, the usual CMS strategy of using chiefs was misapplied and abortive.

But the Catholics also struggled to make an impact. The North of Uganda was assigned to the Verona Fathers, an Italian society founded by Bishop Daniel Comboni, whose centre of activity was the Sudan. But in Father J .P. Crazzolara (who spent some 60 years in Northern Uganda) they did produce a missionary with a remarkable understanding of and sympathy for Lwo people. The lack of response in the North produced a comparative neglect among the missionaries. This was understandable when the response in other parts was great and there were severe limitations on finance and personnel. But it did make the North an under-developed area in terms of missionary work, as it was in other aspects of life during the colonial period and beyond.

One reason often given for the poor response is the disastrous choice of the word Lubanga or Rubanga as the name for God. This was an importation from Bunyoro, where Ruhanga, a traditional name for the Creator, was used for the Christian God. Crazzolara always regretted the use of this alien name. He felt that the Lwo word Jok was quite capable of carrying the Christian concept of divinity. But both CMS and the Verona authorities had come to the conclusion that Jok had too many ambiguous and positively evil associations to be used. What they did not realize at the time was that the word Lubanga also had a sinister indigenous meaning — Jok Lubanga referred to the unambiguously evil spirit responsible for tuberculosis of the spine.

In his book Men without God?, the Anglican Bishop of Northern Uganda, J .K. Russell, wonders whether this fatal misunderstanding was responsible for a “subconscious bar” to the acceptance of the missionary message of a great and loving God. It is symbolic of a general failure to engage the hearts and minds of the people of Northern Uganda. Okot p’Bitek, an Acoli brought up as a Protestant but who became as strident a secularist as Driberg, has argued that the failure to find an adequate name for the Christian God and the farcical adoption of Lubanga, shows the essentially non-religious, this-worldly character of Acoli concepts. It explains and justifies their non-acceptance of Christianity. It was a courageous refusal to be bamboozled by foreign myths. Modem Acoli Christians are more likely to accept Crazzolara’s contention that Jok can convey the concept of a Supreme Being. But now it is too late — Jok is now irremediably associated with the Devil!

The periphery of Uganda [14]

By 1914 only three areas of Uganda were practically untouched by missionary work: West Nile, Kigezi and Karamoja. ln the case of West Nile and Kigezi this was largely because they were late additions to colonial Uganda. For the Catholics, the White Fathers naturally extended their work to include Kigezi, and the Verona Fathers to include West Nile. For CMS this additional territory caused some problems, since CMS had already over-extended itself in the evangelistic thrust of the previous twenty years and could hardly spare finances or personnel to open up new mission fields. Thus Bishop Willis was willing to negotiate a special arrangement with the Africa Inland Mission, a conservative evangelical interdenominational faith mission, largely American in origin and with work in Kenya and Congo. By this agreement, AIM undertook to send mainly Anglican missionaries to West Nile and to form congregations which were part of the Native Anglican Church.

West Nile is one of the most diverse parts of Uganda, the most significant groups being the Sudanic Lugbara, Nilo-Hamitic Kakwa, and Nilotic Alur. Christianity has made a greater impact here than in other parts of Northern Uganda. Islam is also a significant force in Aringa County (a Lugbara area). Neither the Verona Fathers nor the AIM put a great emphasis on the school — the Verona Fathers felt at a disadvantage in the face of a colonial British educational system; the AIM were anxious not to confuse evangelism with education and were to come into conflict with their converts over their neglect of schools in contrast to the CMS. Nevertheless a situation characteristic of other parts of Uganda did emerge in West Nile of a smaller Protestant community, often go-ahead and innovative; and a larger and more tolerant Catholic society.

Kigezi was evangelized for the Anglicans by the Ruanda Mission of the CMS, financially autonomous of its parent mission and with a distinctly conservative evangelical basis. It was through the Ruanda Mission that much of the impetus for Revival in the Anglican Church in Uganda was mediated, and Kigezi has become the stronghold of the Balokole movement. Protestants and Catholics are fairly evenly divided in Kigezi, which resembles Ankole in the bitterness of its political-religious conflicts.

It is strange that West Nile and Kigezi, almost the last area of Uganda to be evangelized, have evinced such a strong and vigorous Christianity. This can not be said of the last area, Karamoja. Since 1929 the Anglican Bible Churchmen’s Missionary Society (BCMS — another conservative evangelical society, which broke away from CMS in 1922) has been working patiently in Karamoja, without any dramatic results. The Verona Fathers came later, but in the last 20 years have overtaken the Protestants through their efficient and effective school work and the range of their relief work. Christianity has remained peripheral to this pastoral society.

Church and State in Colonial Uganda

Protestants and Catholics [15]

The Anglican Church was never an official established church in colonial Uganda. But it approximated to an established church, with the Bishop of Uganda standing third in order of precedence at official functions, after the Governor and the Kabaka of Buganda. The Catholics had no such political role in the colonial state, and in fact they felt it better to eschew politics altogether and to concentrate on their religious tasks. At times they could legitimately complain of discrimination, at least in the early years. But, by and large they felt reasonably content with the official British policy of religious neutrality. This allowed them to evangelize freely throughout the country, whatever the denomination of the local ruler or chief.

At times the British authorities preferred the non-political role of the Catholics to the gratuitous advice or criticism of the CMS. CMS missionaries were very conscious of the fact that they had preceded the administrators – had practically (invited) them to Uganda, in fact. Individuals thus felt free to criticize where they thought necessary – for example, the excessive use of force in “pacifying” Bunyoro in the 1890s. The British often resented such criticism. J. J. Willis, the second Bishop of Uganda (1912-34) adopted a much more conformist position than Bishop Tucker. In fact educated Baganda Anglicans regarded Willis as far too close to the government point of view for their liking.

The Church and Development: Education and Medicine [16]

One of the chief reasons for the continuing success of the missions in the colonial era was the continued attraction of literacy. The missions began in the 1890s to establish a formal system of schooling. Each village would have, next to the church, a school for elementary instruction. In the early years of this century the missions also began to establish “central” or “high” schools for more advanced learning.

At first the government was more than content to leave education to the missions. But after the First World War, the British began to take a much more active role in African education. J. H. Oldham of the International Missionary Council (based in London) played an important part in persuading the Colonial Officer not to set up a rival system to the one the missions had pioneered, but rather to use the mission network of schools, to set up an Inspectorate and offer grants-in-aid to approved mission schools. This was highly satisfactory to the missions. They were very anxious to retain the denominational character of their schools, as well as a general “Christian atmosphere,” and feared the establishment of a secular system. But they critically needed financial assistance.

CMS had pioneered high schools such as Mwiri (Busoga), Nyakasura (Toro) and Nabumali (Bugishu), and Gayaza for girls. King’s College Budo was the apex of the whole system. By the 1920s a large proportion of missionary personnel were absorbed in teaching in such schools, and government funding, once begun, became absolutely necessary if the system were to be maintained. The Catholics also cooperated with the government education policy – though always with more reservations than CMS and with a concern not to lose their independence. Kisubi for the White Fathers, and Namilyango for the Mill Hill Fathers, became important high schools on the CMS model. But the Catholics did not neglect their own seminary system, which aimed primarily at encouraging vocations to the priesthood.

Both the high school and the seminary system were unashamedly elitist after their own fashion. But the heart of the mission education system continued to be the village school, built almost entirely by local initiative and employing “vernacular teachers” whose training, pay and standard of living were all very basic. In the 1920s and 30s the missions and government made efforts to improve basic standards by evolving a system of “Normal” or teacher training institutions.

Mission education has been criticized as an agent of imperialism: for its narrow “academic” curriculum stressing British culture, history and geography at the expense of African; for despising manual labor; for encouraging elitist attitudes and individualism through the divorce between the high school and the mass of village schools. Missionaries were not totally unaware of these issues. There was a general revulsion in colonial and mission education circles against creating “black Englishmen” (sometimes tinged with racialist sentiment). The Phelps-Stokes Commission visited Uganda in 1924, strongly advocating a philosophy of an education “adapted to the needs of Africa.” But they failed substantially to re-orientate the academic bias of education. Agricultural and technical education was expensive and could therefore, like the high schools, be only for a privileged few. Moreover there was always the suspicion that “adapted” education meant “inferior” education, designed to prevent African advancement and keep them in their place. “We send our boys to the High School not to learn to drive bullock wagons and to look after cows, but to learn to be fitted for posts of high standing,” Said one parent. (Admittedly he was a son of Sir Apollo Kaggwa and therefore one of an elite likely to benefit directly from an elitist system.)

Medicine. If CMS set the pace in educational developments during the colonial period, the same can be said for medicine. CMS Mengo Hospital began in 1897. Sir Albert Cook and his wife Kathleen are the towering figures in the development of “scientific” medicine in Uganda, with their pioneering work on sleeping sickness and venereal diseases, the training of nurses and midwives. The Catholics excelled in the establishment of local dispensaries — one can point to the great work of the Franciscan Mother Kevin in this field.

The colonial economy. The colonial government aimed to integrate Uganda into the world-wide capitalist system. By its nature this was a system of exploitation of the labor and resources of underdeveloped societies. But Uganda at least escaped some of the worst effects of a settler or plantation economy, due to the reliance on peasant cultivation of cotton and later coffee. CMS, as the original promoter of cotton production in Uganda, closely identified itself with the basic aims of colonial economic policy, stressing its benign rather than its exploitative aspects. CMS encouraged the cultivation of cash crops and in its schools inculcated a “Protestant ethic” of discipline, punctuality and cleanliness, and individual enterprise. Within the narrow constraints of a colonial and racially stratified society, they favored the development of small scale African capitalism in agriculture and trade; and so encouraged the growth of a fragile petite bourgeoisie. In discussing the development of a Protestant elite, however, one needs to stress that CMS congregations remained overwhelmingly peasant; only a tiny minority ever escaped the constraints of rural poverty and under-development of the colonial economy.

Catholics did not put the same emphasis on the creation of an elite. Their missions were often models in farming and industrial self-sufficiency (e.g. brick making). But here the primary aim was to build up a self-contained, economically viable Christian Community (it bas been called “feudalistic”) rather than to promote directly the colonial economy. Nevertheless whatever the mission ideology, Catholic peasants were drawn into the colonial economic system along with everyone else.

Protest against the Missions [17]

As we have seen, the Anglican Church in Uganda had a privileged position both in terms of its relationship to the local rulers and to the British administration. This close connection with the centers of power was to cause tensions within the Anglican Church when the colonial power structure was challenged. The Catholic Church, less concerned with questions of political power, was much less affected. However, in colonial times, independent churches did not easily thrive in Uganda (unlike Nigeria or South Africa or Kenya). One reason for this may lie in the fact that the Christian Churches had from an early stage become genuinely “folk churches,” churches of the people. In Buganda, to be a Muganda had come to mean that (if you were not part of the Muslim minority) you were either “Protestant” (i.e. Anglican) or “Catholic.” This was part of your basic identity — and just as political protest against the chiefly oligarchy did not make you any less a Muganda, so protest against church involvement in that oligarchy did not make you any less a Protestant (member of the Native Anglican Church).

In colonial times, where independent churches did not occur, they usually had a close connection with political protest. The exception is Mabel Ensor’s Mengo Gospel Church, the creation of a powerful ex-CMS missionary, discontented perhaps with her status as a woman within the mission structure, but more obviously motivated by the desire for a pure Spiritual church. Even here we might see political implications in her protest in that she wanted a Church which was totally divorced from politics, unimpeded by the compromises of being part of an establishment.

The Bamalaki

Joswa Kate was the Mugema, the head of the Nkima (Monkey) clan. In 1914 he and his clansman Malaki Mussajjakaawa broke away from the Anglican Church. They objected to two features which had become integral to the Christian mission in Uganda — the use of Medicine and the requirement of education as a prerequisite to baptism. The dissidents called their new movement Ekibiina kya Katonda Omu Ayinza Byonna (The Society of the One Almighty God), but it became popularly known as the Bamalaki. The chance of immediate baptism was largely responsible for the rapid growth of the movement, which consequently acquired the nickname Diini ya Layisi (religion on the cheap). Behind the religious protest was a political quarrel between Kate, a venerable representative of the bataka or clan heads, and the batongole (office holders) who had been the chief beneficiaries of the 1900 Agreement — the “Protestant oligarchy” led by Apollo Kaggwa. The bataka were particularly aggrieved that their land rights had been ignored in the land provisions of the 1900 Agreement.

The stubborn refusal even to inoculate cattle (i.e. give medicine to cows) brought the Bamalaki into direct conflict with the colonial authorities, and in 1929 (after a riot) the leaders were deported to remote parts of Uganda. After this the movement disintegrated. The Seventh Day Adventists first began work in Uganda in 1927. In some respects their emphasis on Saturday worship and adherence to many aspects of Jewish law resemble the teachings of the Balamaki — but the SDA were not, of course, against medicine, and there is no direct link between the two churches. The name malaki survives as a nickname for safari shoes, which do not need shoe polish (“medicine!”).

One interesting offshoot of the Bamalaki was begun in the Mbale area by Semei Kakungulu, who had a natural sympathy for Kate in his quarrels with Apollo Kaggwa. But he had no wish to be junior partner in a movement whose base was in Buganda, and so after collaborating for a time he founded his own group which took Bamalaki principles to an extreme by rejecting Christianity altogether and adopting what they could reconstruct of Judaism from the Luganda Old Testament. They practiced circumcision and Sabbath worship and were known as Bayudaya. ln the 1960s the survivors of Kakungulu’s “Jews” were given help from orthodox Jewish communities in Israel, but Amin’s anti-Zionist stance after 1972 put an end both to this incipient collaboration and the Bayudaya as a viable community.

Spartas and the African Greek Orthodox Church

A more forward-looking movement than the Bamalaki was that begun by Reuben Mukasa Spartas, an Anglican educated at Budo. Reacting against Anglican paternalism, in 1929 he announced the establishment in Uganda of an Orthodox Church “for all right thinking Africans, men who wish to be free in their own house, not always being thought of as boys.” Spartas had been greatly influenced by the pan-Africanism of the Jamaican Marcus Garvey, through the magazine Negro World. The African Orthodox Church was founded in America as a religious expression of pan-Africanism; but when Spartas discovered that this Church was not regarded as a legitimate branch of traditional Orthodoxy, he associated his Church with the Greek patriarchate in Alexandria. In the 1940s and 50s Spartas was much involved in the politics of Buganda nationalism. Unlike the Bamalaki, which grew rapidly and then collapsed, A.G.O.C. grew slowly and has remained a small but “respectable” Church. When Amin banned independent churches in 1977, the Orthodox were placed alongside the Catholics and Anglicans as a “recognized” Church.

The Church and Nationalism [18]

The Protestant schools were the breeding ground for the rising nationalism of the 1950s. In Uganda, nationalism was complicated by the conflicting claims of Buganda nationalism and Ugandan nationalism. It was, by and large, the Protestants who made the running in both kinds of nationalism. But the hierarchy of the Anglican Church was often attacked for identifying itself too closely with the colonial authorities. It was widely believed that the new bishop of Uganda, Leslie Brown, was involved in one way or another with the deportation of the Kabaka in 1953, though he has always strenuously denied any such involvement. The Anglican Church lost a lot of support in those years when Kiganda traditionalist sentiment was running high.

But Catholics too were under attack in these years from the traditionalists. After long years of being passive in political matters, as Independence approached, the Catholic hierarchy increasingly saw the Democratic Party as a suitable party for Catholics to support, more acceptable than either Buganda’s traditionalism (as finally embodied in Kabaka Yekka) or the secular and left with ideology of the Protestant dominated nationalist parties (which finally coalesced into the Uganda Peoples’ Congress).

D.P. was headed by a Muganda Catholic, Benedicto Kiwanuka; but D.P.’s commitment to a unitary Uganda alienated Buganda. In the political maneuverings of the early 60s D.P. lost out to an alliance of Obote’s U.P.C. and Kabaka Yekka (a strange and incompatible alliance). But it did ensure that the Catholics entered Independence still denied any real share in political power.

The Religious Life of the Churches

The Anglican Church [19]

Bishop Tucker, despite opposition from missionaries, gave to the Native Anglican Church a constitution which allowed Ugandans a significant measure of participation in decision-making, in particular through the Synod. Tucker was also keen to foster a “native clergy,” and the first ordinations took place in 1893. These admirable developments were, however, partly offset during the colonial period by the poor educational level of the clergy, and consequently their low status and pay. The situation was much lamented but seemed incapable of solution. Moreover it seemed to lend plausibility to the failure of Bishop Willis to promote Ugandan clergy to positions of real responsibility, a persistent source of irritation, especially to politically-conscious Baganda. Why, for example, was a Muganda not appointed assistant Bishop in 1920, instead of importing a European who had never even worked in Uganda before? And why, when a Ugandan bishop was at last appointed in 1947, was he not a Muganda?

All this seemed to be evidence of a deeper spiritual malaise. It was 10 be the Revival movement, known as the Balokole (the Saved People), which was directly to confront that spiritual malaise. A key figure was a Muganda, Simeoni Nsibambi, who formed a strong spiritual bond with a young medical doctor of the CMS Ruanda Mission, Joe Church. Nsibambi sent keen Baganda missionaries to work at Gahini hospital in Ruanda, where Joe Church was working. It was here that a revival broke out in the early 30s. It spread to Kigezi and Ankole before making a powerful impact in Buganda itself. It was from the first a controversial movement, often extremely critical of the church leadership, both missionary and Ugandan. In 1941, 26 Balokole were expelled from Bishop Tucker Theological College for “indiscipline.” They were led by a great evangelist, William Nagenda, and included some of the best educated and most promising ordinands. For a time it seemed as if the movement might break away from the Church. But this did not happen and by the 1950s the relationship between Church and Revival had become much more amicable. The 1950s probably saw the high point of the Balokole movement. It became in western Uganda the dominant form of Anglican Church life. In Buganda there was more resistance, especially as the Balokole often conflicted with a resurgent Buganda nationalism. Nevertheless, the Revival became an integral part of church life in Buganda too. Revival was taken to northern Uganda by a Muganda doctor called Lubulwa, who had quarreled with Nagenda and the leadership of Revival in Buganda. Here it often took a militantly anti-Anglican form, with the Strivers or Trumpeters, as they were called, attacking church members after or even during church services, using megaphones. These immoderate attacks made the Church very suspicious of the whole Revival movement. Nevertheless a moderate group did emerge there too. Both Archbishop Janani Luwum (an Acholi) and Archbishop Silvanus Wani (a Kakwa) combined loyalty to the Anglican Church with leadership in the Revival.

The fact that the very first Anglican Archbishop, Erica Sabiti, was also a pioneer or Revival in Ankole is an indication of how deeply the Revival movement has penetrated the whole life of the Anglican Church.

The Catholic Church [20]

As we have seen, the loss of political power early on in the colonial era did not mean a decline in evangelistic zeal for the Catholics. Unencumbered by aspirations for political power, they devoted their efforts to the more spiritual side of their work. Archbishop Henri Streicher (nicknamed Stensera) was leader of the White Father Vicariate in Uganda from 1897 to 1933 (and after his retirement remained in Uganda until his death in 1952). He did much to consolidate Catholics, to build up their institutions and to encourage priestly vocations. Buddu (in southwest Buganda) became an overwhelmingly Catholic county and a strong base for Catholicism throughout the country. Despite the long, arduous and essentially de-culturizing process of seminarian training, the first two Baganda were ordained in 1913: Bazilio Lumu and Viktoro Mukasa. In 1939 Uganda produced the first African Catholic bishop of modem times — Joseph Kiwanuka W.F., appointed Vicar Apostolic of Masaka.

The success of Ugandan Catholicism should not be measured only by the steady stream of priestly vocations. Lay orders were also established: the Bannakaroli (Brothers of Charles Lwanga); the Bannabikira (Sisters of the Virgin), founded by Mother Mechtilde of the White Sisters; and the Little Sisters of St. Francis, founded by Mother Kevin. The fact that these local orders flourished rested on the strong foundations of a solid Catholic piety at village level. The Ugandan Catholic Church, particularly in Buganda, became surprisingly indigenized, long before the reforms of the Second Vatican Council. At Villa Maria, the Catholic center in Buddu, an elaborate ritual was developed on the model of the Kabaka’s court. The Church was known as Twekobe (the place where the Kabaka dwells), and the Virgin Mary, as “Queen Mother” or Namasole was addressed as Naluggi (“She was the most effective door for seeking special royal favors”). There were other imaginative translations of Christian concepts into local terms, such as referring to a guardian angel as ow’omukago (a blood-brother).

