Mao did nothing wrong

By Edward Pojim’ via Ugandans at Heart (UAH) Community


The uproar that has followed Mao’s deal with Museveni is predicated on a parochially dangerous brand of politics: permanent enmity. There’s no such thing as permanent enmity in politics. 

Mao did not betray his party or his conscious. He’s pragmatic, having come to a long, studied conclusion that Museveni and the NRM are not going anywhere soon. It bears repeating that I predicted back in 1986 that as long as Museveni was alive, there would never be another president in Uganda.

I have read some where here that DP has, since Independence, produced a long line of political turncoats; those who crossed to UPC in the 1960s, those who worked with Idi Amin in the 1970s, some who crossed to UPC in 1980s, and others who have worked with Museveni since 1986.

These obversations intentionally neglected to tell us some names from the leadership ranks of UPC, NRM, KY. CP, etc., who have also crossed to other parties,

Why not mention Eriya Kategaya, Kirunda Kivejinja, Jaberi Bidandi Ssali, Mugisha Muntu, Shaban Nkutu, Dani Wadada Nabudere, James Ochola, Adoko Nekyon, Omwony Ojwok, Osinde Wang’wor, Chris Rwakasisi, Edward Rugumayo, or Haji Bedru Wegulo?

I don’t fault a politician for switching parties, for sometimes, as Ronald Reagan famously explained his decision to abandon the Democratic Party fot the Republican party, “the party simply left me.”

In 1990, at a dinner in New York city, I introduced a modest proposal to Aggrey Awor: Convince UPC, DP and CP leadership come to a joint agreement with Museveni that will allow Museveni to rule to his death. In exchange, extract a commitment from Museveni to stop arresting, torturing, jailing and killing Ugandans whom he suspects of being against him.

Give that proposal some thought and see how we’ve squandered resources and lost lives in our futile attempts at sending Museveni home. Sometimes, flexibility in political alignment is what is needed to create a sustainable national tranquility.


By Erias Lukwago 


Last night, I happened to be a Panelist at the NBS TV Talkshow that runs from 10:00pm to midnight. The debate was about the sham Soroti East Member of Parliament By-election. Midway the debate, hell broke loose when the Government Spokesperson, who is a regular Panelist (Frontliner) on the show, ran berserk and started throwing tantrums. Out of the blue, he sprung up, charged at me and threatened to evict me from the studios. He pushed his hand into the pocket and around his waist, in a manner that suggested he wanted to draw a pistol at me.

I dared him to shoot at me. He instead pounced on my neck and attempted to strangle me. I did not fight back but instead struggled to wriggle out of his grip. He them punched me in the chest and grabbed both collars of my jacket while huffing and puffing like a cobra. The Moderator, Charles Mwangushya moved in to restrain him but to no avail. He was joined by a Co-Panelist, the Hon. Winnie Kiiza, former Leader of Opposition but the now wild Opondo would not relent as he continued to maul me, while battering and kicking me in the stomach.

Being civilized and mindful of the law of unintended consequences, which could turn out to be catastrophic, I chose not to engage in a fist fight. I instead concentrated on shielding my face with both palms. It was at this moment that another Panelist, the Hon. Chris Baryomunsi, Minister for ICT and National Guidance, who had all along been witnessing the melodrama, joined the duo to prevail over a rampaging Opondo.

The Talkshow ended prematurely and Opondo was shouting at the top of his voice that he was going to finish me off in the corridors of NBS TV or outside the building. He made frantic calls to people I did not understand, requesting for “reinforcement.”

The DPC, Kira Road Police Station, Ssebuyungo, together with the Commander Operations, Aden Muzawula, entered appearance with several police personnel. They made arrangements with Hon. Baryomunsi to escort me back home.

Today morning, I went to Kira Road Police Station and opened up a Criminal Case before the O.C C.I.D and other Police Officers. I also moved to NBS and met with the Management to secure the Closed Circuit Television (CCTV) footage of the said ugly scene but my efforts are yet to yield positive results. In my language, we have an old adage that; “Olaba nkaabira mubikire, naye ate ankutukidde mungalo…!!!”

I will stop at nothing in search for Justice. In addition to the aforesaid criminal proceedings, civil action will also be pursued in Courts of Law in an effort to deal with impunity in our country. 

For God and my Country

Minister Mao does not want us to call it a defection

Uganda’s democracy is like a beautiful rose that grows to unreachable heights each season,surrounded by a deep thorny brush that engulfs any politician who makes an attempt to sniff it.

We have all read with incredible amusement, the polishing of Mao’s defection from an opposition Party(DP), the political pundits have cleansed it so well, it gels right into our guts without being chewed first. Since when has it been accepted as principled for a Party leader to abandon their democratic values, stance or voting station?   

Shall we rejoice that an opposition Party has been orphaned by a lure of comfort and butter cushions, given the history of our nation? These are questions going through the minds of many Ugandans who are worried that this is yet another sell out to the leading Party.

The loss of a democratic flag bearer who’s supposed to point out flaws that need to be fixed in our weak democracy should worry those who are applauding Mao’s lure to a big executive position, because it will make him blind and unable to champion, with zeal -social, economic and political issues that have dogged us for decades. 

One recent memorable principled stand for Uganda’s democracy was made against the Okello Government and it ushered in President Yoweri Museveni, it made him a champion of democracy and quite popular among Ugandans who’d painfully watched all the gains of the Moshi Accord, being squandered pound for pound measured against the big sacrifices that they had all endured during the years of violence and civil war. 

Moves that orphan Political Parties or weaken the multi party system in place cannot be good for Uganda’s flaggering democracy and the existence of multi-parties that were fought hard for. Neither should they be regarded as principled moves, but rather defections that will hurt attempts to return to the democratic principles that we all espouse to achieve as a nation.

 Dr Kizza Besigye, and any other opposition  non-violent Party member should not be labeled as mean and bad agents for refusing to compromise on the fundamentals of a true democracy. If we really want to call Uganda a republic we cannot be wishy washy about the laws that govern a healthy democratic system and we cannot build it in the manner we like , it will not fly. 

Dr Kizza Besigye has worked with the president before and was a principal architect of the NRM agenda, and he will do it again, but let’s get the fundamentals on the right path before we blame him for being the last man standing in the opposition. He ought not yield on principle, people expect him to be delivering even when he is on the opposite side of the aisle, because he knows and has worked with all of the big wigs in power now!

We have all seen the churning of the Ugandan political machinery and sometimes it isn’t so pretty and leaves many victims scarred and strapped financially, that rose brush has a way of engulfing the most brilliant in our country, and at times they find themselves in a conundrum!

What happened to these brilliant fellows: Rt Hon.Amama Mbabazi, Gen Sejusa,the late Hon. Kategaya, Gen Mugisha Muntu, VP Bukenya to mention a few, all brilliant Ugandans in pursuit of that dream that has eluded us for decades, and we applaud them for standing in the opposition to keep these multi-parties alive!

Without vibrant and well led opposition -Political Parties will be dealt a death blow and we’ll   have no democracy to celebrate.

Some among us remember the voice of the late Enganzi Hon, Kahigiriza, singing that famous song of kahurire aka Uganda Congress decades ago  when democracy was young in Uganda – He sang beautifully – that DP efiire, effire( is dead), calling folks to come and hear the drumbeat and agenda of Uganda Congress Party, who will remain to carry that torch forward, if UPC, NUP and DP are all engulfed by one big NRM camp? There must be some other way of working with the President and his NRM party while preserving a healthy multi-party system and funding their agenda towards the dream of a healthier democratic nation.

By Tendo Kaluma

Ugandan in Boston

Sciences versus Nonsciences:  From Fiction to Realities

Sciences versus Nonsciences:  From Fiction to Realities


Prof. Mukwanason A. Hyuha

Centre for Critical Thinking and Alternative Analysis


As stated in my previous article (Sunday Monitor, December 20, 2020), the history and progress of science have demonstrated, among other things, ‘that there is no useless knowledge’, ‘that more knowledge is better than less’, and ‘that a theory or model formulated using full information is better in explaining the real world and predicting future events in the relevant field, compared to a theory or model based on partial information’. Further, there is no credible evidence that some knowledge (e.g. the physical or ‘natural’ sciences) is significantly better than or superior to other types of knowledge (e.g. the ‘non-sciences’, that is, the arts and social sciences). As the saying goes, “One man’s meat is another man’s poison”.

For quite some time, the Uganda government has been putting undue emphasis on the natural sciences. Consequently, policy right now is biased in favour of these sciences at the expense of the ‘non-sciences’. It is my considered view that this government stance is not correct. The sciences and ‘non-sciences’ actually complement each other; they are not diametrically opposed.

In the 1950s and 1960s, the United States and Canada made the same mistake Uganda is making now; the countries overemphasized sciences at the expense of the ‘non-sciences’. By the end of the 1960s, the countries had overproduced scientists—such as mathematicians, mechanical and electrical engineers and other specialists in the sciences. As a result, many of the scientists could not find employment in their respective fields of specialisation. Many of these highly qualified scientists had no alternative but to turn their attention to specialisations in the ‘non-sciences’—such as economics and psychology—which offered better employment prospects. For instance, in my Master’s degree level econometrics class in Canada in 1975, out of the six students, three were holders of degrees in the sciences—two with Mathematics degrees (PhD and M.Sc., respectively) and the third with a Bachelor’s degree in engineering. Further, my Microeconomics professor had a PhD degree in engineering while my econometrics professor possessed a Mathematics PhD degree (in addition to their PhD degrees in economics); they had also switched from the sciences to the ‘non-sciences’ out of necessity.

This article focusses on the issue of government’s continuing overstressing of the sciences at the expense of the ‘non-sciences’. To drive the point home, I use the recent measures to create a gigantic gap between salaries of ‘scientists’ and those of ‘non-scientists’—especially with reference to teachers. Specifically, I argue that (1) the line of demarcation between the sciences and the non-sciences is not only extremely thin but also blurred, (2) there is hardly any fundamental difference between teachers of science and those of non-science subjects, (3) teachers of science subjects are not necessarily scientists, and (4) teachers of sciences are merely potential scientists.

The Stock of Knowledge

As I stated in my book (Research Methodology: Philosophy, Processes and Procedures, 2020), the entire set of existing knowledge—the set of theoretical and empirical facts and their derivatives in all academic and other fields—can be partitioned into two subsets:  the (presumably bigger) subset consisting of what is not known at a point in time and the (probably smaller) subset of what is already known at a point in time. The bigger is the subset of known knowledge the better for humanity. This is because the bigger the subset of known knowledge, the higher the likelihood that mankind will come up with better or superior ways and means to maximise its production and consumption of goods and services as well as leisure.

In other words, mankind is interested in harnessing the subset of known knowledge for betterment of its welfare. That is, this known knowledge must be expanded over time and harnessed to come up with ways and means of, or technologies for, bettering welfare for the entire human race.

The subset of known knowledge can change either qualitatively or quantitatively. A qualitative change involves improvements in the way the knowledge is stored in libraries and other avenues, or disseminated or transmitted, or shared amongst users, researchers and various other stakeholders. For example,

  • Libraries may improve storage methods, e.g., from microfiche to digital methods.
  • Teachers, lecturers and other transmitters of knowledge from one individual or generation to another may improve their dissemination or transmission methods with respect to efficiency or pedagogy.
  • Methods of dissemination or transmission may also improve from physical or face-to-face methods to digital/electronic or virtual techniques.

A quantitative change involves expansion of the entire subset, thereby resulting in increases in the stock of known knowledge. In the absence of divine intervention, it is obvious that the only way to expand the subset of known knowledge is to diminish the subset of unknown knowledge through scientific research, assuming that the entire knowledge set is static.  Research aims at discovering or generating new knowledge by extending frontiers of knowledge.

A Scientist, A Science Teacher and A Non-science Teacher

In my view, on the one hand, a scientist is that individual that extends frontiers of knowledge through research; he/she carries out research from time to time—research that leads to the emergence of new knowledge, knowledge available for bettering human welfare and stimulating debates and further research. On the other hand, a science teacher or a teacher of science is a person who just participates in the teaching (dissemination or transmission of knowledge on) a science subject (physics, chemistry, biology, zoology, botany, geology, mathematics, etc.). Dissemination in all forms (teaching at primary and secondary or high schools or institutions, lecturing at universities and other institutions of higher learning, preaching, and other forms of dissemination) is just a means of passing on the known (existing) knowledge from one person (or persons) or generation to another person, or persons, or generations. In general, this dissemination neither expands nor contracts the subset of known knowledge. If dissemination results in a change in existing knowledge, that change is qualitative, rather than quantitative.

A teacher of non-sciences is a person whose duty is to teach (disseminate or transmit knowledge on) a non-science subject (history, literature, linguistics, fine art, music, drama, sociology, political science, philosophy, theology, religious education, etc.). Similar to a teacher of sciences, this (arts or humanities) teacher also just disseminates existing knowledge without adding to its quantity. However, a researcher in the non-sciences adds to the stock of existing knowledge in the same way a researcher in the sciences does; they both extend frontiers of knowledge in their respective fields of research.

It should be noted that, first, a researcher or teacher the world over in whatever academic field is the product of both science and non-science instructors right from the primary level to universities and other education tertiary levels. He/she is shaped or moulded by both science and non-science instructors—not by one or the other—given that all knowledge is useful.

Second, a science teacher and a non-science teacher are both taught the basic contents or materials to be disseminated to their audiences as well as methods of disseminating the materials (pedagogy)—just like a researcher has to master the materials in his/her field of specialisation plus research methods. Subject contents are taught in primary and secondary schools and at various Faculties, departments and related units at universities. This is essentially a transfer of known knowledge from teachers and lecturers to pupils and students. Emphasis is placed on mastery or comprehension of the concerned subject contents by the learners. Pedagogy is delivered at teacher training colleges and Faculties of education in universities.

Thus, all students intending to become teachers at all levels of education receive (possibly sufficient) doses of the existing knowledge in their fields of specialisation as well as pedagogy and some elementary administrative skills. The depth of the doses depends on the planned level of dissemination (nursery, primary school, secondary school and university and other tertiary levels).

There is, therefore, hardly any difference between a science teacher and a non-science teacher other than in the relevant fields of specialisation and pedagogical approaches. A teacher of mathematics differs from a teacher of biology or any other science subject, just like a teacher of literature differs in that respect from a teacher of fine art, linguistics, or any other arts/social sciences subject. These differences are minor, not critical or fundamental.

As explained earlier, a researcher extends frontiers of knowledge in his/her (science or non-science) field of specialisation. Three basic scientific ‘truths’ should be reiterated here once again:

  • There is no useless knowledge
  • More knowledge is better than less or no knowledge
  • Sciences and non-sciences are complementary, not competitive or diametrically opposed.

It should also be pointed out that, given the unity of science, methods of extending frontiers of knowledge (research methods) in the sciences are basically similar to those in the non-sciences. For example, the scientific method applies to both sciences and non-sciences. Further, a review of the history of (the progress of) science attests to this ‘stylised fact’. I believe I have explained these issues in fair details in my cited book on research methodology.

Science and Non-science Teachers and Scientists:  Examining Differences

As pointed out above, a teacher disseminates existing knowledge to various audiences. This dissemination may improve the quality of knowledge, but not its quantity or path of growth. Both teachers of sciences and those of non-sciences basically perform the same function, albeit with minor differences. Both types of teachers are potential researchers; eventually, they can develop into researchers—thereby enabling teachers of science to metamorphose into scientists.

However, as observed earlier, a scientist in the person who extends frontiers of knowledge. His/her natural habitat is a university, a research institution, or any other tertiary education or academic institution whose preoccupation is to carry out scientific research. A scientist’s main duty is to augment the stock of knowledge, although his/her activities may also result in qualitative improvements in the stock. Note that a scientist requires a higher level of grounding in his/her (academic) field of specialisation than a teacher in the same field.