“The mission that can produce martyrs can also produce priests,” Streicher had claimed. For laity too, the cult of the martyrs became an important aspect of their piety; and remains one of the outstanding features of Ugandan Catholicism to this day.

If the success of Anglicanism lay in its ability to become part and parcel of the new political framework of Ugandan society, the success of Catholicism lay in its penetration into the fabric of village and peasant life.


Christianity in Uganda Since Independence Since Independence Uganda has gone through py history of conflict, turmoil, war and oppression. With the failure of D.P. to gain power in 1962, the Catholic Church was forced back into its pre-independence role as the church without political power. However, the exigencies of the situation have impelled the Catholic Church to adopt a much more critical stance towards successive governments. Both Archbishop Kiwanuka and his successor Cardinal Emmanuel Nsubuga have had occasion to speak out strongly on the abuse of human rights, speaking not only for Catholics but for all oppressed Ugandans. Under the impact of a common experience of suffering, the Catholic Church has managed to maintain an impressive unity of purpose and goal.

The Anglican Church (the Church of Uganda), in contrast, has reflected all the tensions and disunity which have characterized Ugandan society as a whole. The fact that a Protestant-dominated party came to power at Independence meant that a close relationship between the Church of Uganda and the state was bound to continue, however much Church leaders might try to distance themselves from the government, and however much the politicians stressed a secular, non-denominational nationalism. But the nation was becoming bitterly divided, especially with the abolition in 1967 of the Kingdom of Buganda and the other kingdoms and the declaration of a unitary state. The frustrations and animosities caused by these events found expression in conflict within the Church of Uganda. The coming to power of Amin in 1971 at first diffused the conflict. Even a common identity was achieved in the face of Amin’s repression, which culminated in the murder of the Anglican Archbishop Janani Luwum in 1977. But the tragedy of Obote’s second term of office (1980-5) brought a return of conflict and bitterness.

Since religion has remained a strong factor in the conflicts of Uganda politics, Protestant-Catholic relations have often remained strained. Nevertheless in 1963 the Uganda Joint Christian Council was formed — a pioneer venture in world ecumenical relations between Catholics and Protestants. There has been co-operation in joint Christian education syllabuses for schools, and in Bible translation. Above all, Christians of both churches have been united in a “fellowship of suffering.” Christians of both churches have courageously witnessed to the truth at the cost of their lives: Ben Kiwanuka, Fr. Clement Kiggundu (editor of the Catholic newspaper, Munno), Archbishop Luwum, Rev. Godfrey Bazira (killed in the Namugongo massacre of 1984).

Independent churches have blossomed since 1962 (despite being banned by Amin). They tend to be a political, of a Pentecostal/charismatic type, some of American origin, but many truly indigenous, such as the Deliverance Church. They are rarely “traditionalist” in seeking consciously to indigenize their worship but the emphasis on spiritual healing does accord with a deeply felt traditional religious concern, as well as facing the modern reality of a breakdown of health services!

Despite the challenge of these new churches, the Anglican and Catholic Churches continue to retain the allegiance of an overwhelming majority of Ugandans. Their position has if anything been strengthened. For a period in the 1950s and 60s enthusiasm for the new politics often detracted from church participation. But with Amin’s seizure of power in 1971, the disintegration of the economy and of social services, the demise of political parties, the judiciary and the press, the insecurity of life and property, so the Church increased in importance, a refuge in times of trouble, a sign of hope. Prominent Ugandans who avoided death or exile threw their energies and resources into the Church. This has been a period of enthusiastic church building, the growth of parishes, the creation of dioceses — a response to local needs and concerns. But neither has the Church been immune from the general social disintegration. Corruption, personal rivalries, ethnic conflict have all been present in the Church also. Both church and state have an immense task of reconstruction. In the era of Yoweri Museveni and the National Resistance Movement, Christianity remains at the centre of Uganda society, both as a problem to be overcome; and as an essential contributor to fundamental change.


1. The best account of Buganda in the 19th Century is S .M. Semukala Kiwanuka, A History of Buganda, London, 1971.
For a brilliant account of Muteesa’s reign, see J .A. Rowe, Revolution in Buganda 1856-1900. Part 1: The Reign of Kabaka Mukabya Mutesa, Ph.D. Wisconsin. Unfortunately this has never been published.

2. For the impact of world religions on Africa in the 19th Century, see the pioneering essay by Robin Horton, “African Conversion” in Africa, XLI, 1971. pp 85-108.
For the relevance of Horton’s ideas for East Africa, see J. Iliffe, A Modern History of Tanganyika, London, 1979.
For an important discussion of Kiganda traditional religion, see F.B. Welbourn, “Some Aspects of Kiganda Religion,” Uganda Journal, 1962, pp. 171-182; and F.X. Kyewalyanga, Traditional Religion, Custom and Christianity in Uganda, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1976.
For Islam see, A. Kasozi, N. King & A. Oded, Islam and the Confluence of Religions in Uganda 1840-1966, Florida, 1973.

3. Both the Centenary publications describe the coming of missionaries: T. Tuma & P. Mutibwa, A Century of Christianity in Uganda, Nairobi, 1978.
Y. Tourigny, So Abundant a Harvest, London, 1979.
For the rivalry between Mackay and Lourdel, see Mackay of Uganda, By his Sister, London, 1898; and K. Ward, “Catholic-Protestant Relations in Uganda: An Historical Perspective,” in African Theological Journal, Makumira, Tanzania, 1984.

4. J.V. Taylor, The Growth of the Church in Buganda, London, 1958, still provides an excellent account of the first converts.

5. The reasons for the Catholic withdrawal are discussed well in R. Heremans, L’Education dans les Missions des Peres Blancs en Afrique Centrale, Brussels, 1983, pp. 100-103.

6. The deaths of the three boys and the circumstances of Hannington’s death are well described in the contemporary account of the CMS missionary Robert Ashe. R. Ashe, Two Kings of Uganda, London, 1890.
The now classic work on the Catholic martyrs (but with attention to the Protestants too) is J.F. Faupel, African Holocaust, London, 1962. (Reprinted in paperback by St Paul’s Publications, Africa, 1984.)
L. Pirouet, Strong in the Faith, Kisubi, Uganda, 1969, is a good, popular account, with particular attention to the Protestant martyrs.

7. The story of the wars is brilliantly told by M. Wright, Buganda in the Heroid Age, London, 1971. J. Rowe, Lugard at Kampala, Makerere History Paper/3 Kampala, 1969, gives an equally graphic account of the period 1890-2.

8. The quotation of the British M.P. Labouchere can be found in M. Perham, Lugard. The Years of Adventure, London, 1956.
D.A. Low & R.C. Pratt, Buganda and British Overrule, London, 1960. H.P. Gale, Uganda and the Mill Hill Fathers, London, 1959.

9. The concept of a “Christian Revolution” is discussed in: C. Wrigley, “The Christian Revolution in Buganda,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, II, l, 1959, pp. 33-48.
D.A. Low, Buganda in Modern History, London, 1971, pp. 13-53. M. Twaddle, “The Muslim Revolution in Buganda,” African Affairs, 71, pp.54-72.

10. The basic book on the expansion of Christianity outside Buganda is:
Louise Pirouet, Black Evangelists, London, 1978.
A. Luck, African Saint: the Life of Apolo Kivebulaya, London, 1963.
J. Nicolet, Yohaana Kitagaana: a Runyankore translation from the French, 1953, reprinted in Mbarara 1985.
See also two articles in Leadership (magazine), Kisubi, Numbers 2 & 3, 1987.
11. D.M. Byabazaire, The Contribution of the Christian Churches to the Development of Western Uganda 1894-1974, Frankfort am. Main, 1979.
E. Maari, The Growth of the Anglican Church in Ankole, 1899-1951, unpublished M. Phil. degree, London, 1984.
M.R. Doornbos, “Kumanyana and Rwenzururu: two responses to ethnic inequality,” in R.I. Rotberg & A.A. Mazrui, Protest and Power in Black Africa, London, 1970 pp. 1088-1136.

12. See Gale op. cil. and Pirouet op. cit.
For Busoga, see T. Tuma, Building a Ugandan Church, Nairobi, 1980.
For a biography of Kakungulu see H.B. Thomas, “Capax Imperii –The Story of Simei Kakunguru,” Uganda Journal, 1939, pp. 125-36.

13. J.K. Russell, Men Without God? London, 1966.
Okot p’Bitek, “The Concept of Jok among the Acholi and Langi,” Uganda Journal, 1963, pp. 15-29.
J. Tosh, Clan leaders and Colonial Chiefs in Lango, London, 1977-8.

14. P. Ngologoza, Kigezi and its people, Nairobi, 1969.
S. Kermu, The Life and Times of Bishop Silvanus Wani, presented to ATIEA as a research paer for the BD, 1987.

15. H.B. Hanson, Mission, Church and State in a Colonial Setting, Uganda 1890-1925, London, 1984.
Leslie Brown, Three Worlds: One Word, London, 1981.

16. A. Wandira, Early Missionary Education in Uganda, Kampala, 1972.
For the economy see: J J. Jorgensen, Uganda, A Modern History, London, 1981.

17. For Mabel Ensor, Joswa Kate and Reuben Spartas see:
F.B. Welboourn, East African Rebels. A Study of some independent Churches, London, 1961.

18. F.B. Welbourn, Religion and Politics in Uganda 1952-62, Nairobi, 1963.
J. Waliggo, “Ganda Traditional Religion and Catholicism,” J. Waliggo, “Ganda Traditional Religion and Catholicism,” in E. Fashole-Luke (editor), Christianity in Independent Africa, London, 1978.
M. Twaddle, “Was the Democratic Party a Confessional Party?” in Fashole-Luke op. cit.

19. For the question of the Muganda Bishop 1 am relying on research done in the CMS Archives in London.
For the Balokole see:
C. Robbins, Tukutendereza. A study of Social Change and Sectarian Withdrawal in the Balokole Revival, Columbia University Ph.D., 1975, unpublished.
Joe Church, The Quest for the Highest, London, 1979.

20. Waliggo, The Catholic Church in Buddu Province of Buganda, 1879-1925, Ph.D., Cambridge, 1976, unpublished.
Adrian Hastings, “Ganda Catholic Spirituality,” in Journal of Religion in Africa, 1976.

21. E.B. Muhima, The Fellowship of Suffering: A Theological Interpretation of Christian Suffering under Idd Amin, Ph.D., North western-University, 1981 (unpublished).
A.B. Mujaju, ‘The Political Crisis ofChurch Institutions in Uganda’, Africa Affairs, Jan. 1976.

R. Ashe, Two Kings of Uganda, London, 1889, (reprinted 1970)
——–. Chronicles of Uganda, London, 1894, (reprinted 1971) D. Bukenya, The Development of Neo-Traditional Religion: the Baganda Experience, unpublished Aberdeen M. Liu, 1980.
D. Byabazaire, The Contribution of the Christian Churches to the Development of Western Uganda, 1894-1974, Ph.D. published in Frankfurt, 1979.
J.C. Church, The Quest for the Highest, London, 1979.
J. Ddiba, Eddini Mu Uganda, 2 Volumes, Kampala, 1965, 1967.
J.F. Faupel, African Holocaust, London, 1962 (new edition St Paul’s publications, Africa, 1984.
H.P. Gale, Uganda and the Mill Hill Fathers, London, 1959.
J.B. Hansen, Mission, Church and State in a Colonial Setting, Uganda 1890-1925, London, 1984.
A. Hastings, “Ganda Catholic Spirituality,” in Journal of Religion in Africa, 1976, No. 2.
R. Hereman’s L’Education dans les Missions des Pere Blancs en Afrique Centrale (1879-1914), Brussels, 1983.
A. Kasozi, N. King & Aoded, Islam and the confluence of Religions in Uganda, Florida, 1973
M.S.M. Kiwanuka, A History of Buganda, London, 1971.
F.X. Kyewalyanga, Traditional Religious Custom and Christianity in Uganda, Freiburg, 1976.
E.K. Maari, The Growth of the Anglican Church in Ankole, 1899-1951, unpublished M.Phil, London, 1984.
E.B.Muhima, The Fellowship of Suffering: A Theological Interpretation of Christian Suffering under Idd Imin, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Northwestern University, 1981.
L. Pirouet, Black Evangelists, London, 1978.
——–. A Dictionary of Christianity in Uganda, Kampala, 1969. (mimeographed).
J. Rowe, Revolution in Buganda 1856-1900, unpublished Ph.D., Wisconsin.
——–. Lugard at Kampala, 1969.
C. Robbins, Tukutendereza, Columbia Ph.D., 1975 (unpublished).
D. Russell, Men Without God? London, 1966.
J.V. Taylor, The Growth of the Church in Buganda, London, 1958.
Y. Tourigny, So Abundant a Harvest, London, 1979.
——–. A Century of Trials and Blessings, Kampala, 1978.
Tom Tuma, Building a Ugandan Church, Nairobi, 1980.
Tom Tuma & Phares Mutibwa, A Century of Christianity in Uganda, Nairobi, 1978.
J. M. Waliggo, The Catholic Church in the Buddu Province of Uganda 1879-1925, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge, 1976.
——–. “Ganda Traditional Religion and Catholicism”, in E. Fashole-Luke, Christianity in Independent Africa, London, 1978.
Kevin Ward, “Catholic-Protestant Relations in Uganda” in African Theological Journal, Makumira, Tanzania, 1984.
——–. A History of Bishop Tucker Theological College 1913-1986 (unpublished, xeroxed commemorative booklet).
F.B. Welboum, East African Rebels, London, 1962.
——–. Religion and Politics in Uganda 1952-62, Nairobi, 1963.
——–. Some aspects of Kiganda Religion, in Uganda Journal, 1962.
G. Van Rheenan, Church Planting in Uganda, Passadena, 1976.
M. Wright, Buganda in the Heroic Age, London, 1971.
This article originally appeared in From Mission to Church: A Handbook of Christianity in East Africa, ed. Zablon Nthamburi, published by Uzima Press (Imani House, St. John’s Gate, off Parliament Rd., P.O. Box 48127, Nairobi, Kenya) in 1991. Used with permission.

I’m a northerner but don’t mind Luganda as a national language

Kabaka Mutebi

Fellow citizens,

I believe Luganda could work well as a national language of Uganda, apparently almost 15 millions out 30-32 million Ugandans speak the language. My understanding is that Luganda is also much easier to learn than both Swahilli and English. Why waste time with difficult Languages when we can take the easy road out……But the English language must remain as the official language of the nation simply because it is spoken and understood by more than half of the human population, and it is also the language of business. I would also say that Swahilli must remain the main language in East and Central Africa….We are rich in Language……

I do not mind my children speaking Luganda……..
By derek Nyero aka. ladujah
Dear forum members,

The official language for Uganda seems to be causing unease to some members expecially those that are not Ugandans/Nationalist/Patriotic.

For me I call upon all of to just cerebrate the diversity of languages we have in Uganda. As a nationalist, a Muganda by parentage, l am happy to learn other languages from Uganda.

Why can all my brothers and sisters on this sensible forum feel blessed the same way; talk about our diversities-cultures, languages and ebyaffe-enono’s, instead of being hypocritical about each others languages as if we are not all Ugandans. Who is a true Ugandan? Isn’t he the one who loves all his neighbours like he loves himself

We spend a lot of time justifying our inferiority complexes when in fact if we learn about each other’s cultures we would promote unity among this rainbow nation (Baganda, Bakiga, Acholi, Langi, Arua, Basoga, Banyankole, Batoro, Bagisu, Banyoro etc).

Abraham Lincoln’s quote: a house divided among its self falls; but one which is united is strong. Even Satan when he is divided he falls.

Be happy, learn each others language; grasp the need for this; of course we all need to know one or two European languages because we live in global village.

English happens to be the official language; we all have to learn English.
Even any ordinary German, Japanese, Chinese, Russians. Iraqis, Iranians, Israel, Greek etc all learn British English/American; the choice of accent British/American is the one that seems to matter.

David Babumba-London

Kakungulu was probably Uganda’s first Nationalist!

Semei Kakungulu with his wife and her friend’

By Mugulusi via UAH forum

Reflecting on life in my village, Semei Kakungulu was a dominant yet an unknown figure. A Kakungulu kijukizo (memorial), a tall small pyramid, was just a few minutes from my home and his Mivulu trees were just about 12 miles away. It was rumored that gold was buried under the kijukizo and some people tested that rumor. I guess it is partly as a result of this curiosity that the structure was gradually destroyed.

The spirited and instructive discussion on Kakungulu’s legacy by Ugandans at Heart has enabled me to develop a narrative of this figure of a man. Kakungulu was a skilled soldier who executed his master’s orders with vicious efficiency. He was a soldier’s soldier. A man assigned the daunting mission to conquer territory on behalf of the British. A mission he accepted and accomplished, there by, sealing his fate as a colonial collaborator who betrayed the African people.

However, life is not as simple as my narrative, it is full of questions and puzzles. A particular question that came to mind, as I was reminiscing on the difference of opinions on this forum is, can you be a Ugandan at Heart yet disparage and view Kakungulu as a traitor? As an excellent soldier Kakungulu played a pivotal role in creating the country we know as Uganda. As stated else where on this forum, Kakungulu brought Eastern Uganda under British control; he neutralized Bunyoro, quelled resistance from Kabaka Mwanga and capture Omukama Kabalenga. Should Kakungulu and the British get credit for creating Uganda? Is Kakungulu the first Ugandan nationalist?

It was stated somewhere that brother Abbey Semuwemba called Kakungulu a Ugandan nationalist, and I was among the first to dismiss this notion but was he up to something? It would indeed be a contradiction for the same act to make Kakungulu a Ugandan nationalist while at the same time makes him a traitor to the African people. Would it be fair to dismiss Kakungulu’s claim to Ugandan nationalism by setting certain subjective standards. For example, one could make the argument that only those individuals who accepted the territorial boundaries of Uganda, fought British rule and worked to promote Uganda’s national interests, qualify to be nationalists. I am inclined to make this argument.

If Kakungulu’s claim to Ugandan nationalism is dismissed then Omukama Kabalenga and others who resisted the British cannot have a claim to Ugandan nationalism. Even though Omukama Kabalenga’s resistance of British rule was heroic, it was a rejection of colonial creations such as Uganda. So is it a contradiction to have Omukama Kabalenga as a Ugandan hero?

Kakungulu was a pathetic figure–Rev.Kasibante

Semei Kakungulu

By Amos Kasibante, UK
Few of our people have studied our history critically and objectively, if at all.. One could argue that if Mengo were wise, they would have returned the lost counties to Bunyoro at or before independence as a sign of reconciliation with Bunyoro. That way, Obote would have found it difficult to manipulate the two communities, using the method of divide and rule. I have recently been reading information about Semei Kakungulu in Bugerere (among the Banyala) that I had not learn much about before. It is contained in A.F. Robertson’s book, ‘Community of Strangers: A Journal of Discovery in Uganda’ (London: Scolar Press, 1986). Roberton did doctoral research in Bugerere in 1965-67.

Most Baganda have not sufficiently divulged the way British colonialists advanced Buganda’s power and influence at the expense of other places, especially Bunyoro. Perhaps in the search for common ground and interests the Baganda should cite Mwanga’s alliance with Kabalega.

Kakungulu was a pathetic figure. Personally ambitious and aiming for higher things, he suffered disillusionment under the British whom he had served so well when they preferred Sir Apollo Kaggwa to him for the Katikkiroship.. He exiled himself in Bugisu where he formed the Bayudaya community, perhaps in reaction against the Native Anglican Church. He probably thought that the wars of annexation that he was involved not only brought glory to Buganda, but were also meant for the expansion of Christianity.

In Kakungulu you see the ambiguity of nationalism. It may be the self-assertion of a people against real or would-be aggressors. It may be secessionist or expansionist. Buganda has undergone both phases. The irony of this in light of our situation is that it is not only Obote, Museveni, Musaazi etc that can claim the epithet nationalist. Also, Mwanga, Kabalega and perhaps the die-hard Mengo traditionalists can also claim the epithet. In fact, Uganda’s tragedy is that the failure of leaders calling themselves nationalist to break free of ethnic leanings. Obote failed to turn the army into a national institution. We had an army that was loyal to individuals. He ended up with an army that whose dominant element and leadership were northern and UPC. Has Museveni managed to create a national army? He might claim he has and might even contrast UPDF’s discipline with previous armies, but what I read in the papers suggests that many people question his nationalistic credentials. That remains our dilemma. We have no national institutions or a common national narrative that claims our loyalty.

By the way, my own father was stopped on the way by his elder brother as he was going to be recruited to fight in the Second War World. He later joined the police force where he served for 45 years until his retirement in 1984.

Luganda isn’t the most spoken language in Uganda!

a young Ssekabaka Daudi Chwa and of course the katikiro

By Lance Corporal (Rtd) Patrick Otto via the UAH forum

Those that push for Luganda as a ‘national’ language on grounds of its widespread use base their argument on a misreading of the country’s demographics. Thus, the argument goes: according to the results of the national census, 18% of the population are Baganda, making them the majority. Therefore, since they are the majority, Kiganda should be made the national lingua franca. The reality though is that, Baganda are the largest (or least small minority), and that is totally different from being a majority, which would probably be the case if the Baganda population was 50% or more.

In addition, the tendency to conflate ‘language’ with the naming of subethnic communities obscures the fact that, such tongues (if I may call them) like Runyoro, Rutoro, Runyankore, Rusongora and Rukiga are in reality not ‘languages’ in their own right, but they are dialects of a single language cluster. For example, those that argue in favour of Luganda on grounds of its ‘majority’ status will claim that, whereas Baganda are 18%, Banyankore are only 10%, so in terms of language, Luganda should take precedence over Runyankore.

However, Runyankore is not a language: it is a dialect of the Runyakitara language consisting of the 4Rs of Western Uganda or the WUBLA (Western Uganda Bantu Languages – Runyoro/Rutoro..including Rusongora..and Runyankore/Rukiga). Those dialects are more than 95% mutually intelligible to such an extent that, the national news broadcasting service always carries a joint news bulletin for them.

Accordingly, Luganda can only be meaningfully and logically juxtaposed with Runyakitara. Hence, the picture that emerges is this: while Luganda is the mother tongue of 18% of Ugandans, Runyakitara is spoken by at least 25% of the population, i.e., Banyankore (11%), Bakiga (8%), Banyoro (3%), Batoro (3%).

Similarly, when we erroneously take Langi to be a ‘language’ but not the dialect that it actually is, we would hold the mistaken notion that, while Luganda is the language for 18% of the population, Langi is spoken by only 6% of Ugandans. However, Langi is a dialect of Luo, which is the language spoken by the Lango (6%), Acholi (4%), Alur (2%), Dhopadhola (2%) and also 90% intelligible for groups like the Jabwor (the interface between the Luo of Acholi and the Ateker..Jie); the Kumam (the interface between the Luo of Lango with the Ateker…Teso) and the Chope of Nakasongola and Masindi…Pawir. When you add up the Luo speakers, they may come close to the 18% Luganda speakers.

When the situation is looked at in the sub-regional context, i.e., interlacustrine region, another picture emerges. Whereas Baganda are the only community that lack cross-border ethnic affiliations, most of the major groups were bisected by the Berlin borders. While Luganda is spoken only by a Ugandan indigenous group, Luo is spoken in by indigenous groups in North Eastern DRC (the Lendu), South Eastern Sudan (the Acholi of Opari District in Equatoria province, the home of the largest of the Acholi clans); Kenya in Nyanza province), Ethiopia (the Anuak), Tanzania (the Luo Kavirondo of Mara District). Runyarwanda, the language of 6% of the population of Uganda is spoken by the largest ethnic grouping in the Great Lakes , the Banyarwanda. Rwamba is spoken by Banande of DRC, Runyakitara is spoken in much of Northwestern Tanzania and large swathes of North Kivu in DRC. This is the case for at 19 Ugandan communities.

The point here is, even if one does not go into the arguments regarding the merits of Kiswahili (which are legion ), the fact is Luganda is perilously imprisoned within the entrails of Uganda, compared with many other languages that are transnational and supra-ethnic. This is what makes it imperative for us to think more in terms of the realities on the ground rather than being driven by devotion to our narrow groups.

Those of us that tend to very easily drift into the emotional tirades against the so-called “ Buganda haters” would do well by reflecting on the perceptive words of Senator Frank E. Moss:

“Whether for the individual or for the nation, self is best served by transcending self.”

1960 were the only free and fair elections Uganda has ever had!

This was a UPC fundraising event at Silver Springs Hotel for UPC women’s organisation and Sanyu Babies Home. Obote’s portrait being held by, the then prime minister Otema Alimadi

By Remigius Kintu via UAH forum
Fellow Ugandans,

In spite of all the suffering our country is in, we should be honest to ourselves and our country and not distort the historical record so that we can be judged as respectable and responsible citizens. There are two major political crimes which derailed Uganda and we are now suffering because of them. One, is political violence and the second is okubba obululu (stealing votes) by stuffing ballots boxes of an other party with mango leaves. Violence entailed cutting banana plantations and cows of DP supporters in Buganda, violent harassment by KY members against DP members. During the same period of wanton violence, a teacher by the name of Binaisa was murdered because he was a DP man.

We now cry because NRM steals election, which is very true. I am adamantly opposed to their evil and criminal behavior. We should not forget that KY was the originator of this evil practice of stealing votes, violently intimidating voters in the early 1960s prior to our independence. As a matter of fact, the only truly fair and free election we ever had nationwide were in 1960. Those elections made Ben Kiwanuka our first Prime Minister. He peacefully handed over power to UPC (Obote) without jungle fighting. Those two political crimes were conducted by Baganda on Baganda. Those are historical facts which should not be distorted by any person for personal gratification.

I am a Muganda and not a UPC member nor NRM. I could probably write some criticism on Obote and his party but will now allow the truth to be distorted by fly-by-night historians. If you were not around during those days when the above mentioned crimes were being committed by Baganda on Baganda, you can ask anyone who was around to know the truth.

I know that we can live in peace with each other but that requires that justice must prevail in everything we do. For that matter, every true Ugandan from Arua to Busia, from Karamoja to Kabale and all in between, Christian, Moslem, non-believer… all of us can and should enjoy the same freedom, liberty and opportunities to strive as a people towards making our country a happy and progressive home for us and our children. Injustices which are based on sectarian arrogance that one group – be it tribal or religious – claiming to have a special right to dominate others calls for blood-letting trouble.

The genisis of Uganda instablity started by Obote

All the political instabilities, massacres, attrocities, undemocratic rules,human violations of the highest order originated from the barberic elected Priminister in 1962 who was never elected in later, but made himself the President of Uganda. Since 1962 free and fair general election, there has never been a free and fair election in Uganda history untill today.

Uganda first experienced the human carnage from Nakulabye town, Kisubi college and in the Buganda Kingdom palace Mengo and other towns and villages in Buganda at wholesale. Obote caused havoc by directing the Uganda soldiers to shoot at sight, including destroying the historic Palace of Mengo by burning the buildings,everything within the perimeter of the Palace plus slaughtering almost each and every living humans including children and animals found in the Palace and outside the palace,the servivers were packed in trucks some to mass graves others dumped into Luzira and other Prisons, killing adults , children and terrorising other areas in Buganda.

The Kabaka and President of Uganda did not leave the palace without a fight because he was a miltary trained authority. He narrowly escaped the battle ground and treked through Burundi to United Kingdom, this was his second exile. Later the political leftist pioneer(common man’s charter) poisoned him to death.

All the chaos and turbulences started at the Mengo Palace spreaded in Buganda. Then His Excellency declared a state of emergency and curfew all over Buganda Kingdom alone. That was the beginning of fascism in Buganda history by Milton Obote. Latter on, the whole of Uganda was canvased under fascistmodifier or by Totalitarian system of government up to the present day 1966-2012. Uganda has never tasted peace and tranquility from Obote1 to Museveni, to put it right, Uganda has never had an elegitimate elected President.

After Obote declared state of emergency over Buganda Kingdom, his sinful nature propelled him to claim as the first President of Uganda for life followed by Idi Amin and Museveni. Obote never held any national general election from 1962-1971 when the wind of purgery came to pass in January 1971, thus General Idi Amin got rid of the sociatal evil from Buganda first and Uganda as a whole. Because he could not go back to where he belonged (Lango) in Northern Uganda, however much Buganda Parliament (Lukiiko) warned him, eventually passed an edict ( which still stands) and expelled/kicked him out of the soil of Buganda, simple reason he was not (Mutaka) in Buganda, he had no haritage in Buganda sovereignity. Buganda was compelled to carry out the order because Obote did not win the first 1962 general election to cause him to become the first Prime minister of Uganda without the help of Buganda Kingdom’s strong support of Kabaka Yekka political which was enacted in the 1962 constitution and violated the 1900 treaty signed between British Government and Buganda Kingdom.

Obote reckoning that he could not win if he staged a National general election in 1966/1967, he abolished the hereditary constitutional kingdoms in Uganda,abrogated the 1962 consistitution abruptly without national consultation all these mounted to treason, criminal and unaccepted barberianism. Due to these political,social,economic and moral upheavals, Uganda has spilled tons of our beloved citizens blood. who instigated the political rebellions in Uganda- Apollo Milton Obote.

The Kabaka of Buganda, King Freddie Muteesa 11 was the only authentic,real,genuine first elected President of Uganda by Parliament under the 1962 authentic consititution of Ugandai in unchangeable true history. All rest of the uncherised Presidents except the popular President Yusufu Lule the short lived only 68 days,( Obote1&11,Amin, Binayisa ,Lutwa and Museveni) to date have usurped power by smoke of the guns.

Prepared by: Rev. Nnakabaale Kaasa
Boston, USA

This is the cause of Uganda’s problems

Staged during a ‘History Pageant’ in 1927: “King Mtesa and Court welcome Stanley”

By Ssekajja via UAH forum
To suggest at any one time that Milton Obote is responsible for the troubles and instability in “Uganda” is totally inaccurate, untrue, unfair and uneducated course of assertion. Not that I like the man. For any historian and learned person, the problems we have were laid down during the Partition of Africa. It is understood that it was during this period of invasion, occupation and colonization that the seeds of trouble were planted. The mere fact that peoples of different tribal origins were forced into unnatural unions, created a single most source of troubles, in many African regions (and not only in Africa). I am not implying that people of different tribes can’t unite for the common good, NO, people need to naturally associate and form common grounds and aims. In the case of the “Uganda” nation that was never been the case.

The British understood that the Baganda were a main force to contend with, and therefore the need to appease them during their process of colonisation and granting independence. It is no wonder therefore, that they offered the Kabaka the position of President of Uganda in their new creation ( the nation of Uganda). Realistically, WHY the King of the Baganda, and not the King of the Acholi, Banyoro or Bakonjo.

Obote understood the WHY. His course of action to destroy the Kabaka is understandable. As a result, we see different tribal based rule in the Kampala (part of Buganda) working to enhance the opprtunities based on tribal allegiences and not for the common good of all tribes.

The solution to the problems is autonomy for the tribal regions and decentralisation of polical and economic activitity away from Kampala.

Obote, Amin and Museveni are products of the system we have, the system that only begets political turmoil. We can only have unity on common understanding and agreement, AND NOT BY FORCE.
Have you ever asked yourself simple questions, such as, ‘what unites us as Ugandans?’, ‘what are our common goals as united republic nation?’.
For anybody to suggest that the problems we have started in the 1960s with the posturing for power between KY, DP and UPC is ridiculous. Not only did I study history but also taught it at secondary level in Uganda.

When some of us speak the truth, it is not out of hatred for other tribes, but the desire to improve the situation we have today. I don’t think that my father’s tribe of Baganda, is better than my mother’s tribe of Banyoro, nor that of wife’s – Basamya. I am in a better position to speak about tribal issues, by virtue of my mixed tribe parentage and also marriage. I want solutions to the seemingly endemic problems that affect the region. After half a century of continued national paralysis and tribal conflict, convince me that the next fifty years will bear fruit, if we continue on this same path.

We need to take a new direction, because it is obvious that the priorities and values of the central governments, in Uganda, have continually failed to reflect regional values and interests. The reconstitution of the region of Uganda should aim to achieve powerful autonomous regions to offer sense of identity, holding different groups together and to aim for better economic and social goals. This should be the driving force for all regions. This has nothing to do with tribal superiority complex (as commonly associated with the Baganda), NO, just common-sense approach to reduce tribal conflict, and create favourable conditions of development.

Whatever the reasons, the people of Buganda, or any other region of Uganda for that matter, have the right to determine their destiny, if they want to, – that is, being in the united Uganda, or choosing to be an autonomous state. There is nothing extremism in these choices. Many states have emerged in the past twenty years to declare full independence, – South Sudan, Croatia, Slovenia, Slovakia, Macedonia, Cech Republic, East Timor, Latvia, Moldova, Georgia, etc. Scotland will hold a referrudum in 2014 to determine whether the people want to separate from the UK.

Stop living in la-la-land. Most of us want to live in peace, but there is no peace. We need to create favourable conditions to establish a long lasting peace. And we can only achieve this by reducing or taking away the powers of the central government and putting those powers in the hands of regional rulers. We need powerful autonomous regional governments to determine the destinies of those regions. This should not mean that we can’t unite together on the same table as separate entities to achieve common goals for our peoples.
Asking for a self/independent rule is not being tribalistic. I look forward to the establishment of the “Buganda Automony Movement”.

The Rise of Kooki County

“Stanley writing his Challenge to Christendom”

The 18th day of November 1896 will always linger in the minds of the Baganda.
It is the day, Kooki ceased to be an independent state and became one of the counties of its stronger neighbour-Buganda. Until then, this small state was under the unquestionable rule of the Babiito Dynasty, who originated from the powerful Bunyoro kingdom.

Prior to the invasion of the Banyoro, this small kingdom was known as Kitalakyamenge. It was presided over by Kazingiza acting on behalf of Kiziransomyo from Kiziba in Tanzania.
Kazingiza was a coward who never put up a fight but just fled on realising that a stronger force from Bunyoro was on its way.
This Babiito Dynasty was led by Bwowe Isingoma, who was the first Mubiito ruler of Kooki. His father Isansa Gabigogo was king of Bunyoro at that time.
Bwowe came with his brother Kitayimbwa Kato. The twins had been promised some share of their father’s kingdom. Bwowe was to take over Buddu while Kato was to take care of Chope.
However, the demise of their father came with bad luck. Their elder brother, Duhaga I who had succeeded their father denied them any chance of sharing the kingdom. They were not ready to sit and stare at nothing as their fortunes ebbed away.

The twins decided to have a kingdom of their own. Their frustrations saw them taking over Kooki. Bwowe named his newly acquired state Kooki because he had got most of his spear holding warriors from a village called Kooki in Bunyoro.

After their successful story in Kooki, Bwowe sought to make amends with his big brother Duhaga I. He sent his brother Katayimbwa to Duhaga with a lot of gifts.
Duhaga welcomed the idea at first. However, some of his sycophants and croons advised him otherwise. They told him that since the two could defeat some Baganda in Buddu, who was he not to be defeated? He then ordered for the arrest of Katayimbwa. The news was not good for Bwowe who decided to go and rescue his brother. He, however, arrived too late, after Kitayimbwa had escaped. The now furious Duhaga administered his wrath on Bwowe and killed him.

Bwowe was a charismatic man who had advised his brothers in Kooki to transfer their alliance from Bunyoro to Buganda before he departed. Kitayimbwa went back and succeeded his brother. His son, Mujwiga, later succeeded him. Mujwiga never had children and he was succeeded by his brother Mugenyi. The story continued until Edward Kezekia Ndawula Kamuswaga II signed the famous agreement of friendship with Buganda in November 1896.

Ndawula was the first king of Kooki to adopt the title of Kamusaaga. In Runyoro, Kamusaaga meant the 11th child of the ruling king. The title later changed to Kamuswaga and it eventually became the title of the ruling king of Kooki.

Kooki sought alliance with Buganda because of its wealth in herds of cattle, iron deposits and ivory, which made it a habitual target of plundering expeditions by more powerful neighbours.
Kooki’s survival depended on its alliance with its powerful neighbours. Mujwiga sent a message to Jjunju, the then Buganda king asking him to help throw the Banyo-ro out of Buddu. This was welcomed by Jjunju. With Junju’s military skill, the Banyoro were sent parking out of Buddu.

From then on, Kooki was to provide an annual levy of cowrie shells and iron products to the Kabaka of Buganda. After some years, Kooki became hesitant. Buganda realised that this tiny state was busy creating a special army.

To the Baganda, a powerful Kooki could mar their access to modern weaponry from the East African coast through Tanzania. Kabaka Muteesa I therefore sent his force to invade Kooki in 1875. The force looted 4,000 head of cattle from Kooki and kidnapped many nice-looking women and children. After the invasion, Lubambula of Kooki then visited the Kabaka’s court to pay respects to Muteesa I.
The relationship between the tamed Kooki and the all-powerful Buganda improved. Kooki then assumed a greater status than a tributary state. The Kamuswaga started attending council meetings at the royal capital of Buganda. Kooki produced great figures in Buganda such as Semei Kakungulu.

The Kamuswagaship and the Kabakaship existed until 1966 when then president Milton Obote abolished traditional institutions. Now the people of Buganda can afford to smile as the current Kamuswaga, Sansa Kabumbuli II was set for coronation ceremony that took place in January 2003. Ends


Kabaka Daudi chwa

By Sandra Birungi via UAH forum,

The reaction of Baganda to the government recognition of Kamuswaga of Kooki and Omukama of Buruuli tells it all. The deception by the Mengo click( an exploiter aristocracy, living off the sentiments of ignorant peasants), about the whole Buganda question. Facts and history have it that Buganda as it is today was created by Britain, as a vassal state, after Britain conquered Bunyoro. Bunyoro Mother was split, thus the Lost Counties, while Bunyoro’s vassal state of Kooki was intimidate into surrendering its sovereignty to Buganda. Kooki, whose name comes from the natal village of the rebellious prince who founded this kingdom, is an independent state. Its ruler carries a different title, its princes are called Babiito( Bunyoro), and its language is a hybrid of Runyoro-Runyankore-Ruhaya-Runyambo. The small village from which the kingdom derives its name is the birth place of the Uganda Martyr Andereya Kaahwa( recorded as Kaggwa). On June 3rd when Uganda goes to Namugongo, Bunyoro goes to Kooki, in Kibaale District. Kooki has produced most luminaries in Buganda in business, politics, religion and the arts. The current Katikkiro is from Buddu, another state. Ask a Muganda the meaning of words like Masaka, Kibuye, Lwanda( Rwanda), Lwebitakuli( Rwebitakuri), Kyankwanzi, Migyera, Nyakitooma, Ishembabure, Igomba, all of which are in Buganda. No one will tell you what these names mean.

Kabaka Mutesa II visiting Mbarara high school. Next to the king Headmaster Mr. Clement Paine. Most likely between 1940 and 1949, when Musa Katuramu, who produced the photograph, was carpentry teacher at the school.

Buganda is as artificial as anything plastic. Mengo Clique should stop hoodwinking us. They are part of the exploiting class, in cohort with Entebbe and Birmingham. The local two agents are furthering the interest of the master in Birmingham. And their craving for ‘unity of the kingdom’ is only need to play bigger vassal. Nothing more.Nothing less. If the vestiges are to go, it must apply to all. You cannot claim sovereignty from Britain or reject what she created( Uganda) while keeping what she annexed onto Buganda. Justice should apply to all. Buganda can claim what they call ‘theirs’, but recognise that other states that existed before Britain came in to plunder, are also as legitimate as Buganda claims. WHY ALL THIS DECEPTION???? LET ALL HAVE THEIR THINGS!!!

A lot of non-Baganda love Semei Kakungulu!

By W.B. Kyijomanyi via UAH forum

Mr. Semei Kakungulu was an agent of colonialism. That said although I have criticized colonialism, it had some positive things such as education, law, and order etc. Some of the chiefs who went along with Mr Semei Kakungulu to instil law and order include the late Mr. Kezironi Zaake Malumba (RIP) of the Kobe clan, the late Mr. Festo Zavugga (RIP)of the Ndiga clan, the late Mr. Bossa (RIP) of the Ndinga clan and many others. The first two are buried in Bukedi or present day Budaka- Bugwere where their offspring remain without any animosity from locals. The later was buried at Nakaloke in present day Bungokho North constituency. They belong to diverse clans such as Kobe, Ndiga, Ffumbe, Nkima, Njovu, Mamba, Ngo, Luggave etc.

There are many Baganda families in places such as Bugema in Bungokho South, Busamaga, Nabweya on the outskirts of Mbale senior quarters and especially in the then Nakaloke subcounty around Nakaloke-the only sub county in bugisu where bamasaba are a minority-Namunsi-home to the late Mr Kaboggoza Musoke (RIP) and former Kyotera MP Mr. Patrick Kiggundu.