Concluding Remarks

In my previous article on this issue, I highlighted the fact that ‘non-sciences’ essentially matter a lot in all aspects of society. They matter as much as the sciences. For example, a policy that ignores ‘non-sciences’ at all stages from initiation to implementation is likely to be suboptimal. This means that governments—in their activities like policy formulation, planning, sponsorship of students, handling of health, remuneration and other public (policy) issues and related matters—should put due emphasis on both types of known knowledge.

Finally, I am still very disappointed by the lack of voices from the ‘non-scientists’ of all walks of life in defence of their spheres of influence. Have they forgotten the contributions to knowledge and prosperity of individuals such as Aristotle, Plato, Socrates, Max Weber, Auguste Comte, Karl Marx, Sigmund Freud, Thomas Kuhn, Karl Popper, Charles Peirce, Paul Feyerabend, Adam Smith, John Maynard Keynes, Milton Friedman, W.W. Rostow and the like? Please, ‘non-scientists’ rise up and (peacefully) defend your professions, value and activities. You have nothing to lose but the yokes or knees that have been placed on your necks.

©   Mukwanason A. Hyuha

July 4, 2022.


I was in Wandegeya at the time. Truck after truck drove past with all those ‘young Acholi soldiers’ shouting DP and clenching their fists! Were they DPs? Was the DP party about to take over government?

Absolutely not. This was mere window dressing, a show of fists that was merely a way of keeping up appearances! Only in Buganda were the fists seen and the DP cries heard. It was just a stance put up in order to make the unsuspicious and gullible Baganda embrace the coup.

That’s why after the coup had been executed we never saw that fist clenched again. We only heard of ‘Wajalendo’ but no cries of DP at the ensuing swearing in ceremony. That’s why Paul Muwanga never clenched any fists or cried DP at his only press conference as Executive PM. That’s why Tito Okello, at his first press conference, blamed the ‘anarchy’ on opposition party leaders who, he said, never did enough to reign in AMO and his government! Indeed, that is why the DP was never given the reins of power consequent upon the Acholi coup!

More than anything, this was merely the result of a stupid UPC family squabble over the sharing of spoils. Had an Acholi been appointed Chief of Staff we wouldn’t be reading this! Paulo Muwanga and Samwiri Mugwisa together with their UPC Buganda would have self-destructed. AMO would have steered on and Jimmy Akena would have taken over from him.

The coup plotters cunningly rode on the popularity of the DP in Buganda and it worked. We all fell for it and the thugs came home. These were not liberators but the same thugs that had been terrorizing the villages of Luwero! And here they were now taking their proper place at the eating table!

Barely an hour after the confirmation of the coup, I was downtown on William Street. I went there wearing a new watch given to me as a present by a dear friend. I never brought that watch back home! The thug said: Wewe kijaana kuja hapa! Towa sawa kwa mukono! And that was it; the watch was gone! That thug took my watch! His name was Matek!

‘I was made minister through the window’

Samwiri Mugwisa joined active politics after the 1966 Buganda Crisis when he was appointed the deputy secretary general of UPC in Mubende District. He told Sunday Monitor’s Henry Lubega how he fled the country, started globe trotting, selling handcrafts and later joining the struggle to remove Idi Amin from power.

After the 1966 Buganda Crisis, Milton Obote created four new districts in Buganda region; East Mengo, West Mengo, Mubende and Masaka. That is when I was appointed the assistant secretary general of UPC in Mubende, deputising Sheikh Buwembo.

I served in that position until January 1971, when Idi Amin overthrew the government. On that day, I was attending my business partner’s wedding in Kampala and I learnt of the overthrow the next day while in Mityana. I then drove to Mubende with my people.

After about a week, the situation started getting worse with information that UPC supporters were being killed in villages. With John Baptist Buyondo, a councillor in Mubende Town, we went to see Col Obura, the commandant of Tiger barracks, about the situation. But the gunfire that afternoon was so rampant that I decided to escape with my family.

From Mubende, I drove to Kakumiro, to Kiboga and then to Kampala, because the Mubende route to Kampala had been sealed off. While at the Kakumiro fuel station, I met the Tiger barracks commanding officer, Col Obura with his three kids, also fleeing. He followed me up to Ntwentwe where we went to the gombolola chief (sub-county)then called Yakobo Kivumbi.

But Kivumbi developed a cold feet; he could not house us. So I decided to move to my uncle, Erica Matovu’s, country home. While there, Col Obura told me he had left his wife and asked me to escort him back to Mubende to look for her.

We drove back without headlights up to Katoma. Obura left me behind the water supply and went to look for his wife. He found her at the District Commissioner’s place.

However, as I waited for the commander, a group of soldiers fleeing the fight passed by where we had parked. One of them identified Col Obura’s car and said: “hi gari si ya commanda?” loosely translated as Isn’t this the commander’s car? His colleague responded we wacha twende (leave that let us go).

After a short while, Col Obura returned, carrying his wife on his back. We then drove back to Ntwetwe. By the time we got back, rumour had made rounds that I was moving with an army officer. People had started gathering around my uncle’s house, threatening to burn the house and the children; my auntie managed to take them out of the house and hid them in the banana plantation. It is at the plantation that Obura and I were able to meet our families and we then drove to Kampala via Kiboga. Along the way, I lost Obura.

The exit
When we got to Nansana in Kampala, I took my wife and two kids to my mother’s place and I proceeded to Edward Mugalu’s place in Mpererwe, for refuge. He belonged to the Kabaka Yeka political group but he had been a good business friend.

After some days at Mugalu’s place word spread that there was a UPC person hiding there. I did not wait for the worst to happen. I moved to Kansanga at Sebana Kizito’s place. Kizito had been a good childhood friend from secondary school.

I had a business office on Plot 4 Johnstone Street dealing in exports, which kept working all through this period. I relocated my family from Nansana to Kamwokya.

With the continued talk and harassment of known UPC officials, I knew that it was just a matter of time before I could be caught. With my business partner in Maco International Ltd, we decided to open up a branch in Nairobi, where one of the managing directors was appointed to be the resident director. Armed with supporting documents, I headed for the airport to Nairobi.

Life in Exile
When I got to Nairobi, I booked into Hotel Piggal, which became my home for the next two years. I contacted a one Peter Mburu, a lawyer, who helped me register the company in Kenya, and who also allowed me to operate from his office for some time.

I started exporting used sisal sacks to Uganda. Before I went to Nairobi, my company used to buy them from Kenya. I also started exporting salted fish to Zaire, now DR Congo, while importing sim sim from Uganda to Kenya, but we never made profits on this due to poor quality.

I later joined hands with another Ugandan who had fled the Amin regime, called Henry Semukutu, through his group called HB Semukutu and Company. We started importing cotton seed cake from Mwanza in Tanzania and exported it to Denmark to be used as cattle feed during the winter season.

Late in 1978, while in New York on my business trip, I met Godfrey Binaisa who later linked me up with Adrew Kayiira, after they had formed Uganda Federal Union (UFU). I would later meet people like Luyimbazi Zake, James Namakajo and Kibuka Mukalazi. When I got back to Nairobi I was shocked to hear that they had announced me their agent in Nairobi.

On January 1, 1979, there was a New Year party organised at Prof Tarsis Kabwegyere’s residence, where I was invited, and I met people, like Paul Ssemwogere, Ruhakana Rugunda, Andrew Adimola, Akena P’Ojok and others. The New Year party was a cover up for political gathering of Ugandans in exile.

I went back to my crafts business, and while in New York again, I got a call from Paulo Muwanga, asking me to urgently fly to Dar es Salaam. He said: “Tanzania is going to chase Amin and I am the only one from Buganda who is here.”

I first went to Nairobi were I linked up with Rurangaranga, Chris Rwakasisi, Christopher Sebuliba and another young man, Francis Kizito, who offered his car to take us to Tanzania. We found people waiting for us at Namanga and they drove us to Msasani Bay where Obote was staying.

Meeting Obote
Obote briefed us about our mission. He told me: “Samwiri Mugwisa, you will be responsible for the Masaka axis as the political commissar reporting to Major General David Msuguri”. Rurangaranga was assigned the Ankole axis.
Two days later, we were flown to the frontline where there were the 201, 206, 208 brigades. I belonged to Brigade 208 where I met Maj Msuguri, and other officers who spoke Luganda like Mupere’asoka who gave me my last briefing before crossing into Uganda.

With the help of Henry Lukonge, the first Ugandan I saw, I got a drum and sounded the Gwanga Mujje to call people from their hiding for a meeting. More than 300 people turned up. I told them about the war and its purpose and I also asked them to tell us where Amin soldiers were hiding. They did not tell us.

After the Moshi Conference of 1979 was concluded and the head of the UNLF was put in place, word went around that the Ugandans at the battle front were misbehaving, and we were recalled to Dar es Salaam. We were flown to the regional office in Bukoba, where we were told to hand over our guns and uniforms, before we could board a plane to Dar es Salaam. I told Rurangaranga not to remove the uniform.

We got to Dar es Salaam Airport at night and we were handed over to the intelligence people who drove us around the town for so long. When I got tired of staying in the car, I insisted that they take us to Obote’s home. When Obote saw me, he was very shocked and he wanted to know why we had been recalled. After listening to what had happened, he called then Tanzania’s president Julius Nyerere, immediately telling him what had happened.

The next day, we were directed to go and meet with the new president in-waiting, Yusuf Lule, at the police officers mess in Dar es Salaam. I had known Lule before, and when he saw me, he asked where I was coming from. When I told him I had been on the frontline, he was shocked as he had been earlier told that there were only two Ugandans on the battle field – Tito Okello and Oyite Ojok – and that the rest were Tanzanians.

He tasked Eteker Ejalu and Akena P’Ojok to explain why they had never told him that there were Ugandans fighting. He called for the list of the new political appointees. He cancelled out Samuel Magezi’s name as the DC for Kyotera and put my name, while Rurangaranga was made Kategaya’s deputy.
He immediately signed a letter appointing me as a district commissioner. Armed with Lule’s appointment letter, I was flown back and proceeded to Kyotera where I stayed for a few days before going back to Mityana and continued with the war. As Kampala was falling, I was asked to go to Radio Uganda to announce Amin’s fall, but I feared.

I served as the DC under Lule, and I saw cliques developing. I left Apollo Hotel where I was staying and went to Nile Mansion to talk to Sam Sebagereka, the then Finance minister to help me meet the president, but he did not. Maybe had he known about the discontent, he would have corrected them and stayed in power longer. The same thing happened to Binaisa when he refused to listen to me and Fred Makanya in Nairobi when we tried to stop him from replacing Oyite Ojok and Paulo Muwanga.

Joining cabinet

During the Binaisa regime, I was appointed deputy minister of agriculture until his fall, but I became a full minister under the Military Commission. Much later, Paulo Muwanga told me that my name had been deleted off the original list and replaced by Mathias Ngobi, He told me Tito Okello had said: “chacha iyo jina ganni, Ngobi ndiyo nani.

Agriculture si ya Chamwiri Mugwicha (what name is that who is Ngobi, isn’t the agriculture ministry supposed to be for Samwiri Mugwisa)
During the 1980 General Election, I stood on the UPC ticket in Mubende North East constituency where they say there was a lot of rigging. After the election, I went to State House to report to the president what had transpired. Obote saw me from the window on the first floor and said: “Samwiri, remain in your ministry”. I held the same post until the 1985 coup.

I stayed out of politics from that time until late November 1986 when about 20 soldiers came to my residence in Kololo to arrest me. I was taken to Jinja Road Police Station before being transferred to Central Police Station. IT is from here that I was sent to Luzira, where I spent six months on the charge of having ordered for the kidnap and murder a one Siituke. After a six month trial I was found not guilty. I have been in business since then.


Muhoozi is not a joking subject,he has lived an automatic world while we are trying hard to fit in manual one

Muhoozi Kainerugaba (born 24 April 1974) is a Ugandan lieutenant general who serves as the commander of the land forces of the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) and who was previously the commander of the Special Forces Command (SFC)

JULY 2013 – Somewhere in Somalia

Commander: Hullo soldiers!

Soldiers: Hullo Sir! ( in unison)

Commander: Wow, great great work here! Please feel free to ask any question on anything that is affecting your performance in this place.

Soldier: Sir, why have I stayed at the same rank for 12 years, Sir, yet, Sir, I joined the army way before you, Sir? Sir, it is rather strange, Sir, that you are now five ranks above me, Sir?

Sir, what do I have to also do, Sir, to also get promoted like you, Sir?!

Commander: This is not the right forum to ask for promotions or such questions. Now, no more questions.

And next day the soldier finds himself locked up as the army starts to carry out “investigations into the utterances of the officer.”


1970s – Somewhere in Western Uganda

President Idi Amin Dada: Very nice, very nice singing from these students. They must have trained very well.

MC: Yes, Mr President, they trained for several weeks.

President Idi Amin Dada: You, Barnabas Kili (minister of Education) make sure a new school is built for these students as their reward. Am impressed.

You see, am pro-people and I listen to both young and old. I thank you all for giving me such a welcome. Let anyone ask any question on anything.

Murmurs from the audience

President Idi Amin Dada: “There are some questions that I will not entertain; Don’t ask me about bad roads, don’t ask me about the army and security; don’t ask me about hospitals, ask me nothing on kondoism and nothing on rebels attacking the country.”

CONCLUSION: All animals r equal but some r more equal than others…..George Orwell


Beti Kamya Turwomwe

 By Beti Kamya on Thursday, July 25, 2013

 Ugandans must unmask the enemy, stop fighting his / her shadow

During Uganda’s 27 years of Museveni, the opposition have battled against extension NRM’s undemocratic term beyond 1990, Federo, presidential terms’ limit, sale of UCB, Land Amendment Bill, Oil and Gas Bill, recall of parliament, State House budgets, rebel MPs, Lukwago / Musisi, Nantaba / Aronda appointments. It does not require sensory nerves to sense President Museveni’s  overbearing  interest in these controversies, hence, no surprises when his side won all the battles. Surprise is that the opposition lose no sleep over their successive defeat, but soldier on with undiminished gusto, regardless of the predictable outcome of the next battle. With typical Ugandan complacency, we pat each others’ back at every weak punch thrown at Museveni, including deliberate concessions he makes, like the rejection, by Parliament, of Ssebaggala and Mbabbaali for Ministerial positions! “Thanks for the struggle….” is all over the place, though nobody seeks to know “the struggle’s”  destination. A walk-to-work enthusiast once said to me “…we must keep them on their toes” – and I said to myself, is that why someone’s baby died, why a poor vendor lost all her tomatoes, her life’s worth, during a demonstration, just “to keep them on their toes”?

Ugandans must unmask and face the enemy instead of fighting his shadow, which comes in the form of the above named controversies. Anyone bold enough to unmask the enemy  will see “excessive power of the President”

By authority of the Constitution, the President of Uganda appoints the Vice President, Prime Minister, Ministers, Chief Justice, Justices, Judges, Ambassadors, leadership of the army, police and prisons, heads of Govt Institutions and Statutory Bodies such as the Electoral Commission, Bank Of Uganda, Uganda Revenue Authority, Permanent Secretaries, Chief Administrative Officers, RDCs, Presidential Advisors, Judicial Service Commission, Health Service Commission, Education Service Commission, Public Service Commission, Human Rights Commission, Law Reform Commission, Local Government Finance Commission,  Uganda Wildlife Authority, Uganda Forestry Authority, Uganda Investment Authority, Uganda Coffee Development Authority, Uganda Cotton Authority, National Agricultural Research Organization, National Environmental Management Authority, National Planning Authority, KCCA, National Water and Sewerage Corporation, Uganda Electricity Regulatory Authority, Uganda Roads Authority, National Drug Authority, IT Authority, Insurance Regulatory Authority, NAADS, Auditor General, Inspector General of Government, Attorney General, Solicitor General, and the Oil Sector Regulatory Authority. The President constitutes the Supreme, Appeal, Constitutional and Judicature Courts. S(he) has the prerogative of mercy, keeps the key to the National Treasury…… and while holding office, is not liable to proceedings in Court!