Busajjabwankuba, where one of Semei Kakungulu’s sons, Mzee Ephraim Ndawula still lives, Gangama where Mr. Semei Kakungulu, was buried, Mukasanvu after Nkoma, Namanyonyi, which has since been carved off Nakaloke sub county to form another sub county. There are Baganda families in places such as Kachumbala in Bukedea district prominent among them the late Haji Muhamuddu Waswa (RIP) and the late Mr Zakayo Ssali (RIP. They even extend to places such as Nampanga in present day Sironko or Budadiri district. In all these places there is no animosity towards them from locals. And when I say locals meaning non baganda have named their children Kakungulu it is real. Bungokho North is home to Baganda, Bagwere, Basoga, Iteso, Banyole, and of course Bamasaba. Naturally those Baganda have married among themselves but also women mostly from North Mbale for some reason.

It is a fact that Mr. Semei Kakungulu initiated the plantation of mivule trees in Bukedi, Bugisu and Teso. I have not been to Uganda recently, but I suspect those mivule trees have not survived the plunder. Were Mivule trees a good or bad thing for the local environment?

It is also a fact that there are locals who have named their children Kakungulu. And in Mbale town, Nabuyonga Primary school near the Anglican cathedral and just behind what used to be intern doctor’s residence on Naboa Road was before the name change Kakungulu primary school.

How I remember Ssebagala

Al-Haji Nasser Ntege Sebaggala meeting Hon. Amama Mbabazi, informing him of is his bid for Kampala Lord Mayor by elections as the chosen candidate of his political party Liberal Democratic Transparency.

By Lukyamuzi Yozefu upon the demise of comrade Al-Haji Nasser Ntege Sebaggala

88.8 CBS FM just broke the news that Al Hajji Nasser Ntege Ssebagala has passed on at IHK. His name will always claim a certain stage of the struggle whatsoever his later political maneuverings.
Ssebagala is on record on 88.8 FM’s Gyenvudde programme for having said that him as a knowledgeable Muslim knows that the tradition of Muslims burying soon after one’s death was a result of Arabia where Islam originates having very hot conditions and that dead bodies could decompose and start producing a foul smell soon. He said ours are different conditions and that his body should at least spend 3 days on Earth before burial. He also said that the money to cater for his funeral expenses during those 3 days is already in place and shouldnt bother those who should use it as an excuse to send him off quick.

Ssebagala was a liberal thinker, a humanist sort of , in fact a rebel to established norms…………….he on the same programme that run for several weeks also said that he Ssebagala who knows Astronomy and Geometry wasnt to be told that the faithful should face one direction during prayers yet the world is always rotating and as such the direction of Mecca could at times be determined by the day’s position of the Earth vis a vis its position in the Orbit and the position of the sun.

Ssebagala was one who who knew how to make a mark on first impression. No wonder the tales about his social life and his surprising electoral victories. He was interesting to listen to……….whether you knew he was taking you for a ride or not. and then his signature smile.
And he made full use of his name’s meaning “Ssebagala milyango, neberabira emyaganya.” (They secure entries and exits with doors and forget the gaps in the doors) He truly knew how to slip thru.

Ooooh how about his tale about how he once jumped into Nakivubo channel and then exited from Munyonyo. That to prove no one knew Kampala more than him.
Then that tale how Nasur the Kampala governor during amin once paraded him in Kampala either nude or with only an undie on. Whatever he had done to Abdallah Nasur!!
We will miss you. There was only one you…no other.

Seeya was a character plus

Hajji Nasser Ssebagala with UK’s Prince Charles

Gone to soon. Seeya was a character plus. I remember many of his jokes, trials and temptations, he led full life. Others took advantage of his sometimes erratic behaviour for which he paid dearly.

At the end of our era, those still ticking use our experiences to guide their actions, if they care.
Many people would agree that Seeya enjoyed his life unbothered by conventional wisdom.

Politicians and the business community have lost their ally!

Rest in peace.

Peter Simon via UAH forum


Hajji Nasser Ssebagala with Rwanda’s Paul Kagame

By Kigozi of UAH

Asalaam alaikum.


One of the late Hajj Bumba’s daughter had scored highly in her UACE. She was joining university. We were in the house for Shukur (thanks giving dua). Hajjat Sarah, the late Bumba’s wife is my mulamu. So I was a welcome guest. Being brothers with Hajj Bumba, Hajj Nasser Ssebagala was one of the guests.
Among the invited, there was late Hajj Sulaiman Kigundu. He was the chairman of Greenland group of companies. I sat in a corner enjoying my pilao, while listening to the rich of the city discussing business and politics.

Hajj Ssebagala asked Dr Kigundu a question that; “Naye hajj Kigundu sente ozikoze era zikuwulira. Lwaki toyingira byabufuzi, nokuuma emaali yo?”. (Hajj Kigundu, you’ve made money. Why don’t you join politics to protect your interests).
Hajj Kigundu laughed with a reply that; “Nze kanyweze economic empire yange. Ebyobufuzi ssibyagala byakulimba nnyo.
(Let me concentrate and expand my business empire. I hate politics its for liars.)

Hajj Ssebagala warned Hajj Kiggundu, that; “Okinanyi nti politician ayinza okwata ka pen akamyufu nasazaamu business empire yo yona mu second?. (Do you know that a politician can take a decision and cross out your business empire in a second).

Few years later the late Dr Kigundu’s Greenland empire was crossed out.
The prophecy of Hajj Ssebagala came true.

During my S6 vacation, I ventured in produce. My first trip from Namwendwa Kamuli to Kampala, I had 100 sacks of maize. When I reached Kisenyi, they were buying at a loss. Somebody proposed that I wait for a week, when the schools open. The price would be good. But I had no store to keep the maize. Moreover the lorry driver was becoming impatient. This is when I bumped on my OB, Ssekyanzi Ismail Rip. Ssekyanzi was working with Kisaasi coffee factory. We walked to his office behind former UCB. He knew somebody who could buy the maize.

As I sat in the office, a smart gentleman with a wide smile entered. After exchanging with Ssekyanzi about their business, he asked my name and where I come from. This is when Ssekyanzi narrated my ordeal. The gentleman with a smile just wrote a note and directed me to Kibuli Moslem SSS, catering master. I was paid 75% profit. He didn’t ask for commission.
The man was Al hajj Nasser Ntege Ssebagala.

I never had a chance to talk to him. I pray that Allah grant him janahtufiridausi. Allahum’ameen.
Inna lillahi wa inna illaihi rajioun.

Use of tiles all over the house is actually risk for anybody aged

By Rev. Amos Kasibante

People collapsing in bathrooms in Uganda. N’ebulaaya bibeera yo (happens in Bulaaya too, Bulaaya representing the advanced countries of the word). It may well be that someone suffers a stroke in the bathroom and falls down. But we cannot rule out people falling and hitting their head on the bathroom wall or tap due to the slippery flooring or in the bath itself.

In 256 (read UG), these days, bathrooms in modern houses have are laid with floor tiles that get very slippery and therefore very dangerous, especially to the elderly, when they are wet. Why these tiles continues to be used in a question architects must answer.

I refrain from mentioning the names of people who have lost their lives recently due to falls in the bathroom. But it is a long list.

How Bobi’s Bloggers divided and weakened the Opposition!

Patricia Sewungu and Bobi Wine

By Abbey Kibirige Semuwemba

I don’t really blame Kyagulanyi aka Bobi Wine for the bad actions of those supporting him, but he kind of incriminated himself one way or the other. Peng Peng (based in Sweden), for instance, is on record saying that he now works for Bobi Wine after dropping NRM’s Brian White. Bobi was seen in the pictures with Peng, and the latter also boosted that they met and talked often. He has been instrumental in slandering whoever questioned Bobi’s credibility.

Patricia Sewungu(based in the UK) has been making anti-Besigye posts on Facebook for the last 3 years—calling him a mole,’giant killer’, e.t.c, and guess what, her Facebook account is full of photos of her meeting Bobi in Kampala, or wherever they meet.

There was a time some guy called Jacob was being attacked on social media by PP supporters, Bobi came out and defended him, and they all shut up, but he never did that for Besigye, till recently. TV presenter, Kasuku of Spark TV, too, mentioned this in one of the shows I watched.

Bobi, himself, is on record making some flippant and disrespecting comments about Dr.Kiiza Besigye at the DP-block Reunion, basically, calling him a four times failure– a message that echoed with what his bloggers, such as Fred Lumbuye(based in Turkey), Henry Ndugwa Kakensa(based in Finland), and several others, were selling on social media. It was the craziest political backstabbing I’ve ever seen considering Bobi kept claiming that he was friends with Besigye, and that he was his mentor.

He didn’t just stop there, he was several times hosted on several TVs and radio stations around 2018-19, and he kept telling people that his businesses were closed but some other people’s petrol stations were operating—something that forced Hon. Nambooze Beti, now belonging to NUP, to reveal that Bobi’s Petrol stations in Gomba, Butambala, were also working untouched by the state( Yes, this info is in the Daily Monitor somewhere if anybody wishes to search for it).

The attack on Besigye outside CBS FM in 2019 takes the tipping point, and it left most of us wondering who exactly Bobi’s working for. Thank God, that time, General Henry Tumukunde had not revealed yet that it was Gen.Saleh and other NRMs that mostly financed his coming to parliament. Creating a new, weak, and inexperienced face of opposition, would be political craftsmanship by Mr. Yoweri Museveni. Anyway, Bobi later issued a statement condemning it but the intended message had been sent out.

After Ashburg Katto dropped him for NRM, he revealed that they was a WhatsApp group of 9 ‘People Power’ ‘generals’, where he( Ashburg) was a member, and Bobi( the admin) used to give them instructions to increase the heat on Besigye such that he gives way for him. Kato was removed from the group as soon as he went rogue and turned ‘yellow’.

So, as you can see, by extension, he is the man behind those bloggers that attack several people. The buck stops with him, and a lot of people are keenly watching him. This is the very reason why those who love Besigye will probably never like him in any shape or form, unless something miraculous happens. He kept quite over the propaganda against Besigye simply because it was self-serving, and that hurt deeply. Besigye is a very experienced leader deserving respect, and, to that end, Bobi’s silence over the attacks hurt so many of us.

The result of all this has been felt by almost everyone who has ever opposed Museveni.The bloggers insult, defame and blackmail whoever doesn’t support Bobi. His party, National Union Party, is sponsoring candidates against the people that have been opposing Museveni for ages. Bobi, himself, is shining but the opposition is generally floundering and needs someone to give it a mouth-to-mouth. Besigye has kept himself away from election, so far. It’s safe to say that in four months’ time, Museveni will be sworn in as president again without any sweat, unless God intervenes.

Insight into NRM primaries

Behind the headlines, a new show at UBC televised every Wednesday, is another escapade that has augmented a few endearing TV shows enjoyed in addition to some newspaper columnists. It’s Noteworthy to mention that TVs have played a very big role in Uganda like education. They have fought for human right, propelled economy, shaped politics and education among others. The academic, political and socioeconomic pundits who take part in behind the headlines with the help of the adept host give it a good blending that make it impressive to watch. If heeded to, ideas discussed can be a conduit of community transformation and Uganda at large.

Weighing in on NRM primaries in addition to the role of security in Uganda politics, a lot is needed to be addressed. It’s notable that NRM primaries have been marred by schisms that are most likely to cause ripple effect to the general elections. It is evident that these primaries are a do or die for the positions like Member of Parliament. Some candidates have been seen on camera illegally giving money to the voters and others involving security, but no course of action has been taken against them. This has resulted into devastation and dejection to some candidates. What is behind this big pressure? Interestingly, scientists like doctors and engineers, key to the economy are leaving their career jobs for politics. Has the adage “good leaders come from God” ceased to apply? People have run to politics because the return of investment on politics is too high. This poses a big threat to the growing economy and needs redress. If the primaries have been engrossed in violence and no action has been taken, will general elections be any better? Before lives are lost, punitive measures should be taken to ameliorate this hideous situation.

Amos Thembo

Nambooze attacks Mabikke for crossing back to DP

Dear brother,
When I saw the Mabikke green poster and the statement accompanying it,I thought that it was false news.
If you want to be taken as a serious Politician never subject yourself to a tribunal when you know that you will refuse to honour a judgement against you. So whoever subjects him/herself to the NUP candidate assesment committee must be ready to receive either of the two judgements…one should be ready to receive a YES or NO.
My political brother Mabikke as a senior politician is only embarrassing himself and us all,when he jumps out of a party just because he was advised not to stand…The way he was to gladly recieve NUP ticket to go and compete for Makindye East Parliamentary seat, should be the same way he accepts to stand down, in favour of his brother who won the Party Ticket and got endorsed to run on behalf of NUP.

For brother Mabikke the act of running back to the Nrm-syndicated faction of DP exposes him as having been in People power and or NUP as a passenger in a vehicle taking him to Parliament short of which,he has nothing to do with the ideological and administrative goodness of the Party. This only shows that brother Mabikke wasn’t ready to support NUP and he only wanted NUP to support him! If Hon Mabikke saw gaps in NUP he would have left without first going to the candidates vetting Committee.

The other issue would be whether Hon.Mabikke and company feel rigged out of the Primaries or that the other person who got the endorsement is unqualified for the same.. if this is the case, Mabikke ought to address the same through a petition to the party relevant offices and not crossing back to a party he left only one month back.
We are of age brother Mabikke…..As all of us are 50 years and above and this is the time for us to work for our country… because as individuals, we have basically got our share of the World.

We are nolonger looking for money to build homes,we have spouses and children…and we all have our own houses. We nolonger need to go back to universities to pick a first degree or Diploma. We are nolonger looking for love relationships for we are all married. It is nolonger fancy for us to drive cars…were we are,cars are for only transport not a show of status.
Hon Mabike and I together with collegues with whom we make a generation are in debt…A high level of service is demanded of us….We are nolonger the young people….We are nolonger the Uganda young Democrats- UYDs…instead we are supposed to be “Uganda Senior Democrats – USDs…If we continue politics as young Democrats…We will face shame as we compete against our own children.

I strongly agree that under normal circumstances this is our time to lead….to be Presidents,MPs, District Chairmen….Im equally disturbed that we are failing for one reason or another to deploy senior politicians like Mabikke. Even if to our generation it’s now or never, we should not descend into desparancy and political restlessness. I was the last person to join the DP- top Politicians on the way to Kamwokya.
NUP is supposed to be our baby and I know that collegues had several meetings before we announced the Exodus. Although a window to allow people to cross over was opened, defections must have a limit of we want people to believe in us.



By Steven Birija
To all opposition, FDC, DP, JEEMA, NUP and Progressive NRM forces.
We don’t have to celebrate what is happening in our country following what we saw with Bassajja Mivule, Bajjo, and now Kibalama, the founder of NUP, or what Dr KB went through. Only enemies of opposition hiding in us fight opposition. Be careful!
Learn from the way Dr Besigye, General Muntu and even Hon. Kyagulanyi react to such issues.

We should be wise enough to know that Museveni is a Machiavellian in ideology. So selfish, egocentric, a liar, propagandist, and a very strong manipulator.
He will stop at nothing to retain power. Like all dictators, he rules through lies, secrecy and conspiracy to instil fear, a sense of hopelessness and resignation.
Typically, like Machiavelle, Museveni has divided Ugandans, instilled ignorance and impoverished us in order to rule through impoverishment and disempowerment, besides violence, killing and bribery.
Dr KB and Gen. Muntu are very credible leaders, but by context, he clearly blackmailed them in the eyes of Uganda, on the NRA/M historical connections and the Nkole-Kiiga links. This, you like it or not, affects their popularity and it explains what affects their shot to presidency.

The coming of a completely novel situation of Kyagulanyi has virtually sent President Museveni into a state of total panic. It brings in the youth, the poor, public servants and the villagers who were previously mere political spectators.
He has tried everything possible to undermine Bobi and still realises power is slipping away. Dr Besigye is a very very wise man. He deliberately left the stage for Bobi, which many naive Ugandans won’t see.
So, what you are seeing at the moment are manifestations of failed efforts to infiltrate the opposition and destroy it internally.
So, please do not abuse Kibalama. He is not himself but a hostage. It is Museveni talking through Kibalama screen.
Please, don’t abuse Kibalama, Mivule, Bajjo.
Stay firm, focused, and free from fear.
Dictators work by destroying trust.
Dictators invest in moral decadence.
Dictators destroy hope to create desparation.
Dictators disempower and impoverished people by undetdevelopning them.
Do not surrender to fear and desparation. Desparation will drive us to self destruction, and divided we shall be ruled.
I repeat, don’t abuse Kibalama!

Why It Makes Sense for Bobi Wine to Stand On JEEMA Ticket as President

By Simon Kimoyi

PhD Candidate, Kampala International University

Without delving into Mr Moses Kibalama’s real motive of attempting to reclaim National Unity Party (NUP) from Mr Robert Kyagulanyi aka Bobi Wine; two things are already clear: (i) diversionary to redirect the Kamokya camp from its mission to survival mode in a disorganized state of affairs. This is a standard operational conduct of a partisan intelligence apparatus. (ii) Cause endless disturbances to exhaust energy from the target.

Therefore, it’s not enough for Team Bobi Wine to merely anticipate these troubles and point them out as if it would stop them. It won’t stop them because executors must execute ‘orders’ in a sequential manner.

The moment the Team responds to accusations, including from courts of law, its exactly a goal credited to its tormentors. They have, so far, stolen precious time from it; diverted it; confused and disorganized it.

In such circumstances it takes sterner nerves to decide, a decision to turn round tables against the tormentors from inside and outside their camp—considering that no one is immune from these games. For the inner job, I leave it to the concerned. But I will hint on a practical outer job.

Rush for JEEMA Presidential Card Now!

JEEMA, a.k.a. Justice Forum, have already publically and unconditionally declared Bobi Wine as their presidential candidate for no penny in exchange and by a guaranteed promise.

I will contend that it was a tactical error for Bobi Wine to trust Kibalama in the first instance of physical contact. But if in that contact Kibalama hinted about any price at all, let alone the outrageous USD5m, it was enough to call it ‘no deal’ there and then. It would be a pointer that given another opportunity elsewhere, and a better one for that matter; under duress or not, he would exploit it.

With JEEMA, Bobi Wine has not only had opportunity to closely interact with its founding members and officials to evaluate their levels of moral integrity but must also have read about their history since inception about 24 years ago in the run-up to the 1996 elections. In that history, when former Makerere university director of planning, Mr Muhammad K Mayanja offered to challenge Mr Museveni, he was advanced with several offers to pullout of the race. The fear was that with Mr Paul K Ssemwogerere, the more formidable challenger from DP poised to sweep the Catholic constituency, the Muslim bloc, a prism in which Muhammad Mayanja was perceived, would be the game changer. This would depend on the choice of a camp Mayanja would back between Museveni and Ssemwogerere once he exited the race. But Mayanja stood his ground until election D-Day. The final result was a misery for him. But he had used the process to cultivate a lasting legacy for himself and his organization. The JEEMA party today stands out from the crowd as the only one to trust for its word.

In 2006 when JEEMA’s single Member of Parliament, Haji Hussein Kyanjo promised to represent Makindye West for only two terms, he did exactly retire, after 10 years in 2016 despite remaining popular. In 2011 when the party’s first Local Government District Chairman of Bukomansimbi, Muhammad Kateregga promised to serve for only two terms, we can see him planning to retire next year, after 10 years. What more can one say of this party to distinguish it from others?

The New Matrix

The Bobi Wine Team can save the little remaining time from attending endless court battles and crafting rebuttals to president Museveni, by engaging yet a new matrix—strictly focused on coalescing the opposition to win parliament and then power. Emphasis on parliament matters most, because the same voter for MP votes the president. But again, parliament being arguably the strongest arm of government, its domination by opposition practically means the end of NRM in presidency. Thus in a craftier response to state-sponsored disturbances against Bobi Wine’s NUP; JEEMA should step in as the ‘emergence’ political vehicle of the People Power Movement. It implies all NUP approved candidates to change nothing except, temporarily the symbol from umbrella to a weighing scale of JEEMA. But to make it more solid, as chairman Nobert Mao of DP suggests, where the Democratic Party has put a Hoe, JEEMA should not place a Weighing scale as both should respect FDC’s ‘Key’ territories and ANT’s areas of comfort. Other formations, including Lt Gen Henry Tumukunde, Charles Rwomushana, Pastor Joseph Kabuleta, Elton Mabirizi, etcetera must be mutually accommodated in the queue. This measure can be agreed to only last until the last six months of the 11th parliament, thereafter to be dissolved for members to freely relocate loyalty.

For now, only a swiftly combined greed-free mechanism can for once get all mapped constituencies across Uganda covered in the shortest possible time. Only then, a realistic dream to change Uganda, right from districts into parliament and statehouse can begin. And this is what the three million Ugandans that endorsed Dr Besigye in 2016 are eagerly hankering for to improve the statistics. No opposition party can currently single handedly cover the entire country with their own candidates except by a joint effort. Yet the vacuums left are what NRM exploits to often gain comfortable results.

In African Hand America Loves, published 2011 in America by JEEMA’s former publicity secretary, Swaib K Nsereko, it is argued (pg 126) that JEEMA’s consistent activism and concise management would sooner than later turn it into a surprise giant. He surely must have anticipated dynamics of this nature.

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Most people in the north refer to all Muslims as Nubians

Israel. 1971: Idi Amin meets Israel’s Prime Minister Golda Meir during a visit to the Middle East. Five years later, he would aid in the hostage-taking of hundreds of Jews and Israelis by Palestinian hijackers

By Peter Gwokto via UAH forum
In Uganda most people in the north refer to all Muslims as Nubians. One of my uncle’s family is fully Muslim. Folks refer to this family as a Nubian instead of Muslim fami-ly and for the simple reason that even a man whose Mandingo has knowing-ly or unknowingly been debriefed for non-Islamic reasons with a knife, chis-el or panga or plinter from a tree or dog bite or vehicule accident, is referred to as Nubian.

In my ginnery town of Puranga also existed many true Nubians – traders who plied the and dominated dukas after Indians were banished. Mosques as such abounded – let alone Muslim festivities which attracted and con-vinced many to go through the traumatic ordeal of seeing their projectiles summarized from super Mandingos to invisible sausages, aka, wieners.

Me, nope. I believe and trust in my Mandingo more than the almighty un-nameable. Would never even think or dream about abridging my most trust-ed happiness generator.

There’s a well-known Nubian trader in Kitgum and known not for being a successful trader but for having something of a mystery – the largest Man-dingo in the North and probably Uganda at large at the time.

Words were always available to appraise the Nubian man called Lutoomono and name didnt come cheap. To or toh (Anglicized) is death in Acholi so a woman would be self-signing her death warrant driven by curiosity to sam-ple Lutoomono’s elephantine equiptment. Women who fell victim to his an-aconda often swore to never every retry the thingi due to the bad shape Lutoomono was kmown to leave a curious woman in.

Thats why its said “Curiosity killed the Cat”, that is, learning the hard way.

And I kid you not. Ask my good uncle, Mze Google by just entering “Kit-gum Lutomono”. He will show you the great endowed guy existed altho other facts are considered classified state secrets — including his weapon system.

He had many Islam-approved wives too with dozens in outbound kidos but that didn’t prevent him from proving the whooper he was.

We need a President that can shut down Parliament Permanently

Feb 1972:Idi Amin signs the Golden Book of Berlin as painter Walter Sickert (left) and West Berlin Mayor Kurt Neubauer (right) look on.

By Edward Mulindwa via UAH forum
I actually read and follow Uganda politics to a surprise of many out there, Uganda politics is just too silly and childish, and I just have a very limited time to burn on it. Ask yourself a simple question that can be responded to by anyone, what has this NRM primaries exercise helped the democracy of that country? Why was this entire campaign, election, torch of cash allowed to take place? What has it changed? Can you imagine the tears I would hold in my eyes today if I torched my time into discussing it? By the way my entire discussion would have been get out of it, for it is stupid, and you would not have liked that for you invented your entire political survival into it. You actually had hopes which I define as mislead hopes.

Long long time ago there was a government in Uganda led by a Field Marshall, being a nondegree holder, he declared the parliamentary institution banned in Uganda. He stood on city square day time and declared that effective today by the powers entitled to me by the General Command I am instructing the parliament of Uganda to be closed with immediate effect. He disappointed me for not taking that extra step of calling in The Roko construction and demolish the God damn building, which I really wanted him to do. But again as Donald J Trump walks half way so was The God Damn Field Marshall. The building stayed, but it was never attended, there was no one working there, not even a security guard, doors were left ajar and it was a Uganda tourist spectacle. We held no election and in those eight years we never campaigned, and never held an election and we never had MPIGS in Uganda.

Here comes the BUT. But Ugandans were joined by the God’s appointed moral pastors in Uganda and lamented how the man is dictatorial, they declared how Uganda had become a one man’s Kingdom, you see we do not have a representation, you see we do not have parliament, you see he is hating being cross checked, you will never be a democratic system the moment you shut down the parliament building, actually some even went deeper as defining it as a people’s parliament. They strangely flew out of Uganda and not sold how Museveni was attacking Mutukula and murdering Ugandans, but they sold how the Conqueror of the entire British Empire had become dictatorial by shutting down the parliamentary structure. Museveni’s carnage continued in Mutukula freely for the degree holders were protecting the closed out institution, Ugandans lost their lives and to today we do not know where they were buried for the educated Ugandans were defending that institution. Record must show that Uganda never had a productive government as in the 70’s. I salute the Field Marshall and may he rest in peace.

Jan. 28, 1971:Amin enjoyed driving his own car whenever he could. He’s seen here meeting recently released prisoners of the overthrown former President Milton Obote. The 50,000 cheering citizens didn’t know yet that Amin would prove to be a much more abusive leader.

Well this is today and in my retirement age all I am doing these days is reflection, the prayers of Ugandans were answered, Iddi Amin left power, and the institution immediately resurrected, so God Damn large that there are even members of parliament representing Uganda pets as we speak. Zillions of Shillings are being dumped into it, I question if they even sit, for at that number who listens to the other? How do you even reach a consensus, let alone fail to reach it? The entire institution has been curtailed into two pulling parts, Ugandans cry for MPIGS and Museveni delivers. Tell me one good thing that has ever come out of this parliament. What have you gained out of it? Even if all NRM candidates get beaten so firkin what? Was Museveni in power due to these MPIGS or the MPIGS had a table to eat from due to Museveni? Who actually needed the other most, The MPIGS or Museveni? And I will argue that it is the MPIGS. Then I recoil myself to the original question, if you have lived with this man for this long, and you have seen that the parliament is useless, why did you bother to torch your time into this campaign? Why did you even bother to hold the election?

That is the danger of Africans copying western systems, you do not take a moment to question why those institutions are in Western countries, you just copy them and become suckers for life. United States has two houses, tell me how they deliver these days. Democrats walked in with the single purpose to damage and fail Donald J Trump, and I stated that no one can fail Trump without failing America. Trump has by passed them and he is listed as the most achieving president in American history, when he has not used the houses. There is a pandemic in United States, there are massive fires raging all over the place, there are storms ragging all over the place, can you tell me one disaster the house has helped Americans? Fake media is no longer even reporting about storms, there are Americans being caught un prepared for these disasters are not reported for the fakes are on the Trump feed. What is the value of these houses? And yet Ugandans are screaming how the Field Marshall is a dictator for he shut down the mother of Democracy in Uganda. Well to all degree holders and moral protectors of our society congrats for Yoweri Museveni The Kaguta’s declared the mother of all Democracy in Uganda open. Raise a glass to yourselves this morning as I walk to my bath room to firkin puke.

When I think about the totality of stupidity of Ugandans, I shudder !!!!!!

Museveni will die a president of Uganda!

Museveni shakes hands with Mbabazi and Besigye during Papal mass in 2015

By Edward Pojim via UAH forum
As enlightened citizens, we should come to the realization that Museveni is not going anywhere. This is what I told my editors at the Nations newspapers in Nairobi back in 1986, shortly after Museveni had come to power: There will be no other president in Uganda, as long as Museveni is alive. And democracy will be what Museveni says it is.

When I made that prophetic analysis of Museveni the person, nearly all the top editors – George Mbugguss, Joe Kadhi, Joseph Karimi, Philip Wangalwa, and Amboka Andere thought I was harsh in my assessment. They dismissed me as a young man, still filled with college intellectualism and a bitter dislike of the new regime in Kampala.

Only the great Philip Ochieng thought I might have a point. History has vindicated him and me.

My advise to my fellow Ugandans is simple: let’s stop wasting money and time in fielding any candidates against Museveni. Let Museveni rule in peace. Hopefully, he’ll reciprocate my removing his brutal, militarized police from our necks.

The affable Gregory Mugisha Muntu is an eternal optimist.After his quiet divorce from the NRM party that he helped to found, Gen. Muntu has been telling Ugandans that Its possible to defeat NRM through elections- to uproot Museveni and the NRM behemoth.He might as well be right, after all, like religion, all political parties can trace their roots to a mother party. Christianity, Judaism and Islam sprung from the Monotheism belief, just as FDC and NUP are offspring of NRM, which in turn, is a child of another party.

Why do we tolerate our oppressors?

Criminal sociologists have identified three distinct patterns that explain crimes: criminal concentration, criminal dislocation, and criminal coupling. We could draw some parallel from these patterns to explain why Museveni remains popular in Uganda, and why Ugandans have come to embrace him.

Criminal concentration posits that crime is prevalent in a specific location because there are no determined efforts to resist it. That is where the “broken window” theory comes in, because no one seems interested in stopping crimes.

In criminal dislocation, crimes are mercilessly fought and pushed out of the area. Criminals must find another place to regroup and re-start their enterprise. In politics, this is akin to the ruling class being overthrown, and leaders sent running and disorganized for years.

The final pattern is where Uganda is: coupling.

Coupling is the practice of enabling crimes to thrive in your area because you feel incapable of doing anything, or you have not fallen victim of it.

Recall a time when you called cops on a prostitute that you found negotiating a deal with a client on your street? By leaving her alone to continue with her business that one time, you innocently sent her a strong message: that you don’t care what she does.

So, the prostitute feels secure, and soon even claims turf rights for that street.

Ugandans decided three decades ago to accept Museveni and his band; that’s why M7 and his boys are claiming rights to the turf that we call Uganda.


By Andrew Irumba

I wonder whether our ‘elite’ generation has fully appriaciated the difference between the space Rtd.Col.Dr. #KizzaBesigye occupies currently and that, that he has been struggling to occupy.

I don’t know if they understand the difference between Kasangati where Besigye sleeps and Entebbe state House where he has been struggling to sleep for twenty years now.

But I’m not surprised so much, because it’s still our ‘elite’ generation that calls Nakasero state lodge as Nakasero State house, they don’t understand the difference. They think Kasangati is also official State House!🤣.

Dr.Besigye is in a struggle to cause change to what he believes is wrong. He knows that, it’s the most correct thing to be part of the effort to make the change he believes in. Now,an IDIOT is telling Besigye to seat down and wait for VERY SLIPPERY IDIOTIC YOUTH OF OUR GENERATION to do it for him! They’re very convinced that #Besigye has ‘served’ his ‘term’! Very lazy, idiotic thinking.

That a woman who has tried to bare a child for 20 yrs invain should just sit back and relax and allow other women to try also!! But every woman has their own uterus!😂😂.

Whom has Besigye stopped from standing?? If he has tried four times and failed,who has stopped you from trying once and win??!!!

I see many football clubs playing in premiership, do many clubs playing stop the best club from winning??!! You come and enter the race, let the public itself drop Besigye for a new entrant. Besigye isn’t wasting tax payer’s money by standing 100 times, he doesn’t eat your food or drive your fuel.

Why are you not concerned about the fact that a whole judiciary can stand and say that ‘there was stealing of votes but not substantial enough to change results’? Not once but twice. But the same judiciary will send a chicken thief to Luzira for two years as a ‘deterent’ for others to learn that stealing is bad! Why can’t you rally behind that instead?!


Besigye’s nomination for presidency in 2016-It was probably the biggest crowd for any politician in Uganda’s history

By Abbey Kibirige Semuwemba

Dr. Kiiza Besigye has been making the right decisions ever since Bobi Wine came on to the political scene three years ago:
1. A lot of people, including opposition leaders, have been insulting him but he never responds to anyone. His silence is golden.
2.He formed a People govt to try and unite all opposition forces, but some refused to be part of it.
3. Some people asked him not to stand again for presidency to give Bobi a chance to prove himself in the elections that he (Bobi) believes in, and he is doing exactly that. But I am sure Besigye will be back after next year’s ‘scientific’ elections.There is still a war to fight, and i’m sure he will still be part of it during and after elections.
4. Bobi was reportedly supposed to be assassinated in Arua in 2018. Besigye got wind of it and warned him in advance. What happened afterwards is now history, but the guy undoubtedly has a good heart–he saved Bobi’s life though this is something rarely mentioned nowadays.

As one elder I respect a lot recently told me, and I agree with him, ‘’technically, Museveni is still our president much as he is getting weaker day by day. But in his being weak, he is so wise and extremely calculative in the way he maintains his leadership position. The man has set them up in a way that Bobi Wine, Mungisha Muntu, Norbert Mao,e.t.c, are being used by the state to break themselves apart. They are not realising that the state is using them to make their own opposition weaker than it has ever been. There is a way they prompt their egos, they make Besigye a subject matter, they start competing amongst themselves, and I have liked the way Besigye is handling the whole thing so far’’

Uganda upside down series – Episode 20 – 2020

By Ismail Nsambu

On the 25th Day of June 2020, an overjoyed 64 year old Safina Namukwaya was blessed with her first born baby. After 47 years in marriage of trying and waiting in vain, the intervention of scientists who subjected her to an IVF procedure helped in making her dream a reality. She had in her early years suffered an ectopic pregnancy which had blocked her fertility passage/tubes. You must be wondering why all this information, it is necessary just so 60 plus years old Jajjas don’t give up on sleep hoping for a late homerun. We Congratulate Safina on eventually becoming a biological mother.

Safina’s story has similarities to some of the 7 new cities that Parliament approved on 1st July 2020. Some of these had suffered from an ectopic pregnancy of sorts like Safina. It is a shame that it’s taken all this long for particularly Jinja, Entebbe, Soroti, Arua, Masaka, Mbale and Gulu to become cities. These were big towns as far back as the 70s and hadn’t it been for the poor economics and leadership they should at the very least have become cities in the 90s. Despite the delayed achievement, just like in Safina’s case, jubilating on this attainment is justified, there isn’t much to celebrate lately after all.

But as we celebrate we should take a moment to reflect that a town doesn’t become a City by mere pronouncement, just like Mothers are not simply declared. One must first have a baby like Safina did. For a town to upgrade to City status, there must be a large human settlement with extensive organised systems of housing, transport, sanitation, utilities, communication among others and with administratively defined boundaries. Am not sure our newly announced Cities make this grade especially the part of systems. May be the plan is to go about it in a backward engineering style, that is to declare the cities first and then work on systems to make them seem like one. Else they’ll remain just big towns with a City tag. Most are Byooya bya Nswa for now.

The story of these new cities reminds me of the many new districts that have been created over the years. FYI we have now reached 134 districts. Over 30 of these don’t even have a proper district headquarter. Last week still, Parliament was attempting to create 15 new counties. All these creations translate into increased expenditure for the government and you wonder why they come now at a time when the economy is shrinking due to Covid19. Yes you guessed right, they all must have representation, Mayors, MPs, Chairmen etc. Of course someone is creating offices for kinsmen to occupy. There’s enough time for cabinet and parliament to make such approvals but not for the long overdue electoral reforms that court recommended 5 years ago. Without these electoral reforms, please stay tuned for the 2016-like drama or even worse in 2021 polls.

It’s the season for political office grabbing, and anyone that cannot find any of these offices to occupy must engineer their own way to survive. In attempting to engineer survival, a one Ssegane Peter and Suuna Jimmy were arrested for encroaching on land in Gomba District belonging to a one Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. It is alleged that these two had fraudulently acquired 5 land titles on this land which was already registered in YK Museveni’s name. I salute you two gentlemen for your bravery. The State House Anti-corruption Unit of Lt Col. Edith Nakalema is on top of this case at the moment. If the President had any doubts on land grabbing happening in this country, now that he is also a victim, his doubts must be cleared. This is daily bread for the wanainchi, not even Museveni’s famous Bamugemereire land commission could solve it.

It is trying to provide solutions to such failures by Museveni’s government that has prompted the young people to want to take over his seat in 2021. In the next election he will have to tussle it out with a plethora of candidates. The famous body guard of Candidate John Patrick Amama Mbabazi(JPAM) in the 2016 polls Aine Christopher Kato has already put himself forward to run for office. He hopes to succeed where his master failed. The story of 2016 elections can never be complete without a Chapter on Christopher Aine and his disappearance antics (only to later reappear at Gen Salim Saleh’s house). Against this background, I struggle to consider him a serious candidate, he seems to be more of someone’s project or at best another Kyaalya or Mabirizi in my opinion. BTW Kyaalya returns to the race in 2021.

Joseph Kabuleta a former journalist turned pastor also officially announced his intentions to run last week. He is a brilliant guy Joseph Kabuleta, he has always excelled wherever he’s invested his energies. In his time as Uganda Sports Press Association (USPA) president, his smooth operations earned the association a blank cheque sponsorship from a one Mike Ezra the only Ugandan philanthropist of that time. BTW where is Mike Ezra Muzira? Going back to Joseph, he announced his candidature with swagger and you could say he’s the JPAM of 2021. Hopefully he won’t replicate JPAM’s results of 2016, though I worry his strategy may not deliver any better. I hope am wrong.

Kabuleta’s key campaign message is unlocking the Financial Liberation of Uganda(ns). He doesn’t consider himself opposition but rather proposition. He is not running against Museveni but the reverse is true he says. He asserts he is the only one with a message/promise (Financial Liberation) to Ugandans unlike his opposition colleagues who he alleges put dethroning Museveni as their message. With this strategy he believes he has discovered the mojo to take office and he has no doubt he is the next president of Uganda. I wonder if Joseph has been following Ugandan politics keenly over the last 2 decades, but if he has like am sure a journalist of his caliber should, then he’s totally miscomprehended a lot about it, particularly underestimating the person of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni. Joseph is certainly young in this arena and it is only fair to allow him teething time. I love his message but am realistic enough to know that things don’t work that easily here, nevertheless I wish Joseph LUCK in this endeavor, his ultimate goal is a win for Uganda.

The other aspirant, who is also the most potent of them (youthful aspirants) in Hon Robert Kyagulanyi. He held another live concert dubbed the FREEDOM CONCERT recently. If you missed to watch the show run to Youtube after here, it was a thing of beauty. Part of it was captured on a boat floating on the calm waters of Lake Nalubaale and then on the shores at One love beach Busabala. The show was blessed by a fine, beautiful, bright June sunshine. At the beach, the calm Lake breeze made the flowers and branches of the trees dance as the rays of the sun calmly penetrated through spaces allowed by the light canopy and gracefully reaching the nicely trimmed green grass. Birds are heard in the background joining in the melodies of the live band, what a beauty of nature we are blessed to have in this country. Winston Churchill was spot on to call Uganda the pearl of Africa. We’ll talk about Bobi’s candidature another day. What a talented team he had on this show Nubian lee, Aziz Azion, Hilderman, King Sah, Joseph Sax, Mike Ouma, the guys on the drums, piano, the back-up lady Sharon et al. Wow. Not to forget the guys on the cameras, what a fine recording. The music was awesome, relaxing, inspiring, motivating name it, it’s best to watch and listen through it for yourself. I’ll share the link.

It is unfortunate that Uganda hasn’t capitalized on her beauty to create at least one million tourism related jobs. It is sad that we have to export our young people to the gallows of the Middle East deserts where most of them face all nature of racism, discrimination and exploitation read near slavery. Correcting these mistakes will take youthful energy and the presidential aspirants show real promise.

For obvious reasons the freedom show was aired on line, YouTube and Facebook et al and not on local TVs over which UCC has direct control, regulation and censorship. Truth is that the future of TV is online. UCC crowned the week with suspending the popular Scoop on Scoop Urban TV Program which is said to offend some individuals of the public. There is precedence of offended individuals filing civil suits against presenters and media houses instead of suspending a program that comes with more than just offending a few people. But what do I know. I won’t be surprised to see Scoop on Scoop returning in an online version over which UCC has minimal control.

As we sign out let’s congratulate our neighbors from the south (Tanzania) on reaching Middle Income status as declared by the World Bank last week. We should also continue to pray hard that we achieve the same feet this year 2020 (6 months to go) as was promised to us by our dear President. Apologies for a very long one this time. For God and My Country, see you in episode 21.