Uganda’s Constitution entrenches patronage by anointing the President sole employer, provider and benefactor i.e. enough authority, power and influence to win any battle.

The solution to Uganda’s political problem is to trim the constitutional powers of the president, by so doing, enabling institutions to function, instead of chasing elusive mirages, as we have done these fifty years!

No-one is asking anybody to re-invent the wheel here. When the Philistines of Biblical times realized that there was more to Samson’s strength than muscle, they sent Delilah to cajole him in order to find the source of his strength and when she discovered it was his hair, defeating him was easy. A similar tale exists in Greek mythology, where, after failing to defeat  Achilles, his enemies discovered that his power lay not in his punch, but in his soft heel, which they then used to destroy him, hence “Achilles’ heel”. History and legend are littered with stories of battles won only after discovering “Achilles’ heel”  

Surely, if people who lived centuries ago knew the essence of unmasking and taking on the real enemy, how can Ugandans of the 21st century fight shadows for decades?

Beti Olive Kamya-Turwomwe


Uganda Federal Alliance

0783 438 201 / 0751 590 542

Salim Saleh is a real power behind Museveni’s presidency

Gen Salim Saleh (Caleb Akandanwaho) and Mr Nobert Mao

Salim Saleh is a real power behind Museveni’s presidency or success right from the 1970s, 1980s to date.

The huge money he gets is always classified, no accountability, no nothing. His Operation Wealth Creation has to show real positive impact of the project to the nation other than handing cash to the select few.

He’s also said to be very popular with the military, well may be true considering how the army swings into action during and after election and it is often the time you see him in his military fatigues.

About Gulu, and Soroti, I think only Salim and Museveni know their strategy but going by the past, those are the regions that offered resistance to the regime and have to some extent remained opposition strongholds. Thus, his taking residence there may be to consolidate their gains, weaken opposition further and to shift attention from elsewhere.

But as I said, only those two know their strategy for none of them does what the other disapproves.

 Call it “family matters!”

By Simon Peter Okurut via UAH forum

Ruto’s Relationship with Museveni is affecting his candidature

Ruto and Museveni

I listened to a discussion on Kenya politics. DP William Ruto seems to be in deep political waters, protocol, relationship with his co-leader Uhuru and his relationship with Museveni.

In another discussion, there’s the issue of loan of $150 million from a Kenyan bank, Equity Bank which Dr Ruto claims to have helped a businessman to secure for building a vaccine factory in Uganda, by just one phone call to the bank. The money was released last year. Dr. Ruto went to officiate the launch the construction of the factory in Matugga with president Museveni and very few officials in attendance.

It is claimed that the ministry of finance has also asked Uganda parliament to approve release of $70 million for the same factory that has remained at the foundation stone level since the $150 million was secured last year. No details of who will handle the construction. $14 million of that money is to handed to the scientists before any construction can start!

The questions in people’s minds are , where did the $150 million go, why ask Uganda parliament for approval of release of $70 million for the same project that has not started, and is VP Ruto and colleagues involved in money laundering?

So, while court has stalled the BBI plan and put an injunction in other plans, the DP has to clear his role that Equity loan and factory in Uganda issue. The timing of when and the manner he will be called upon to answer some queries is also worrying some of his support base.

 I hope all this will be cleared up so that he gets smooth sailing to the highest office of the land!

Imagine this: Dr William Ruto was recently denied flying out of Kenya to Uganda; earlier his team was intercepted in Malaba when they returned from Uganda because they had not declared the huge sums of money they were carrying.

When a whole elected vice president is stopped from leaving his country, that is huge. Trained people in international affairs will be interested in every conversation about such a person to glean out some useful information. Untrained persons will miss it because they think they know it all.

By Peter Simon Okurut via UAH forum

Kibaki was a miser — ‘Kakono gamu’!

Mwai Kibaki

A friend, retired policeman Essau Kioni, who once served as a security consultant in Kibaki’s State House, told me that for all the time he knew Kibaki, he never saw him give money to anybody and doubted that the man ever carried a wallet in his life.

I also shared the story with another friend, former Treasury permanent secretary Charles Mbindyo, who worked with Kibaki when he was Finance minister and was also his economics lecturer at Makerere University.

He told me that in college, Kibaki taught them a theory he practises in life: never give cash to anybody for no work done because that is to spread poverty and encourage a beggar mentality (I guess that is what Kibaki would call a “hustler nation”). Instead, Kibaki told his students in Makerere, “enable people to earn money for themselves, which creates wealth”

By Allan Barigye via UAH forum

Why FDC fielded a presidential candidate in the 2020-21 elections?

Why FDC fielded a presidential candidate when in fact they did not or do not believe that Museveni cannot be defeated through the ballot box?

1. Mwene Bikeira

That 3 months period is the only time a political party can do anything with the people outside their headquarter fence….so they FDC and whoever must maximise it….

But even this limited period…People like Besigye will be coming from either jail or court to catch up with a guy who campaigns using the treasury everyday of his tenure as President….

It’s like asking people with limited options on why they keep going to Mulago yet more people die from going there.

Actually most of the now politically aware people are product of this painfully constipated but only available avenue….

If not for the boldness of Besigye for the last 20 years….

We would be at where he started in 2001 by this 2021……there would never have been any Kyagulanyi….if Besigye had complied like Tinyefuza and say left the army last year…..or we had to wait for the David Muhoozi’s to fall out with the system…

When the time was ripe….its him that stood…unfortunately or fortunately he still seems to be the one standing as NUP seems to be getting rapid rigor mortis..

2. Twesigye Lawrence

Dr KB has answered this question hundred times, it’s just that people decide not to understand it. This is the period m7 allows opposition to reach out to people even with big hurdles along the way unless you want KB to be violent and use guns like museveni did. It’s also the same reason FDC participated in the last election with a candidate

3. Ategeka Joshua Bwomeezi Ateenyi

During elections restrictions on freedom of movement, gathering etc are eased by mr. Museveni’s state. The FDC, therefore exploit that opportunity by fielding a presidential candidate who leads the FDC team in creating and spreading awareness for mass action. Such a rare chance would otherwise be lost if the FDC sat mute at Najjanankumbi without a presidential candidate. Dr. Besigye discovered the ills in mr. Museveni’s elections by participating in them 4 times. I’m, therefore totaly sure anybody else will discover the same ugly truth when they participate in the same elections.

4. Moses Khisa

In all previous elections, every party that wanted to field a candidate did so. How then do NUPs claim that FDC has the right to field an opposition candidate and when it’s others doing it then it’s a problem? Recall that in 2016 a faction of DP went with JPAM and another went with Besigye.

In hindsight, FDC were right to insist that KB shouldn’t drop out of the 2016 race in favor of JPAM. Both ran and the people decided. In 2021 their man stepped aside, and what was the outcome? Actually, with hindsight, both Bobi and KB should have ran in 2021. Opposition forces today are far more scattered and weakened than ever before. Where is Brother Bobi leading the front against the ruler? It’s almost a year since elections were stolen: what has NUP as the main opposition party done to carry forward resistance against Museveni’s rule? Is it because of KB? Did he/FDC stop Bobi/NUP from starting an initiative?

 Last, I find it utterly laughable when people demand that KB should fall behind Bobi or that he should retire. Really? In 2014 I wrote in my then column in The Observer arguing KB to hang his boots. I was wrong! You just have to know how many times Kibaki stood in Kenya, Tshisekedi in Congo, Raila in Kenya, Hichilema in Zambia.

There was a time in 2015, as a poor PhD candidate, I got locked in late night meetings on how the forces of change would best harness their resources. I’ve never been a member of FDC but have previously extended a helping hand in different ways.