Forwarded list of the 2021 presidential aspirants.

2. Mugisha Muntu
3. Nobert Mao
4. Lt Gen Henry Tumukunde
5. Robert Kyagulanyi
6. Francis Elton Nyero Lakalle
7. Dr Moses Khalim Amin
8. Timothy Mugerwa
9. Apostle Ben Israel Sseninde
10. Bob Paul Akileng
11. Isaac Sendagire Salongo
12. Mathias Semusu
13. Joseph Mwambazi
14. Stephen Kaweesa
15. Christopher Rubaga
16. Ambrose Kyomukama
17. Charles Mutaasa Kafeero
18. Dr. Joel Senkimpi
19. Yosam Makooma Tunawooza
20. Fred Mwesigye
21. John Herbert Nkangabwa
22. Moses Byamugisha
23. Fred Chemuko Wakuri
24. Maguru Ruhinda
25. Edward Nyonzima
26. Grace Kabarungi Muluya
27. Darlen Kamusiime
28. Pastor Godwin Sempebwa
29. Dan Matsiko
30. Dr. Amir Kabunga
31. Elton Joseph Mabirizi
32. Joseph Kabuleta
33. Ms. Nancy Kalembe
34. Charles Rwomushana.

Stress killing Africans in USA

By Edward Pojim via UAH forum

The number of Africans who are reported to have taken their own lives in the US, is rising by the day.

The latest are a Kenyan woman and a Tanzanian man.

The woman was reported to have jumped off the San Mateo Bridge, near San Francisco International Airport. Her body was recovered on Sunday morning. She had posted “disturbing” messages on social media, which had attracted the attention of her friends. But it was too late for them to reach her.

Then, on Sunday evening, a 30-year old Tanzanian man drove his car at a high speed and crashed it into a tree, in the city of Tracy, according to police. This young man was still mourning his father, who died about three months ago, in Oakland, CA.

At Stanford University, in Palo Alto, two Kenyan students took their lives last year. African online news service is awash with Africans killing themselves: in Boston, Atlanta, Houston, Denver, Philadelphia, and other places.

Please take the time and reach out to fellow Africans, especially the young fellows who are new to the western world.

Most of these youths had never lived away from their parents, and may feel alienated in the hustle of life in North America. Some get hooked on addictive substances, which impair their judgement and cause them shame, thus further pushing them away from friends who would be of help.

Adjusting to a new culture and clime can take a toll on a young person.

Whereas back home, we are surrounded by community – family, relatives, neighbors, etc – in the western world, you need appointment to visit a neighbor!

I always advise new arrivals that while US is a large country that offers endless opportunities, it’s also a lonely country where no one knows you. The idea of community services, to assist immigrants in their phases of adjustment, is already in place here. In the San Francisco Bay Area, we have the Harambee Society, which brings together Africans from East and Central Africa. They host monthly events for interaction, and names of society officials are distributed, in case someone needs support.

And then there are specific tribal organizations: The Luos, the Kikuyus and the Baganda, among the prominent ones.

This lady who jumped off the Bridge, belonged to the Kikuyu group, and was the immediate past Treasurer of that Harambee Society!

The Joseph Kabuleta I know

Joseph Kabuleta kissing the feet of preacher, Mboonye

By John Njoroge

Joseph, heaven (which I believe you are familiar with) and earth can testify I have totally nothing against you. I thought I should start from here because what I am bring back, many may not know and you will not like it.

We studied Mass Communication together, same class. Our classmate are here, most of them. When we first met, I didn’t know you were a big shot. I later got to know in our second year, you were a sports editor and the President of USPA- 2002. There was also a one Mr Mutumba who was also a big shot in the media. We admired you guys. We were studying with professionals who were already in the field. We looked at you as upgrader in this field.

Joseph, do you recall your associate Mike Ezra? You and him went to Emin Pasha Hotel and displayed “$100 million” in cash, $ 3 million on table and 97 in the boot. You later paid journalists UGX 50,000 for coming and fed and boozed them to oblivion. You and Ezra left only paying half the bill, promising to clear the rest after forex operations the next day. The guarantee was simple, your man was renting next to the NRM HQ a few metres away from Emin Pasha, a house he rented for 2 year, only paying 6 months rent. We discovered later the money you displayed was more worthless than toilet paper.

You chartered helicopters from Nairobi to fly Ezra into football games, hired muscle men from Kisenyi whom you gave hair cuts and dressed them in tracksuits your acquired from Katumwa sports, which your man never paid.

Then your man gave a blunk cheque to the organisation you were honestly elected to, USPA. These sports men and women elected you in trust and you finally delivered the saviour Mike Ezra. USPA’s problems were over.

What your people didn’t know is the plan you had cooked with Mr Money bags. He was escaping but he left you something little. You took the cheque to your cabinet, you fed figures into that cheque and the cheque bounced.

You came to me, Becca Kabanda, Andrew Seka, Mwalimu and others I will leave out. You were being looked for by CID. We hid you in Livingstone Hall, later Nkrumah and later other small places for 3 months as they looked for you mercilessly. We did your course works.

When the storm died off, you emerged, redeemed your money and married your first wife, never to invite any of those who helped you, never to refund all the little campus student money we used to feed you in hiding.

Suddenly, we discover you with Mr Elivs Mbonye. I have a feeling Mr Ezra is in prison in Kenya because of your ideas, the same kind you have fed Mr Mbonye whom you discovered somewhere. I believe you are a brilliant manupilator and Mbonye must be a victim like Ezra was. I see you kissing shoes, speaking English and I believe you are now working for someone else. Poor Elvis we have been hitting him.

Joseph, turn your brilliant ideas into business and stop distorting this young nation. Please.

Dr Roy Mayega unleashes sucker punch for Kabuleta

Joseph Kabuleta

By Dr Roy Mayega
The week after Pope Francis’ visit to Uganda, Joseph Kabuleta went on the airwaves of one of the radio stations and this is EXACTLY what he said: “I do not give a damn about the Pope. Even if he were in the room just next to me, I would not bother to say hello. He is totally useless and inconsequential.” During his entire talk that morning in which he spat fire at all other faiths that did not harbor ‘remnants’, he sounded very very angry – like the ‘non-remnants’ had done something so bad that short-circuited a nerve in his nut.

A few months before this incident, he was on record to have smooched the feet of his religious fetish, a self-styled Kampala prophet.

Now, imagine, this same intolerant man wants to became Uganda’s leader. He sounds every inch like an immature political novice that has never heard of the words ’emotional intelligence’. He has a record of hatred for those who are not like him. He often sounds like a rabid, angry, hotheaded, jilted lover with an exaggerated sense of self-importance. If one cannot deal with small things like inclusivity, how can one tackle large aggregates like the aspirations of a very diverse nation; how would he for instance handle religious leaders who are non-remnants. He would force every one to become part of a religious minority group, and with that anger he harbours, he’d kill all those who don’t comply! After all, the people who subscribe to his religion have prophesied thus: “The time has come where no one can win a contract above 100 million when he/she is not a remnant”. Would we, the infidels, win any contract in his regime?

There is no other opposition politician who is as intolerant as this ka-man and I have always wondered why every general election brings up at least one confused mentally imbalanced candidate. Last time we had Maureen Kyalya; now we have this hate-filled wimp. He represents a clueless privileged elite who have no idea about the lived experiences of common people. OK, it is totally OK to have your opinions and everyone is entitled to them – but why would you abuse a group of people then come to seek their votes? Isn’t that plain old stupid? I mean, don’t these crunkheads listen to themselves before advertising their obvious deficiencies?

Why You Need to Lodge a Caveat on Your Land


Margaret Mitchell, an American novelist, once said that, “The land is the only thing in the world worth working for, worth fighting for, worth dying for, because it’s the only thing that lasts”.

The above quotation reflects the current socio-economic tensions revolving around land, not just in Uganda but across the globe. It is no surprise that the state has set up committees to investigate land grabbing and other injustices concerning land in the country today. The on-going land commission of inquiry headed by Lady Justice Catherine Bamugemereire, for one, has exposed many stories of people losing their land to land grabbers who hold influential positions in the government. The rage is high, and the people are now alert.

Amid all these tensions, seeking legal redress may not look like the best alternative considering the time and resources spent during trials. For many who cannot afford legal services at the established cost, seeking justice is a dream in Uganda. According to the Case Backlog Reduction Committee (CBRC) report, 2017, there are many odds that your case will be heard in time. But, how much money will you need to spend? However, you can safeguard your interests in land for as little as Shs.30,000/= (Ugandan Shillings Thirty Thousand) by simply lodging a caveat.

What is a caveat and how does it operate?

‘Caveat’ is a Latin phrase which means ‘let him know or beware’. A caveat works as an encumbrance on the Certificate of Title. An encumbrance literally means an obstacle. Therefore, once a caveat has been registered against the title, third parties cannot transact against your title/land. Any search on the title as kept in the Land Registry will show the applicant that someone else claims an interest in the land.

NB: A caveat operates in rem which means it is against the whole world therefore everyone is put on notice of that encumbrance.

Registering a caveat is as effective as notifying any person intending to transact on your title/land of their inability to do so without your expressly written consent. In addition, a caveat can also protect your equitable interest in land.

An equitable interest arises when you deposit part of the agreed sum with the intention of purchasing land. Imagine you have agreed to buy a house in Muyenga from a one Kato but due to financial constraints you cannot complete the purchase for another year. What if Kato decides to sell the land to Babirye who is offering to pay the full amount at once? How will you prevent this sale from happening? Or have the parties settle your finances (should you agree to let the subsequent sale proceed) before any transfer of interest occurs? You can lodge a caveat such that third parties like Babirye will be put on notice in case they want to buy that land.

What detail does a caveat require?

-It must have the names and address(es) of the person lodging it;
-The description of the land to be caveated (it is necessary that a search is conducted to ascertain the exact details of the land, more so the location, title, measurement and ownership);
-Particulars of the legal or equitable estate of interest (in a registered statutory declaration);
-Signature of the caveator and his/her lawyer;
-Attach two passport photographs of the caveator.

How much does it cost?

Like earlier noted, lodging a caveat is very affordable. According to the Ministry of Land, Housing & Urban Development Transactions Procedures Series 8, one is required to pay stamp duty of Ushs.20,000/= and Registration fees of Ushs.10,000/= bringing the total to only Ushs.30,000/=.

Key considerations

A caveat will protect an interest in land. However, before lodging a caveat, you need to find out whether you have an interest that can be protected by a caveat. Otherwise, you may be liable to paying compensation in form of damages to the people who have been affected by the caveat.

Ensure that you entrust a qualified lawyer to handle your transaction.



Joseph Kabuleta

(Joseph Kabuleta’s Weekly Rant)

‘Find Me Guilty’ is a 2006 comedy thriller based on the true story of what was the longest mafia trial in American history. The main protagonist was a felon called Giacomo DiNorscio, a member of the Philadelphia crime family (acted by Vin Diesel), who defended himself, and turned the trial into a protracted comedy.

In one of his lines he tells a story of a stingy man who never left money home for his housewife. Every time she asked for cash, he would pull out a new 100-dollar bill, stretch it out in front of the mirror and say: “Do you see that money (pointing to the reflection), that’s yours. But this one —- as he folded the note and put it back in his pocket —– is mine. And off to the bar.
And so he always did; offered her the reflection and took the real note.
One day he came home drunk as usual and found dinner of steak, plenty of it.
“Where did you get the money to buy this meat,” he asked.
His wife walked to the same mirror, threw off her clothes and spread her legs.
“You see that **** (pointing to the reflection), that’s yours.
But this one belongs to the butcherman.

I can’t think of a better metaphor to describe Uganda and its rich natural resources.

As someone who comes from Hoima, but perhaps more as an observant Uganda, I have keenly followed the story of Uganda’s oil and all its incongruences. About ten years ago, the oil speculation reached a volatile peak, as a bevy of wealthy Kampala speculators swarmed around the Butiaba regions of (what was then) Hoima district causing inflation. Acres of land that had only been good enough for cassava gardens were fronted as sh80m take-it-or-leave it propositions.
In the run-up to the 2006 elections, the president had promised people of the “Oil City” that the refinery would indeed be built in Hoima. Using flowery brewing imagery, he told them that the hole where bananas are squashed to make ensande (eshande, or omubisi) cannot be dug far away from the plantation.

In the years that followed, oil stories dominated the papers, with New Vision famously having a Front Page picture of Museveni sniffing at it from a tin, with the exuberant look of a gambler smelling new banknotes after a good round at the table.
But around 2012, something changed. There was a sudden hush. Oil stories died out, and the president went about dampening expectations; all of which climaxed with his recent speech in Masindi where, with a sneer, he told Banyoro to stick to whatever it was they’ve been doing and not put their hope in oil.

But in reality, that’s when the action started. That’s when trucks of nondescript people, trained combatants it would seem, arrived in Hoima town and kick-started a katayimbwa reign of terror. The benefits of the oil might come later — if at all – but the proverbial curse began about six years ago.

Several people were clobbered to death with metal bars on their way home, several of them at dusk, as early at 7pm, one of them a renown nurse ambling home from a shift at the hospital. The curious thing is that these assailants never stole anything; wallets, phones and tabs were found beside the corpse the following morning.
The town was struck with terror. Police was as bewildered as residents.
What could possibly be the motive for these mindless murders?
Nobody dared to step out of their house after nightfall. But the few who did swore that they saw queues of huge trucks, heavy with some kind of product, passing through the town from the direction of the oil wells. How ironic that at the time when everyone stopped fussing over oil is when it started flowing in earnest.

TOTAL was doing most of the drilling and Transtrac did the ferrying of crude across the border to Kenya, escorted by military cars. These chaps mustered the art of disguise. The cylindrical tanks that ferry crude are built into 40-feet containers in such a way as not to rouse suspicion. It’s a well-oiled heist (pun intended).
Other companies involved are Watertech (which does all the water works), MSL (which transports food items, personnel, especially engineers), and Civicon, which handles heavy machinery. The one thing they have in common is they are owned by the ruling class.

The actual drilling is done with the dexterity of a pickpocket. There is special equipment that is used to carefully lift the vegetation off the surface and neatly place it at the side. Then the soil beneath it is also removed with plenty of care before the pipes are sunk and drilling starts. When that ridge (or well) is finished, the soil and the grass are placed back in such a way that nobody could notice that they were ever removed. Then they move to the next ridge, and the next — thousands have already been dug up —- and the fuel tanks concealed in containers continue to drive across the Kenyan border.

At some stage, the locals around the Kabale area of the wells started showing signs of agitation when all the stealthy activity never showed signs of improving their lives. Within a short time piped water and electricity arrived in the locality and the people were placated for a while. If they threaten another revolt, they might get a couple of UPE schools, possibly a hospital, and a few more lectures on wealth creation (insert appropriate emoji). If that doesn’t calm them down, the regime might be tempted to withdraw the carrot and bring the stick of military red berets.

But the system ain’t leak-proof. In spite of the decent pay at the wells, the turnover of employees is very high. One of them whom I met in Hoima told me that he quickly resigned into unemployment after he noticed that a couple of his colleagues, chatty folks who were thought to be too garrulous to keep the secret, were sent for ‘medical check-up’ and returned as cabbages with saliva dripping from their mouth, permanently consigned to a psychotic life. One of them died soon after.
In my search, I met a number of these former employees in diverse places and they collaborated this information. The consensus is that the only way to survive in that place is by acting dumb and asking no questions. Even then, timing your exit is crucial.

But now the richest ridges are no longer in Buliisa; they are in Pakwach, mostly in the Murchison National Park area. Tourists who visit the park for wildlife are now given a strict route to follow away from the drilling, all enforced by the military. The Pakwach crude travels through Lira, Soroti and to the border. It has been doing so for several years.
Many people who worked at those wells know these things but dare not say them. One of my sources, a gentleman from Gulu who was employed as a driver, told me that a French engineer once said to him: “You don’t have a president, you have a thief.”

But that’s not the worst thing he said. Even if he was one of the biggest beneficiaries of the whole process, he often suffered morality attacks and expressed sorrow over the fact that Uganda is selling its crude at a giveaway price, far less than the market value; almost like a phone thief selling the latest I-phone at 100k.
But he also had some good news for Ugandans. My source asked him if the oil would soon run out and he laughed out loud. “It will take about 25 years for it to even start reducing,” he said.
And those are just the wells that have been dug so far. In parts of Amuru district, the swamps are soggy with black water, a sign of what lies beneath. Most of the land in that area has been bought by the ruling class, including Jezebel, Saleh and them all. The rest is being given to Indians for sugarcane growing; that being the guise often used by the avaricious regime apparatchiks to claim land rich in extractives.

Museveni is so comfortable telling lies that the truth escapes him like a loud fart in public. When he said it is “my oil”, and recently when he told people in Masindi to forget about the oil are one of the rare times his heart and his mouth were in concurrence.
The personalization of national resources has been smoldering beneath the surface for twenty years through the well-marketed chimera of foreign investors; who are in actuality nothing more than mostly-Asian custodians of the regime’s various business interests.
And Museveni’s ‘wealth creation’ national tour is all about showing desperate Ugandans the crisp 100-dollar bill in the mirror, as he folds the real note and puts it in his bottomless pocket.

But of course Ugandans will stick their heads in the sand and pretend that we have a proper nation. Members of Parliament will continue acting like their verdict matters, even if they rubber-stamped a decision to award $380m to an Italian hospital ‘investor’ long after the money had been handed out without their consent. And it just got worse. They passed the 2019/20 budget without the usual charade of a debate. We have always known that what the regime wants is what ultimately passes the floor, but at least in times past our legislators gave us the illusion of a debate, after all, even a beautiful belle smitten by her suitor first puts up some desultory resistance before she gives in. It’s part of the game. But our MPs jumped in bed at the first hello.

Yet we can hardly blame them. They aren’t the only thespians.
The judiciary continues acting like they are unaffected by the not-so-subtle pressure from the executive, as if anyone ever expected them to overturn a presidential election or even the Age Limit decision. Nobody thought those verdicts could go any other way, but we still held our breath because that’s our scripted role in this giant movie that is Uganda.
The media continues reporting like their stories matter and discussing agendas that have been handed down by the political elite. When they dare to step out of their kraal to discuss real issues, Mutabazi and his UCC show up to remind them of “minimum broadcasting standards”.

The civil service is awash with highly qualified people who joined with noble intentions and novel ideas but were trimmed to size by the system they found in place. Most of them picked up the movie script and settled into their roles without a fuss.
The businessmen, voters, clergymen all grew weary of fighting and also found their scripts, memorized them and joined the show.

Just like that we became a nation of actors; a few lucky people are stars, the rest of us are support cast. This enthralling drama series is written and directed by … you know who.

The Fallacy of People Power


The concept of people power remains elusive both conceptually and empirically, and is the ‘most hidden’ part of human relations, and the very concept may be ‘essentially contested’, meaning the subjective assumptions needed to analyse it are inherently value-dependent.

This suggests the term itself is ‘polysomic’ and can be defined to include or exclude a range of phenomena such as authority, influence, coercion, force, manipulation and domination. So the discussion should be on whether the voters have power beyond voting? If people’s votes are likely to be purchased doesn’t that demystify their concept of community participation?

Representative democracy

This concept is engrained in Uganda’s constitution in Article 38 which states that, (1) Every Uganda citizen has the right to participate in the affairs of government, individually or through his or her representatives in accordance with law. (2) Every Ugandan has a right to participate in peaceful activities to influence the policies of government through civic organisations.

Many Scholars have argued that the challenge with Representative democracy is the enormous cost. Article 63 of the Constitution provides the following guidelines for demarcation of constituencies; (i) Uganda shall be divided into as many constituencies for purposes of election of members of parliament as parliament may prescribe. (ii) Each county as approved by parliament must have at least one Member of Parliament. (iii) No constituency shall fall within more than one county. With this demarcation throughout the country, there have been new additions to the constituencies.

The power to recall leaders

big question though is whether registered voters can recall a Member of Parliament under the current legal political regime. There is an interesting procedure whereby the electorate has the right to recall their member of parliament if dissatisfied with what the elected member is doing; a number of grounds are laid out in Article 84(2) of the Constitution of the Republic of Uganda.

The challenge is that while debating the Constitutional Amendment Bill No 3 at the committee stage on, 191 MPs voted to amend Article 84 of the Constitution by adding that the right to recall an MP shall only exist while the Movement system is in operation. As it stands now, Uganda is under the multiparty dispensation and it means that the right to recall a member of parliament is simply non-existent.

This implies that political participation for the voter stops only at voting and the voter has no other means of checking a legislator or trimming their powers by recalling them from the house. Thus with the pitfalls of the voting process which is marred by rigging, the citizen is deprived of a second chance to participate in case they want their MP out before their term ends. But as it stands now, the article is without force of authority as we are in a multiparty democracy.

Is community participation relevant?

Community participation loses its meaning if the voter only has power to vote, and in most cases where the elections are bloated and disputed, and stops at that.

MPs are ex-officios of District Councils but they rarely attend such council meetings to follow up the government activities. This is against a challenge that the electorate is always blackmailed to vote for the right Party Members who will work with the head of the Executive. This is wrong on all fronts, first it defeats the process of elective democracy because the voters don’t want to defy the head of the executive and suffer lack of service delivery.

What is the purpose of recall? A recall keeps the members elected in check and keeps the citizenry active looking out at whether their representatives are delivering. Furthermore, it helps to empower the true meaning of community participation as participation remains continuous and not something to wait for, every five years.

A recall also has its downsides; those against it argue that it could be used by the losing candidate to get the two thirds signatures for any flimsy reason. However this concern is cured by article 84 which states the reasons for a recall. The Electoral commission is mandated with carrying out investigations and reporting its findings to the speaker and if satisfied with the petition, the Speaker shall declare the seat vacant. The framers of the constitution were mindful of the fact that there could be malice and intrigue and that’s why the process is elaborate and fair.


Clause 6 of the same article states that Parliament shall by law prescribe the procedure to be followed during a recall and I guess rules of natural justice would be included. Aspects like right to be heard and right of reply to a petition for a recall would feature for the process to pass the test of a fair hearing.

Of course this is one area that would bring the MPs together, and they would not pave way for their recall. And so, article 84 will remain redundant as it is. This clearly defeats the concept of people power and makes elective democracy an illusory practice.

I always cynically refer to elections as the process of getting campaign funds from the rich, then buying the poor while promising protection to both groups against each other.



Kenya’s Deputy President William Ruto joins President Yoweri Museveni at a campaign rally at Kapchorwa town in eastern Uganda on December 9, 2015. PHOTO | DAILY MONITOR | NATION MEDIA GROUP

By Abbey Semuwemba

There is a massive difference between the leaders and the masses they lead. Most of the leaders in Uganda peddle their offices to wealthy donors who want favors in return. It is difficult for a commoner, like me and you, to give our views directly to the president of Uganda or Katikilo of Buganda, without a middle man, and that is causing us a lot of problems, hence the introduction of platforms such as Ugandans At Heart(UAH). Leaders must feel people’s anger which is easy to express if President Museveni is not in your face. Unfortunately, President Museveni doesn’t want this, and that is why we have the COMPUTER MISUSE ACT and the social media tax—both meant to reduce on the number of people accessing internet.

The spokesperson for state house or Mengo would read the official script put out there by the president or Katikiro respectively, and in most cases, it never answers the questions people want to ask their leaders. The script is not different from the menus one finds in fancy restaurant or MacDonald. The waiter or waitress will come to the customer with a smile and a standardized message: ‘we have got wine, burgers, mukene, fish pie, chips, chicken wings in a BBQ sauce, ………………, and you as a customer you have got no choice to ask the chef to prepare something differently( that is outside the menu). Why should we want to run our countries like standardized restaurants? That is why we have got forums like UAH, brother, and we want all leaders in Kampala to drop that ‘biggy’ Kampala syndrome and start participating in these forums.

Up ahead, the public sees enormous challenges and huge threats, and a national leadership that doesn’t care a fig about the communal big picture. Most of our leaders are what I call “Limousine Leaders”, that is, they drive into the ‘hood in their limo stand next to the local demagogue (such as Abdul Naduli in Bulemezi) and agree with what he says. Then get into their limo and go to their gated suburban enclave. They won’t live in the ‘hood, barrio or slum but want you to live there to promote political harmony. This is the very reason that has led to the raise of so called ghetto leaders such as Bobi Wine—people look at them as part of them, and their stories are inspiring to the youths who are suffering.

Limousine leaders derive power from the space between groups– they aren’t leaders who lead a unified people. Closing those gaps diminishes their power, and they aren’t going to let that happen. These are the kind of leaders that are afraid of participating in forums like UAH, because they believe that people will start spotting their weaknesses. They are afraid that people will start looking at them as ‘normal’. They would rather prefer to wait for a radio program somewhere in Uganda with a specific topic, where they are informed in advance, and then come up with their intellectual dishonesty. They prefer people to look at them as ‘superhuman’ and so highly respected.

For me, I find that so wrong. This is the reason why I was so appreciative of Hon.Beti Kamya, Gen.Salim Saleh and Kayihura despite my differences with them. They used to make time to participate in some debates on UAH. Kayihura went ahead and assigned a full lady policeman to act as his liaison on UAH.

There is a difference between fighting for what is right and refusing to see what is wrong. Just because somebody has an accent, a nice suit, and a good table at a fancy restaurant, a nice office, nice car, bodyguards, does not make him better than others.


By Patrick Otto via the UAH forum

Initial troubles centred on the financial position of Buganda, leading to protracted wrangles between Entebbe and Mmengo over the interpretation of Article 1 of schedule 9 of the 1962 constitution (See pp. 173-4 1962 Constitution at compatriotto, The Central government sought to deduct from its grants to Mmengo additional revenue accruing to Buganda from graduated tax on non-Africans, rents received from public land, leases to urban authorities etc.

Earlier on, the Relationship Commission (Munster Commission) had laid out the means through which the central government would maintain firm financial discipline over local authorities but curiously, Mmengo did not think that those stipulations applied to Buganda insisting that its relationship with the centre was special and different from that of other local authorities. This (mistaken) view was largely informed by the leverage Buganda had over the UPC government, having eased it into power through the UPC-KY alliance. In spite of that, though, AM Obote is remembered to have insisted that, “we refuse to sign a blank cheque to the Buganda Government”.
For all its feeling of being special, Buganda was however not assisted by the never-ending financial misdemeanours by the Michael Kintu ministry (Kintu was the Katiikiro until he was deposed in 1964 after Buganda lost in the referendum over the “lost counties”). While Buganda had £1 million in its coffers by the end of 1958, this had dwindled to a mere £465,000 in 1960. In 1963, it was in the red by £226,863.

In 1965, the Planning Commission of the Buganda Government warned that the Kabaka’s government was on the brink of bankruptcy and that the ministers whose nepotism had reached new limits were the worst offenders. The report also sent out danger signs on the state of morale of the Buganda civil service which it warned, had reached a very low ebb. Another report of a committee led by a Makerere academic, DP Ghai, warned that the feeble control by the central government on public expenditure in the kingdom had resulted in a perilous financial situation at Mmengo.
In 1965, Buganda finances were already in a considerable overdraft but even then, Mmengo went ahead to craft a budget that right from conception, suffered a deficit of £430,000, all this on top of a sum of £200,000 loaned internally to key officials at Mmengo for personal use.

Through all this, the services that had been transferred to the Buganda government as a federal authority were being heavily subsidised by the central government. Even in the face of that reality and evidence of financial indiscipline, Mmengo wanted the payer of the piper not to have anything to do with calling the tune: the Kabaka Government insisted that in spite of Central government subsidies, Mmengo was entitled to spend according to its own policies and legislation. Entebbe on the other had insisted that it was not obliged to subsidise schemes over which it had no control, particularly in light of reports of serious financial impropriety on the part of the Kabaka Government.

All this tussling was happening against the backdrop of the pending resolution of the thorny question of the “lost counties” (Buyaga and Bugangaizi) of Bunyoro; which the 1961 Constitutional Conference, attended by Buganda, was supposed to be resolved by a referendum to be held by the central government on a convenient date not earlier than two years after independence, i.e., after 8th October 1964. Thus, the stage was set for a serious political stalemate between Entebbe and Mmengo……
We hinted on the ugly encounter between the 1964 referendum and the virus of financial discipline of the government at Mmengo. It is important that we take the question of financial indiscipline to its conclusion, not just as an aspect of the administrative incompetence of the Michael Kintu ministry but also to highlight the sheer inability of Buganda to manage on its affairs on its own. At this stage, we mention the question of the referendum only secondarily: it will receive special attention later as a principle aspect in the subsequent rupture between Entebbe and Mmengo. Money first!

It should be recalled that, at this point, the Mmengo establishment had deluded itself into thinking that the referendum on the “lost counties” would never take place and if at all it took place, it would be in Mmengo’s favour. The common view at Mmnego was: the counties were “a god-given our inheritance”: the only way that Buganda would lose those counties would be if a flood or “mukoka” washed them away and carried them to Bunyoro.

Such was the mood of morbid delusion and grievous self-deception at Mmengo that the dawning of the truth was fraught with the possibilities of instability. That instability lay waiting. To shore up the delusion, money had to be spent or rather squandered on what was called the “Ndaiga Scheme”, approved by the Lukiiko and initiated in mid-1963 with the aim of promoting economic development in the “lost counties, improving the road system, but most importantly, resettling Baganda ex-service personnel and their families, along the patterns of Israeli Kibbutzim.
It did not take long for it to become evident that Ndaiga was becoming a bottomless pit. By January 1964, questions were being raised on whether the Dr EMK Muwazi, the Minister in charge of Ndaiga (also holding the portfolio of Health and Works) had received Lukiiko approval to spend public money on the scheme. Lukiiko committee that investigated the scheme discovered that,
1.£120,000 was spent without authorisation
2.£45,000 could not be accounted for, and supposedly cashed as a cheque made out in Dr Muwazi’s name, in a London bank)
3.£12,000 had been wasted on the purchase of junk machinery (not tanks or helicopters)
4.£4,000 had been spent on road surveys which had in fact been already undertaken by Uganda government
5. An undisclosed (but reportedly obscene) amount had been spent on entertainment.
More was to follow later in 1964 when the fear of losing the referendum led to the of an excess of £30,000, of which, £10,000 was spent on “gifts”. A lot was spent on campaigners deployed by individual Mmengo ministers. Many of those campaigners (like those of Masembe-Kabali) filed fictitious weekly reports on stories of success and squeezed large amounts of money from Mmengo. A few hours before the referendum, £2,500 was released by the Omuwanika (treasurer) “which in that time could only have been spent on converting the thirsty or congratulating the converted”, as one observer noted.


‘The Minister of Information and Broadcasting and Tourism, Mr. A. Ojera, receives the ignition keys to the film van which was donated by the Canadian High Commissioner, Mr. McGill, on behalf of his government to the Ministry of Information.’

Published in Uganda Argus, Thursday, October 6, 1966

For all that great, if clumsy financial effort, Mmengo lost the referendum massively. The rude awakening that resulted was to give further momentum towards the crisis that reached its climax in May 1966.
As can be seen, by the time of the 1964 referendum, trouble was already brewing amongst the Mmengo oligarchy over the financial discipline of the chiefly clique in charge at the time. In the normal Mmengoist pattern of always scrounging for a scapegoat, the hotheaded Mmengoists were baying the blood of the Katiikiro, Michael Kintu.

But let us focus mainly on the referendum on the “lost counties”. Recall that the Banyoro had for many decades, from as early as 1921, petitioned the colonial authorities over the issue of territory grabbed by Mmengo with the assistance of the British. By the 1961 Independence conference, it was clear that putting off that issue was bound to cause serious problems. The idea of a referendum was initially recommended in 1961 by Munster Commission; with the Molson Committee of 1962 going as far as recommending a direct transfer of the counties without a referendum to avoid possible communal conflict.

Mmengo flatly rejected all those recommendations. At the constitutional conference, however, it was agreed that two of the seven “lost counties” be transferred to the central government, with the requirement that the holding of the referendum had to be included in the constitution. Based on that requirement, the constitution stipulated that a referendum would be held by the central government on a convenient date not earlier than two years after independence, that is, 8th October 1964.
As early as 1963, Kabaka Mutesa II – also the President of Uganda – had thrown his lot into ensuring that either he sabotaged the constitutional requirement for the referendum or he influenced the outcome in Mmengo’s favour. Accompanied by 8,000 Baganda ex-servicemen, Mutesa moved to the territory that was the subject of the referendum and set up camp at Ndaiga hunting lodge in present-day Kibale district, to the southeast of Lake Albert.


Published several times in Uganda Argus, October 1966

Edward Mutesa immediately set out to settle his followers in a move that was to cause serious tensions with the local Banyoro. He carried out certain actions to assert his presence in Bunyoro as Buganda monarch, and in total disregard for his position as President of Uganda. Many of President Edward Mutesa’s actions focused on terrorizing the local populace. Mutesa notes in his “Desecration of my Kingdom” how, in June 1964 he burned down a village in the lost counties because according to him, “a meeting to whip feelings” against him was going to be held there. To further emphasize the fact that he was above the law and the constitution, he also went ahead to shoot 9 Banyoro peasants on a market day in Ndaiga. He suspected that one of their lot was planning to poison him. This was the President of Uganda, personally terrorizing sections of the population over whom he presided, all in an attempt to flout the constitution.

All those actions did not alter the fact that the referendum had to take place. In September 1964, the bill authorising the referendum was passed in parliament and according to the constitution, President Mutesa was required to append his signature to the bill. His loyalty to Buganda blinded him of the fact that he was head of state of Uganda and was duty-bound to uphold the constitution.

Obote was a cunning politician!

Never,in the history of Africa, has any politician proved himself as capable of turning national crisises to the advantage of the nation as the President of Uganda Dr.Apollo Milton Obote.When in 1956 he returned from Nairobi Kenya from exile ,he found the Uganda National Congress, the main political party in the country at that time, suffering from a deep division caused by ambitious men within the party who were incessantly resorting to the removal of the leader of the party, I.K. Musazi.These rivaling politicians found that they had created so much confusion in the party that they were not able to clear it and discovered to their dismay that the people were fed up with their machinations ane would not have any of them as the leader leader of the national political party.

The people elected a quiete,disciplined and dependable man to lead the party. They elected Obote. Mr.Joseph Kiwanuka would not have this,and so he formed what became known as Kiwanuka’s wing of the Uganda National Congress (UNC).This wing soon became known as a One Man Congress. The one man was,ofcourse, Mr.Kiwanuka himself who was said to be both the leader and follower. In this way it was laughed out of existence.

In December, 1959, the recommendations of the Wild Commission were published. The majority remmendations favoured immidiate self Government leading to independence. The minority report recommended a delay in the achievement of independence. The British Colonial Government in Uganda accepted the recommendation. There was a crisis. The then Mr.Apollo Milton Obote called the meeting of the only two parties which had members in the National Assembly and announced at the end of the meeting that the two parties represented in the National Assembly, ie the Uganda National Congress and the Uganda People’s Party had decided to merge into one political party to be known as the Uganda People’s Congress, (UPC).



30th September 2014

Madam Speaker,

Honorable members,

I wish to take on this opportunity to thank you Madam Speaker and Honorable Members in approving my appointment as Prime Minister.

I wish to also thank His Excellency the President for the trust and confidence in appointing me as Prime Minister.

Let me take this opportunity to thank my predecessor, Ndugu Amama Mbabazi, who has served very well as Prime Minister of the Republic of Uganda for the last 3 years.

As you well know, the duties of the Office of the Prime Minister are well defined.

I will be focusing on implementation of the NRM (Movement) Manifesto, the National Development Plan and the coordination of Government programs as approved by Parliament.

Our focus will be on implementation of the many infrastructural projects underway and we will continue to prioritize improved service delivery to the people. To that end, I wish to reiterate that it is our collective responsibility to ensure that our population access the essential services that they are duly entitled to such as health and education among others.

In order to address the problem of poverty and youth unemployment, promotion of private sector investments and job creation must remain a top priority. We must also focus on modernization of agriculture, industrialization and value addition as key pillars of our transformation program.

Let us intensify our collective effort to combat corruption, a vice that has plagued our society and still remains a challenge. Greater emphasis will be placed on accountability and transparency in managing public affairs. This is a responsibility of Government, the Opposition and of every Ugandan citizen.

Our country has had a difficult history; one scarred with wars, disease and natural calamities, to which so many lives have been lost. Through struggle and sacrifice, Uganda has since emerged out of this difficult period and is now playing a vanguard role in promoting regional security and socio-economic development.

As I take on this new responsibility, I take it on fully aware of the hard times, struggle and sacrifice that Ugandans have gone through, however, Our nation has also attained significant achievements, promising great opportunities and bright future.

I call upon all honorable members of this this August house and our fellow citizens, to collectively consolidate these achievements as we work together in advancing Uganda’s transformation agenda.

I thank you Madam Speaker, and I say this for God and my country.


By Abbey Semuwemba,UK

The root cause of all corruption stems from those who led us after independence. When we got independence in 1962, Uganda drifted from a bureaucratic administration that emphasized good governance to one that put more emphasis on the sovereignty of politics. We had a breather of some good governance when King Edward Mutesa 11 was president, though there were problems of bad financial deals in the Buganda federal government between 1964 and 1966.

When Obote took over, we ended up with a bureaucratic autocracy lacking in accountability, transparency, and the rule of law. It was almost the same everywhere in Africa. For instance, the first country to get independence, Ghana, ended up with a corrupt Kwame Nkrumah at the end of his leadership. Nkrumah and his post independent leaders started out well, but they got lost at some point.As a result, corruption became one of the main reasons given by almost all coup plotters from the 1970s onwards. Amin listed it as one of the reasons in 1971 why he had to kick Obote out. In Sierra Leone, Captain Valentine Strasser also gave it as a reason for the coup. It was the same in Ghana and Mali in 1991.

Corruption itself comes from Latin word called ”RUMPERE” which means that something is broken. What has happened in Uganda since 1986 shows that ‘something is broken’ in the country and needs fixing. When you listen to the arguments online made by someone in their 20s with a degree, you may think that they have just finished primary seven. A lady, like ‘Bad Black’, who has confessed to being a prostitute, is more followed and listened to on Facebook than a religious leader or scholar. Foul language (‘Okuwemula’ in Luganda) is the order of the day. When you don’t steal public funds, people think you’re dense.The Besigyes(products of NRM) realized that they could not fix it from within and opted out. Yoweri Museveni,too, has formed various institutions to fight corruption but nothing much has been gained.

Africa has ended up with two classes of leaders since the coup era: BENEVOLENT AUTOCRATS AND KLEPOCRATS. Both are not really absolute dictators or autocrats because they try to work or try to portray themselves as working within the existing state institutions. There are so many characteristics of these two types of leaders, but I will pick a few to make a point.

Museveni is specifically a kleptocrat: he is fearful of being overthrown and therefore favors policies that benefit him in the short run with costs spread in the future. He can manipulate any state institution for personal gain. For instance, he can spend a lot of money bribing people in an election, like he did all previous presidential elections, because he believes that with the oil money coming in, this void can be fixed in future. He has spent a lot of money on the likes of: Full Figure, Catherine Kusasira, Balaamu, and others, and then,he will likely drop them after elections–they might not fit in his long term plans.

Combating corruption at presidential level is actually more difficult because the president has got immunity while there are still in power. By the way, up to now I don’t know how to interpret his shs.770m donation to a school in Kigali in 2011. Is a poor person supposed to donate food to a neighbor when he cannot feed his own family? I don’t know what religious scholars say about this, but I don’t think its right.

Kleptocrats will also seek a taxation system that efficiently generates revenue, but they are likely to introduce distortions. At the moment, Uganda collects more taxes than at any time since independence but there is very little to show for it because we are led by wrong people. So, we cannot change a system that has gone wrong with a ‘wrong people’ still at the helm of things. According to Ismail Musa Ladu of the Daily Monitor, ‘‘ despite the increase in revenue from Shs10.6 trillion in 2014/15 to Shs27.4 trillion in 2018/19 of which 65 per cent were tax revenues, government spending has not only continued to outstrip revenue.’’

Kleptocrats tend to support projects that generate large corrupt payoffs. Thus, the leader will endorse projects with little economic justification, propose public projects that could be efficiently carried out in the private sector. If revelations of corruption are likely to destabilize the regime, the Kleptocrat will do everything to make sure that they go away on his own terms. For instance, just look at the people that were implicated in the Global funds, Temangalo, CHOGM,e.t.c, and how their court cases were handled– It all doesn’t make sense, but as long as they are on the good side of the president, they are eventually free. Some are even continuing to serve as MPs; and others were even appointed in M7’s cabinet. Summarily, there is no serious political will to fight corruption in Uganda.