Perhaps some of you have not followed closely, but this question has been debated countless times, and Dr. Besigye has offered his perspective. Boycotting an election is politically suicidal. Actually, in 2016, Dr. Besigye was adamant he was not going to run again. I happened to have been involved in some closed door discussions on this issue, not as a partisan but as a member of a think tank trying to contribute to the cause of democracy in our country. The details of those discussions, including with JPAM, will hopefully sometime in the future come out fully. Just for another perspective on this, you may engage my colleague Mr. Mwambutsya Ndebesa of Makerere.

Meanwhile, Bobi Wine’s fans and followers say a lot of nice and friendly things to anyone who dare say anything remotely critical of their man.

Kibaki was the only senior Kikuyu politician at Mboya’s funeral

Thomas Joseph Odhiambo ‘Tom’ Mboya was a Kenyan trade unionist, educationalist, activist, and cabinet minister who was one of the founding fathers of the Republic of Kenya. He spearheaded the negotiations for Kenyan independence and was instrumental in the formation of Kenya’s independence party, the Kenya African National Union (KANU), which he served as Secretary-General.
Born in 1930 in Nairobi, Tom would go on to train as a sanitary inspector at the Kenya Medical Department, where he was elected president of the student council.

Tom Mboya was the brain beyond the famous “Tom Mboya Airlift” that brought dozens of Kenyan students to the US in the 1958-60 period.

Beneficiaries included future Kenyan political and business leaders, among them Gikonyo Kiano, Zachary Onyonka, Wangari Mathaai, Barrack Obama Sr., Hilary Ngweno, Philip Ochieng, Philip Ndegwa and John Muchuki.

At the time, Kenya had not even achieved its Independence, yet Tom Mboya, a 28-year-old trade unionist and rising political organizer, had travelled to US, met with leading Americans such as John and Robert Kennedy, and Martin Luther King, Jr. and won fat scholarships for Kenyan students from leading philanthropists. It was not surprising, therefore, that Mboya’s assassination, allegedly at the hands of a Kikuyu man, would plunge Kenyans into deep violence and long-running mistrust and bitterness.

It’s a testament to his personal character that Mwa Kibaki, who was Tom Mboya’s Assistant minister, would be the only senior Kikuyu politician at Mboya’s funeral in Rusinga Island. The assassin’s bullet drove a wedge between former boss’s pals, Kikuyu and the Luo, a rift that has spanned five decades. Kenyatta’s son, President Uhuru and Jaramogi Oginga Odinga’s son, Raila, are working hard to heal that pain today.

By Edward Pojim via UAH forum

Remembering Tom Mboya’s death in Kenya

Tom Mboya, Julius Nyerere ne Ben Kiwanuka

Anyone of the Tom Mboya family must always be a very great personality of a Pan-Africanist stock. Tom Mboya the legend indeed fought very hard for Africa’s independence and was very instrumental in facilitating Kenya to achieve this goal.

I was in my first year at Makerere when Mboya died, he was shot dead on a Nairobi Street when he was just getting out of a pharmacy. We learnt this very bad news from a BBC broadcast at teatime. The whole university was deeply upset by this assassination which caused a worldwide commotion.

The situation became very tense in Kenya with people openly protesting and posing tough questions to the Govt. TV was showing pictures of people weeping very angrily in Nairobi. And scenes were equally angrily moving at Nairobi’s Holy Family Basilica for the final Requiem Mass celebrated by the Archbishop of Nairobi in the presence of President Jomo Kenyatta and Mboya’s family. The big church couldn’t contain the thousands of mourners who turned up.

It’s said many of these mourners booed and heckled any Govt official they saw around. And a very sad group shouted insults at Kenyatta’s car as it arrived.

And at Makerere Prof Ali Mazrui gave a touching lecture on Mboya in a fully packed Main Hall. Thousands of students and profs, lectures, etc.. turned up for this lecture which took place after supper when everyone was free.

With the death of Mboya a shining African star had disappeared at a very young age!!

Georges Colot Via UAH forum

Baker Muwanga, one of the best regarded of Uganda’s boxing champions

John Baker Muwanga

John Baker Muwanga, one of the best regarded of Uganda’s boxing champions, was born on April 2nd 1956 in the vicinity of Kampala, growing up in Nsambya. Joseph Nsubuga, another of Uganda’s renowned former boxers, was Muwanga’s older half-brother.

Equally unique and fascinating is how Muwanga started boxing, how he progressed, and why and how he hang up his gloves. His pathway to boxing started when his half-brother Nsubuga who was born in Kenya in the early 1950’s showed up in 1963 at the family home in Nsambya while accompanied by his sister and mother. The father of the children had been employed by East African Railways and Harbors where he worked in Kenya. Muwanga was delighted to have an older brother around. Nsubuga had dabbled at boxing. Soon, Muwanga would accompany Nsubuga to the Police Boxing club in Nsambya, a few times. But Muwanga was not impressed with the sport. Also, Muwanga’s mother would soon vacate the house, taking with him Muwanga and one of his sisters to live elsewhere. He soon ended up being a pupil in Mugwanya Preparatory School (Kabojja), a boarding school; and thereafter he was transferred to the sister school St. Savio Primary School on Entebbe Road.

At Savio in 1969, Muwanga ended up fighting a bully who happened to be the son of a politically prominent person. Muwanga was expelled from school as a result. His father was very furious, and assured him that he would never amount to anything. Meanwhile brother Nsubuga was making steady boxing progress, Muwanga got the attention for just happening to be the brother–although he was put down as comparatively weak and not as tough as his boxing brother. It is here that Muwanga decided to try boxing. He was matched with play opponents, he was badly beaten and laughed at. People from northern Uganda were reputed to be good fighters, and Muwanga was discouraged from continuing with boxing on the grounds that such boxers would, “kill you for nothing.” But the taunting just made Muwanga the more determined to disprove skeptics.

Muwanga dared to enroll in the national junior championships which were held at the Nsambya Police shed. He would represent Nsambya Boxing Club. At that place and time, those days, medical tests were not up to standard and were not taken seriously. Muwanga was allowed to box. He was matched with an opponent Tilima from Naguru boxing Club. In the fight, Muwanga did not prove himself; his opponent who was much better than him did his best not to humiliate him. Tilima even pretended to be knocked down, even when he had not been hit. Muwanga writes (Personal communication, 10 June 2014):

“What a show!!! This guy tried everything not to humiliate me but failed people laughed until tears run down there cheeks. The guy even pretended to be knocked down by the air of a punch I had swung some 10 inches away from him. He got a warning for that. I lost and the crowd laughed.”

Muwanga’s associates would laugh at him because of that fight. This caused him to strive the more to become a good boxer. Early on a Sunday he decided to go to Kampala Boxing Club in Nakivubo. Muwanga writes, “I went to KBC in Nakivubo, determined to learn how to box or die” (Personal communication, 10 June 2014). The club was closed.

Muwanga returned to KBC early the next morning. There a fellow James Bond Okwaare made fun of how Muwanga had boxed. Okwaare was quickly rebuked by the national coach Erias Gabiraali. Muwanga started training there as he got to know some of the national boxers who dropped in. These inclued Ayub Kalule, Cornelius Bbosa Boza-Edwards, Mustafa Wasajja, Ben Ochan, Alex Odhiambo, Ochodomuge, and David Jackson. Even Muwanga’s brother Nsubuga would drop in. In concluding words Muwanga writes (Personal communication, 10 June 2014):

“One day I was shocked to hear that my brother was going to Scotland [Commonwealth Games in Edinburgh, 1970] to represent Uganda. I could not believe, not only that other urchins from the ‘village’ were also going, to make the pie sweeter boys from the slum next door which was Katwe Kinyoro, the likes of John Opio were also in the team!!! There was justice in honest sweat, hard work and discipline…the rest is history.”

At the Commonwealth Games in Edinburgh, on July 18th 1970, 16 year-old Joseph Oscar Nsubuga (lightweight) was defeated by points decision by Olympian Kenneth Mwansa of Zambia in the preliminary round.

At the Commonwealth Games of 1974 held in Christchurch, 20 year-old Nsubuga now a light-welterweight defeated Philip Sapak of Papua New Guinea. This happened in the preliminary first round on January 27th when the referee halted the fight early after Nsubuga had quickly overwhelmed his opponent. However, in the quarter-finals that were held two days later, James Douglas of Scotland defeated Nsubuga by points and thereby halted Nsubuga’s quest for a medal.

Months later, in August 1974, Nsubuga, fighting as a middleweight, would win a bronze medal at the inaugural World Amateur Boxing Championships in Havana. Nsubuga had moved up to the middleweight division.

The TSC Tournament was held at the Dynamo-Sporthalle in Berlin during October 3-7, 1974. In the quarter-finals, Nsubuga fighting as a middleweight beat Zaprianov (Bulgaria) by points. But in the semi-finals he was beaten, by points, by Peter Tiepold of the German Democratic Republic. He settled for the bronze medal. here Ugandans performed remarkably well: James Odwori (flyweight) and Ayub Kalule (light-welterweight) won gold; Vitalish Bbege (welterweight) won the silver medal.

Nsubuga would debut as a professional in May 1975 whereby he moved to Finland then to Norway; he would mostly fight in Europe. Nsubuga stopped competing in 1981 after he was knocked out by famous future world champion Davey Moore. Nsubuga’s most signified fight was his spirited gladiator battle (non-title bout) with renowned Panamanian Roberto Duran on January 13th 1980 in Las Vegas. The Panamanian seemed to be tiring, but Joseph “Stoneface” Nsubuga was knocked out at the end of the fourth round. He retired from boxing in 1981 with an impressive record of 18 wins and 3 losses. Nsubuga passed away in Helsinki on May 4th 2013, aged 59.

During the 1970’s while at Namasagali College in Kamuli District in Uganda, Muwanga displayed himself as a skillful, dreaded, and popular boxer. At the amateur national level, he is said to have defeated renowned future world champion and fellow Ugandan Cornelius Boza-Edwards (Bbosa) twice. In April 1973, the annual Golden Belt Tournament took place in Bucharest. Most of the winners and silver medalists turned out to be Cubans and Romanians. It was here that Muwanga, aged 17, first participated in international competition. Here Muwanga, together with his accomplices on the Uganda team–Ayub Kalule, Vitalish Bbege, and James Odwori–all won bronze medals in Romania. Later in the same 1973, Muwanga fought for Uganda twice in two Urafiki (Kenya vs. Uganda) tournaments; he was victorious. Muwanga soon became overwhelmed when the veteran Ugandan boxing legend Alex Odhiambo, who had heretofore been so critical of the younger boxer, subsequently gave him the nod and the thumbs up!

At the local level and during training, Muwanga did fight Odwori and another famous Uganda boxer “Kabaka” Nasego several times, but he did not win. Among the Ugandans he beat were Vincent Byarugaba, and several others. Muwanga’s stint as a national amateur boxer were from 1973 to 1977 when he was also a student at Namasagali College; thereafter he attended Oslo University while he fought as a professional. Muwanga recalls that at training camp, where behavioral attitudes varied from boxer to boxer, as admired example the skillful Odwori was particularly talkative, whereas Ayub Kalule preferred action to words (Personal communication, 29 October 2015):

“…guys like Ayub Kalule…preferred action to talk, a phenomena in my opinion. James Odouri talked a mile a minute but, had the rare ability to back up whatever he said. A very rare quality. We called him ‘Kasuku’ [parrot] behind his back.”

John Muwanga, as a light-flyweight represented Uganda at the inaugural world amateur championships held in Havana in August 1974. Notably Kalule and Nsubuga here won gold and bronze, respectively. Muwanga was eliminated in the preliminary round by a points decision in favor of Bejhan Fuchedzhiyev (Bulgaria). Quite notable is the aspect that a massive six of the Uganda contingent in Havana had studied at Namasagali–one of the few schools in Uganda that embraced boxing. In addition to Muwanga, those boxers that did attend Namasagali included Nsubuga, Odwori, John Byaruhanga, Vincent Byarugaba, and Shadrack Odhiambo.

Muwanga’s national status continued to rise and at age 20 he was selected to represent Uganda at the summer Olympics in Montreal. Most African countries, twenty-eight of them, boycotted the Montreal Olympic Games of 1976 when the International Olympic Committee (IOC) refused to bar from the Olympics countries from which athletes had participated in sporting events in apartheid South Africa. The New Zealand Rugby team was then touring South Africa. Countries like China, Iraq, and Guyana also withdrew; although with China it primarily had to do with a political name recognition issue–non-recognition of “Republic of China” vs. “Peoples’ Republic of China.”

The Uganda boxers withdrawn from participation because of the boycott included Baker Muwanga (bantamweight) alongside Venostos Ochira (light-flyweight), Adroni Butambeki (flyweight), Cornelius Boza-Edwards (Bbosa) (featherweight), David Ssenyonjo (lightweight), Jones Okoth (light-welterweight), Vitalish Bbege (welterweight), and John Odhiambo (light-middleweight). Non of these pugilists had represented Uganda at the 1972 Olympics held in Munich. Vitalish Bbege had won gold at the Africa Boxing Championships held in Kampala in 1974.

Muwanga started his professional career in Norway in April 1978, and ended it in October 1982. He mostly boxed as a lightweight. All his bouts took place in Norway, aside from the final two that took place in Finland. He did not lose any of the bouts but he likely would have liked to be exposed to more intensive competition and to also box in western countries where there are more top contenders and champions. A factor was the banning of professional boxing in Norway, this officially effective from the beginning of 1981.

Muwanga ended as undefeated as a professional boxer with 15 wins, 0 losses, with 6 knockouts ( He regrets to some extend that he did not flourish as much as he would have wanted to as a boxer, but at the same time he is grateful that boxing took him to places and opened to him many advantages.


Built in the 1920s in Busoga Square, the Jinja District Headquarters are among the oldest continuously used Hqs in the country. Formerly known as the Civil Registry Offices, they also once served as part of the residence of the then governors.

However, the district headquarters are due to be transferred to Buwenge where a new Hq is being built after Jinja Municpality was elevated to City status. In Ugandan administrative law, a city is the equivalent of a district.

In 2014, it was reported that the land housing the local government headquarters was sold to Bank of Uganda to expand the Jinja Currency Center for Shs 2.5 billion in a deal that would see the bank construct a new Hq in Buwenge. It’s not clear whether this deal materialized and what its present status is.

Photos Courtesy: Mathias Gehricke

Secrets of Museveni’s success

Secrets of Museveni’s success

Thursday, 27 December 2012


Summary: To regard as successful a ruler who has presided over a failed state is laughable. But being the world’s seventh longest-serving head of state, Museveni has remarkably succeeded in consolidating power. How he has reigned for close to three decades with relatively limited repression is a precedent that will interest historians.

Author Biography: Yahya Sseremba is the publisher of The Campus Journal news website.

As a reformer Ugandan President Yoweri Museveni is a failure. His democracy is crooked and fraudulent, his administration corrupt and inept, his roads narrow and potholed.

In many parts of the country pregnant women have no access to medical attention. In universities students are too crowded to attain a meaningful education. And in Kampala, the capital floods when it rains. If life in Museveni’s Uganda is such wretched and abject, how then can the words Museveni and success come next to each other?

To be honest the Ugandan leader, despite his inexcusable failures, is a man of outstanding achievement. Excluding the leaders of Equatorial Guinea, Angola, Zimbabwe, Iran, Cameroon and Cambodia, no present head of state on planet earth has ruled longer than Museveni. In a region whose past is an episode of coups, whose present is a persistence of such power struggles, and whose future is a possible repetition of history, reigning for 27 years is no small accomplishment.

There is even more in Museveni’s reign than its longevity. Compared with other rulers who have held the reins for long, the herdsman has applied less force to cling to power. To say that his country is free from repression would be an insult to the countless he has starved and killed. But under him the nation has enjoyed a degree of freedom that has no comparison in its past and in most of its neighbors.