Aggrey Kiyingi Reveals Why His Wife Was Killed

By Henry D Gombya

This month has seen a new ‘kid on the block’ announce his intentions to vie for the Ugandan presidency. Dr Aggrey Kiyingi is a specialist cardiologist based in Australia who many came to know about as the philanthropist who was flooding Ugandan schools, churches and local administrations with computers.

But most of those of us living in the Diaspora came to know about him when he was arrested at Kitetikka in Wakiso District while attending the burial of his wife in July 2005. We were intrigued when two of his well-educated children, Dr Andrew Simbwa Kibuuka and his daughter Samalie Rachel Biyinzika Nakagulire, a London-based trial lawyer testified against him, with Dr Kibuuka asking the trial judge to find his father guilty of killing his mother and to therefore send him to the gallows (Uganda still practices capital punishment).

But the case collapsed almost immediately, taking with it some of the prosecution witnesses in the likes of Lt Caesar Enya of the Uganda Military Police who was due to give evidence against Dr Kiyingi but was later found shot three times at his home in Banda near Kampala and Private John Atwine, the man who allegedly pulled the trigger to end Mrs Kiyingi’s life who was found dead in Luzira maximum prison, after being allegedly poisoned.

With so many killings and deaths going on around this mysterious case, one would wonder why the then ‘prime suspect’ is now contemplating to return to Uganda after being acquitted of the murder of his wife and is preparing take part in what would be without doubt a deadly undertaking. He is financially quite well-off, having a dream job and being sought after by specialist hospitals around the world. So why is Dr Aggrey Kiyingi now seeking to enter what has now become a deadly business of trying to become President of Uganda?

The London Evening Post has caught up with him and during a lengthy interview in which he talked about why he wants to be Uganda’s leader and many other aspects of life concerning not only Uganda but Africa in general and the world at large, we asked Dr Kiyingi to first clear up the air and tell Ugandans what he believes caused his wife’s murder and why his children vented out their anger by testifying in the

AK: I will give you a little preamble to that which will help explain. In the 1990s, I was doing a lot of things for Uganda. I was not political then but I loved my country. And I thought it was shameful, and I will repeat it again; it is shameful for Africa to go begging when many Africans are in the developed world and are able to help Africa. But I did that and got my hands and feet burnt. I started a lot of social welfare programmes, helped many groups, funded children that were not able to go to school, and engaged myself in village development programmes like building wells.

The LEP: And President Museveni was aware of what you were doing?

AK: Oh yes because the media picked on that very quickly. Because they could see there was something happening which the government couldn’t do. I started a company called the Dehezi International which has now been destroyed. But this is the one that really started Mr Museveni panicking. This was an IT company, internet communications and computers. And if you look back and you check with Ugandans, I literally singlehandedly introduced computer science to the schools of Uganda. I introduced singlehandedly internet services and education to Ugandans. I distributed computers to schools at much reduced rates.

I introduced a long time payment system to schools so that every school could afford a computer. 20 years later, the government is trying to copy what I did at that time and trying to tell people it is ‘their thing’. It is not ‘their thing’. They’re just panicking and copying everything in a very bad way. Now, this brought about a lot of publicity, a lot of publicity. The radios, the TVs were very excited. I gave computers to organizations, to kingdoms, to churches. What I wanted to see was Uganda being literate from the IT side.

The LEP: Sorry to interrupt you here but if we may ask, how were you able to finance these deals? How were you able to finance the buying of all these computers?

AK: I have been blessed and I share my blessings. I had determined that look, I have enough to eat and I have bread, I have water. I don’t need a million dollars to have lunch. I [decided that] I am going to use 60 per cent of my facilities and income to help the people in Uganda. Fortunately too, I have friends who jumped on the bandwagon. I will give you two examples. I at one time was trying to start a hospital in Uganda which was sabotaged because it was going to bring more publicity.

But before that, I had offered, now listen very carefully, I had offered the medical school, the Uganda Heart Institute, places here in Australia. I had made arrangements with two leading hospitals in the country which are actually the two leading hospitals in the Southern Hemisphere, to train doctors, specialists in cardiology, which is my field, free of charge, three specialists every two years and to train five specialist nurses every year to bring them for five years hoping that it would bring them to 30 or 40 and then they would be able to carry on and train in Uganda. In addition, I had also got my friends here in Australia, to volunteer. These are highly paid specialists my dear. But they had agreed that they would go to Uganda one month, six months at a time, do free work, teach, operate, carry out cardiac procedures free of charge. The only thing I had to do was provide them with accommodation.

Now, that programme, anybody with a sensible mind would have jumped on it. But it caused me enormous problems in Uganda and I was almost killed. Because I was disturbing their distorted eco-system of running things. They were afraid I could get things done that they couldn’t do themselves, that I would shame them. So instead of embracing and thanking me, it was actually – well, I almost got killed for that.

I could name a few other projects. I would not name a country for diplomatic reasons, but there was some country which had offered to build a children’s hospital in Uganda. Now, there was only one catch; it had to be [built] through the government, not an individual organization or company like mine. They said, `we know you, we like you. We will do this, but in order to go through, we need to go through a government. You talk to that government, take them through one, two, three, four, we already know you. We are introduced by you but we do it for the country officially. This how we do businesses.

I then contacted the person who was at that time the Minister of Health, again I will not name him because I think he is no longer in that post. He asked me, `what is in it for us?’ (laughs loudly) I will not say this was a joke. It was very serious. I told that country, “Look find another country to give that money to”. And that gentleman said, “Why? What is wrong Aggrey, what happened”? I told him: “No it is a long explanation. I don’t want to be offended that you have given money to Uganda and it is used for the wrong reason. So please find another country and I could go on and on.

Now let us go back to the Dehezi International. It became very popular and the government got worried and at that time there was an impending election in 2006. Probably they thought I was doing this, in fact they (Uganda Government) asked why I was doing this. What were my motives? Do I want to become President? This is way back in 2004/2005. Of course I didn’t have any political intention at that time. So that is one part and I wanted you to note that.

The second part which is going to answer your question about my late wife is that she was in Uganda at that time running a private business. But she was the Chairman of Transparency International (TI), Uganda Branch. She was commissioned by TI to write a forensic audit about the Global Fund Money which was supposed to be for TB, AIDs and Malaria. Everybody knows that the Global Fund Money didn’t do what it was supposed to do. But whatever our marital problems were, my wife was very efficient professionally and she did a good job. The good job meant that she was going to write a report implicating the government. They approached her so that they could edit the report the way they thought it was suitable. Knowing my late wife, she wasn’t only a good lawyer but a very capable debater. She told them to go to **** but in a very diplomatic way. And she said to them ‘No. I am going to do my job’. And she refused their monetary offer and told them that she did not need the money. You can imagine this didn’t go down well with Dictator Yoweri Museveni.

To cut the story short, my late wife was executed on 11 July 2005. I was in Australia at the time and I went to Uganda for the burial. I took my children who were with me in Australia. But while we had marital problems with my late wife, we were still talking but had some irreconcilable differences. While we were actually going through divorce proceedings, we were not enemies. The government, as usual, took stock of our differences. They executed my late wife and on arrival I was arrested the next day at the burial and charged with her murder.

I later learned that there was no intention of detaining me, no intention of trying me. The intention was to eliminate me as quickly as possible. [While being arrested] I was order to enter a police car. I refused to enter the car. There was a high government official, an army general, who I will not name and I told him that these people want to take me, but they don’t even have a normal car. If they are taking me for normal questioning I don’t mind but let me first bury my wife. Through all of this they had placed a pistol behind my back, and the whole church congregation looked on very embarrassingly. I told this guy that you can shoot me here if you want to but I am not going in that car. If you want you can take me to the CID for questioning’. A few calls were made and they finally agreed that I should go in my car. I also told him that I needed some of his bodyguards to accompany me in my car, to which he agreed. That probably saved my life.

The plan was that on my way, they would get me out of that car and shoot me and claim that I was trying to escape. So when they took me to the Chief CID, he was not even aware that I was going there. It was like a joke. You could see that he wasn’t expecting me at all. Which means that units had not collaborated and they were not expecting me there. It was their plan to kill me on the way. Because you could see they were not expecting me to be there and that is how I survived. Because they hadn’t expected me to survive, they put me on trial. And of course from international pressure and pressure from my friends all over the world, I was able to [be acquitted]. At the time I was not able to speak, I was not able to say anything [about this case], so I was condemned, tried and executed by the media, and this is the first time I have been able to talk about this.

There is still a lot of questions about this case. For example, even in simple detective stories on TV or for children, they would have told us who was the last person my late wife had contacted or who was the last person she spoke with on the telephone, or who were the last people she contacted on her telephone. My late wife’s telephone has disappeared and when we asked questions they didn’t answer and up to this day we don’t know who spoke to her last and we don’t know who was the last person to ring her telephone. And we don’t know who was the last person she contacted in the last 24 hours before her death. That is very strange!

Secondly, they took her laptop which had the files of Transparency International. They took all the paperwork from our residence in Buziga and we never got it back. They took all the paperwork from her legal offices and we never got them back. And to this day, we don’t know what happened to all that paperwork. And from the history of the legal system in Uganda, it was the first test closure of a private practice because her practice was closed down within days after her death. It was actually wound down, completely closed down, which is very, very strange. Some things are not for this forum because there are people who might get hurt who know more about my late wife’s murder. But I hope one day all things will come out. But at the moment I cannot say more than that at the moment because some people might get hurt.

The LEP: Why did your children testify against you?

AK: Well that is a very difficult question. They were getting all these reports, all this information from one side. They were not talking to me. In fact I could name one person, he was a minister then and an MP, Tom Lwanga, who was one of the functionaries of Yoweri Museveni at that time. They stopped them (“the children”) from talking to me and the question is ‘why?’ So if you listen to the what government said and if you read all the papers what they wrote, even if it was you, you would condemn me straight away. So they never had a second sight. This issue about our marital problems; that we were going through a divorce. I have made so many mistakes in my life.

But the first mistake in life is to have a divorce. It is the worst thing to happen in a family. Of course the children are hurt and they were very close to their mother. So there is that side of it, emotional part, you know, that their mother is going through this. I have no bitterness (towards the children who testified against him). I think they were very brave in many ways. I know that when some of the things that I have been not able say now come out, it will not be very difficult for them to see that it was a distorted operation and trial, media propaganda and government programme.

I think one has got to be reasonable and take pity on the children. It was a tough situation. They lost a mother and they see this propaganda and nothing from the father. And at the time you are going through divorce proceedings which is bitter in any language in any family. So I don’t blame them at all. Of course I am sad they did that [testify against him], but in many ways if it was you and you are the children, probably you may have done the same. If I met them today I don’t know whether they would say the same. But I know that a lot of things will be unearthed when Museveni is out of power. Definitely they will see the truth.

Besigye is a brand that cannot be put down by mere besmirch and blackmail

By Kakwenza Rukirabashaija via UAH forum

Sometime in the year 2000, I met the son of Kifeffe for the first time. He was on his way to Kisiizi, a tiny town in southwestern district of Rukungiri, during those days of campaigning for 2001 presidential elections. We were from school going home, on foot, clattering on the dusty marram road that connects Kebisoni to Kisiizi via Mineera Bridge. Donned in a navy blue long-sleeved shirt, through the open roof of his car, he smiled and greeted us when the convoy came to a halt at the side of the road. He opened our eyes that day. We were all encapsulated in ignorance that Mr Museveni was the supreme life president of Uganda since his network of patronage was very strong in villages and everyone looked at the president as the owner of everything including the air we breathed. Dr Besigye’s message to us was short but very clear. He released us from the inflicted fear to oppose Museveni. This was the day he won my heart and since then I have genuinely supported and campaigned for him every election.

After like a week, a one NRM mobiliser in our village named Mabel brought membership cards for her party and registered our names under duress that there would be war if we refused to vote and give support to Museveni openly. Most of us were underage but based on my physical appearance, towering over everyone, I looked like a voter above eighteen years whereas not.

In the forthcoming elections of 2001 which was marred with a lot of violence and fear, they ferried and took us to the polling stations to vote for Museveni even though we had no voting cards but only NRM membership cards (Only my father and mother had voting cards in the family). The cars moved house to house ferrying everyone with the membership card of NRM to go and vote for Museveni by force.
There is something my late father told me which up to now ring in my ears. “Son, those are lying but keep quiet since I am a church leader and not allowed to take part in partisan politics. Let us go and I will show you whom to vote for”
“But you ate their money, if we do not vote for Museveni, he will come and kill us” I protested ignorantly.

When we reached the polling station, we were given special treatment because they knew we had kowtowed to their duress and lies. We voted for Dr Besigye. Most people voted for Besigye but the results were exchanged in the computers, at the national tally centre and eventually Museveni was announced a winner. Same methods of election rigging have been going on since then, courtesy of the electoral commission, army and the police who are subservient to the appointing authority.
Dr Kizza Besigye has since built his brand in Uganda and elsewhere in the world basing on his courageous strength of mind that enables him to endure blackmail, police and military brutality. His resolute to bear pain while confronting the ruthless regime of Mr Museveni has won Dr Besigye a genuine following to the extent that no amount of blackmail will veer such a following and political capital off from him. During the swearing-in ceremony at Kololo, Mr Museveni promised that he would chew Dr Kizza Besigye like a samosa and that there would be no opposition by 2021, Museveni will forever regret his unfruitful and despicable promise he spewed out of excitement which he made amidst the hired and ferried people who had convened at the airstrip to eat pilawo, take juice and pocket his bribe of attending the unpopular swearing-in ceremony!
Retired Colonel Dr Kizza Besigye is made out of a certain rare material which becomes tougher the more you hammer it. No amount of blackmail will ever stop him from fighting against this kleptocratic gerontocracy!
Kakwenza Rukirabashaija is a Journalist, Farmer and Executive Director at Kakwenza Education Fund. A philanthropic Organization based in Uganda, Rukungiri District.

This is my assessment of UAH and freedom of speech in Uganda so far!

By Abbey Semuwemba

In an ideal stable modern forum, bulk of the people need to be moderates or cool heads. UAH had ,and still has, a long term objective of producing the greatest possible number of elites imbued with a sense of objectivity, thoughtfulness, and fair-mindedness; people who rely on their own minds and sober value system for independent thought and action; People who don’t look at Uganda as owned by whoever is in power; people who don’t look at forums as solely owned by their founders.

We realized long time ago that in Uganda, people looked at themselves as NRM (good one) and opposition (enemy). So, we thought of a political philosophy that could bring these two forces together to bridge the gap, and we called it Ugandans At Heart (UAH). Due to lack of resources, I thought an online forum would be a good start with all stakeholders in it, and that it would go a long way in naturally shaping things.

Personally, I’m not so worried even if we don’t achieve much through this forum. Uganda is a diverse society, so, even if UAH doesn’t eventually evolve into anything visible on the ground, the idea of a middle ground ( between the opposition and NRM)will be produced as various forces contend and neutralize one another in the long run. I can predict right now that in future a strong party will emerge which will be the result of NRM and current opposition parties, not entirely from a separate faucet. This would be a party or movement held together by pragmatism, opportunism, and mutual distrust, not one held together by a majority in which its members, more or less, respects views of others and doesn’t think the party leader has all the answers.

Think of the situation in Southern Sudan today. The kind of democracy most Sudanese are craving for is not the one where most of them are united by a trust in democratic values or values of human rights and civic duty; rather, it’s a democracy of various state and opposition groups; Dinkas, and the various pigheaded factions within each. It is all checks until the balance runs out.

Think of the declining years of Weimar republic when Germany was faced with the extremes of Nazism and communism. Through a careful balancing act, the hot and cold of extreme politics had been maintained throughout Weimar Germany until such almost inevitably proved untenable.

For Uganda politics to be stable in the long term, therefore, a political entity that is similar to the UAH philosophy will have to emerge. It does not necessarily have to be a coalition. In any case, Coalition governments are short term fixes but never really work. This doesn’t mean that I don’t like united forces that come together to change a bad situation, as is the case today between Besigye’s People Government and Bobi’s People Power.

The middle needs a serious make-over. It must appear not as a wimpy compromise of NRM and opposition politics but as having flowed from its own faucet– independent in spirit, championing the individual, encouraging independent thought than groupthink, tribalism, or ideological orthodoxy.

For all these ideas to develop, Uganda online forums should not be moderated so much. Radios and TVs should be accessible to all parties regardless of political affiliations. Internet should be among the cheapest things in Uganda. NRMs and opposition should be free to have open debates.

Unfortunately, things have not been as simple as it sounds.  Some people in government look at these forums as sources of confusion, and therefore do not want them. Some in opposition hate UAH because it doesn’t favor them one way or the other. Some look at UAH as Abbey’s failure, forgetting that it’s their failure too. Almost every week someone attempts to hack into my Gmail account, and we all know why–they want UAH gone. Some have falsely accused me of working for Museveni. Do not be surprised if one day I am arrested in Kampala or possibly harmed just because of UAH, or my opinions online. Basically, Uganda as a country, is still in stone age politics, and the current leaders and elites are not helping!


By Shafir Hakeem Yiga 
The Ham/DTB saga has dominated our timelines this weekend. We couldn’t even enjoy our Independence Day as we kept pondering about the decision. Who messed up where? That’s the question that has been running through most people’s minds. For 9 years, someone out there was not doing their job. The Uganda Bankers Association (UBA) came out emotionally lashing at the courts. By the way, that letter was reckless. You need to do better. Hire a Public Relations Officer or if you have one let them do their job. 

The government institutions have come in to give assurances to their lenders that they shall adhere to the contracts. All this coming at a time when we are celebrating our independence. Was it even necessary? It was a case between two private legal persons. It was not a massacre. Or, may be it was! But, I can’t say much about this institutional naivety. It was uncalled for. There have been decisions that have affected government in many ways. But there has never been an instance where government comes in to give a commitment of this caliber. But, BOU please hire a public relations office and if you have one please let them do their job. Unless of course, that’s the job they did. But that’s not the point. 

You see, as letters and notices fly all over the social virtual space, there is the big fat institution that is to blame for all this mess. That’s the mighty parliament. They have kept quiet like this is not their problem. Well, they are the reason that we are here. These folks spend a lot of time making political laws. Everything is political to them. We know that they have some handicaps in decision making but they have extended this handicap to every damn law out there. Big corporate institutions have lobbied their way through their house and they have given them what they want. They have given banks the lee way to levy uncontrollable interest rates, they have given unregulated authority for certain government authorities and regulators, they have created corporate and regulatory beasts. 

Most importantly, they have left the courts to come to the people’s rescue to determine what these corporate and regulatory beasts can eat and what they can’t eat. But, what can we expect of them? They set the bar so low so that they can get a place on the table. Senior 6 vacation is all you need to join the August house. It matters not what you studied – you will make laws about syndicated loans and interest rates and 30% deposit to be paid before one is heard. It’s a surreal situation of fish climbing a tree. 

So as we sit here throwing tantrums for either side. As we nurse the bitter taste in our mouths about this decision. Let’s remember that it’s parliament’s fault for not making good laws that make all this clear to everyone. They have made some good laws. But, what’s good is relative. The question is good to who? They have failed to pass laws protecting consumers; they have failed to pass laws protecting or prioritizing women giving birth; they have failed to pass laws for fair competition; these folks are so bad they have even failed to pass laws to guarantee the expected (good) benefits of a president that leaves power. 

Well, on this Independence Day, if there is anything we may remember, it is that we may not be able to change our history but we can change our future. At a time when we have a chance to vote incompetent legislators out of parliament we MUST vote them out. We must replace them with those that have gone beyond the S6 vacation. We must vote those that understand the law, economics, psychology, medicine, social sciences, education, taxation, insurance etc. we must desist from being sentimental about this. And when it comes to WOMEN MPs let’s vote for the WOMEN that are ready to fight for our WOMEN and GIRLS. How in 2020 can we still be debating whether a pregnant girl can go and sit her exams? How is it that Covid guidelines were set and reset and reset and reset and still our pregnant sisters were unrepresented. There was something for them of course but no law was discussed or tabled. 

Well, there is too much to be said and too much to be done. Remember that a law can only protect those it’s designed to protect. In this HAM/DTB saga, parliament is protecting no one. Not because they made a bad law, but because they made none. Sometimes, you make a law by making none. You just don’t make a law stopping something wrong. So, this is just the beginning of what is going to be a long battle. But as you enjoy the thrill, remember that parliament is to blame for it all and vote wisely.–

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