Museveni is equally successful away from home. He makes and breaks governments in the Great Lakes Region and gets away with it. These domestic and foreign gains would probably never have come to fruition had the president not excelled in concealing his intensions.

The power of hidden intensions

Right from childhood Museveni has always been secretive but not necessarily reclusive, an attribute that has served him generously. Withdrawn and tight-lipped, reclusive people often create suspicion that they are hiding something. Museveni, on the other hand, openly states his plans – but not the real ones. When he captured power in 1986, he declared that he wasn’t interested in ruling for decades. His rhetoric featured eloquent and passionate denunciation of leaders who clung to power, whom he blamed for Africa’s backwardness. He solemnly stated that he was only a caretaker who would hand over office in four years to an elected leader.

This early deception preempted an early opposition to Museveni’s regime. It would take his comrades more than ten years to discern his true intensions. Until 1999 when he initiated a process that led to his defection and eventual formation of the leading opposition party, the president’s companion and personal doctor Kizza Besigye had not noticed the power-thirsty monster that his master was.

Another major defection from the NRM government would only come several years later when Museveni abrogated articles in the Constitution that limited the head of state to two terms in office. Had the subtle dictator declared his life-presidency ambition at the outset, such defections would have come earlier and could greatly undermine his nascent government.

By voicing contempt for leaders who overstay their welcome, the cunning leader not only reassured bush-time comrades that the ‘revolution’ was on track, he attracted other political players, particularly the then leading opposition Democratic Party, to his ‘broad-based’ government. By the time Museveni’s real intensions came to light, his grip on power had become too firm to untie.

In concealing plans the African chief of state is simply following in the footsteps of other successful leaders. In one of his traditions the Prophet Muhammad advises humanity to “help yourself in fulfilling your needs by being secretive about them.” (Tabarani). The Prophet himself often went forth on military expeditions without disclosing his destination, greatly reducing the risk of walking into an ambush. By keeping his plans to himself, Museveni has avoided many political ambushes.

There are some Ugandans who understood Museveni’s motives early enough and attempted to stop him. These the retired General didn’t underestimate and indeed crushed each of them totally.

Crushing the enemy totally

Law 15 of Robert Greene’s The 48 Laws of Power prescribes that “a feared enemy must be crushed completely”. This is precisely what Museveni does to whoever dares fight him.

The first people to pick up arms against Museveni were the Nilotic tribes of northern Uganda, especially the Acholi and Langi but also their cousins in the West Nile. These communities’ hostility toward the new government was – and remains – part of their resentment of the Bantu peoples of the south. 

This continuing ethnic animosity, observes historian Samwiri Karugire in The Roots of Instability in Uganda, is the outcome of the British colonial divide-and-rule policy which restricted schools, hospitals, roads and every instrument of welfare to the south, leaving the people of the north with no better opportunity than providing semi-skilled labour as storekeepers, porters and cleaners. There was however one critical job ring-fenced for the semi-literate northerners, a job that propelled them to the helm. And that was military service.

Taking advantage of their dominance of the armed forces, the sons of the north executed a coup in 1966 and assumed the dictatorship of the country for the next two decades. An ethnic group that nearly-exclusively composed the army – at a time when military rule was the norm – must have been tempted to regard state power as its exclusive right. When a ragtag southern guerilla force flashed them out of Kampala in 1986, their consequent outburst was understandable.

Northern Uganda immediately reacted to Museveni’s takeover by mounting one rebellion after another. Aware of their unique military background, the new president couldn’t take too lightly the armed insurrection of these peoples. He also probably thought that the old mistrust they harbored toward the Bantu couldn’t allow them to easily make peace with a southern-led government. Only greater violence could end their violence, Museveni must have told himself.

Thus Museveni mounted a ruthless two-decade scorched earth policy that has reduced the entire northern region to rubble. As if it was competing with its LRA adversary in slaughtering civilians, the government unleashed what eminent scholar Mahmood Mamdani aptly describes as a “campaign of murder, intimidation, bombing and burning of whole villages to drive the rural population into I.D.P. camps”.

For 20 years the Acholi have been fleeing for their lives and languishing in filthy, disease-infested camps. For 20 years their children have not gone to school, their soils have produced no grain, their bodies tattered by bullets and epidemics. Thoroughly crushed under Museveni’s feet, the north will take decades to catch up with the rest of the country and ably compete for power.

The second enemy that Museveni has fought with all his strength is the Muslim. When a section of the Salafi (Tabliq) community staged an armed rebellion in the 1990s, government reacted by not only slaughtering those who carried arms against it, it also killed, detained without trial and tortured every young Muslim who wore a beard.

The purpose of this indiscriminate butcher was not only to defeat the insurgence; it sought to frighten, dishearten and paralyze the whole Muslim population whose pursuit of power is part of its religious duties. Besides his cruel crackdown Museveni has infiltrated this community so deeply that he has enlisted as spies some of its leaders.

Extensive spy network

Among the charges the Salafi movement has leveled against one of their own, Sheikh Sulaiman Kakeeto, is that he spies on the believers. Until he was dislodged from his Nakasero Mosque headquarters in 2011, Sheikh Kakeeto was an influential leader who routinely dispatched preachers and teachers to mosques across the country.

His Salafi brethren accuse him of providing government with information that has led to the arbitrary arrest and disappearance of many Muslims he claimed were ADF rebels. Many mosque imams have followed in the disgraceful footsteps of Kakeeto, spying on their folks to earn a living.

This blanket, if desperate, intelligence enterprise has inflicted unnecessary pain on the public, including the torture of innocent civilians in safe houses to extract from them information they do not have. Amateurish and abusive as it is, this information gathering mechanism has led many Muslims to imagine that Museveni watches every move they take.

The same infiltration method has worked to disorganize opposition parties.

Infiltrating opponents

All opposition parties know very well that Museveni has planted agents in their rank and file and indeed in their top leadership. It is known that up to a half of the Members of Parliament of the main opposition FDC party received campaign funds from State House in the 2011 general elections.

Confessing in a private conversation that his organization was terribly infiltrated, a top FDC leader once asked his Justice Forum (Jeema) counterpart why government moles had failed to penetrate the walls of the relatively small party. Having worked closely with Museveni for long, this FDC leader retains enough contacts in government to know who in his party and certainly in other opposition parties is an inside agent. It didn’t make sense to him that the government would ignore Jeema for its smallness, for the regime has not spared other equally small parties, for instance, the Conservative Party.

In any case, he possibly knew how some Jeema founders, notably Prof. Abasi Kiyimba, had firmly turned down Museveni’s offer of gifts like cars.

Such small gifts have wrecked havoc in other opposition parties. They account partly for the persistent petty, bad-tempered quarrels that have torn apart the Democratic Party and Uganda Peoples Congress and that have brought to naught every attempt at forming a formidable opposition alliance. Similar inducements account for many defections to the ruling party.

Alongside Museveni’s commitment to making shambles of opponent camps is his humbleness in licking the boots of the West, an alliance of powerful though weakening countries demanding to be worshipped as gods.


Museveni submitted to western hegemony when he abandoned Marxism at the height of his rebellion in the mid 1980s. As he seized Kampala the triumphant guerilla had no doubt that he would never consolidate power without following the bidding of every arrogant capitalist god.

Accordingly, it took him just a few years in office to become more capitalist than the architects of capitalism themselves. He drastically cut public expenditure on higher education, threw the economy entirely to the ruthless forces of demand and supply, and only fell short of privatizing even water by the skin of his teeth.

Some of these changes were surely intended for the better. But the blindness with which they were accepted and the rashness with which they were implemented caused incalculable damage on the country. Their primary purpose, anyway, was not to serve the interests of the people; it was to please the White gods who would otherwise curse and cast out the Black slave.

The slave has also fought wars about which he knows very little. It is clear that the presence of Ugandan troops in Somalia is meant to aid America’s war on Islamic governments. Whereas Museveni himself harbors anti-Islam sentiments strong enough to drive him into such operations, he could hardly go as far as the Horn of Africa without the aid and certainly the express order of the United States.

His earlier military intervention that installed the RPF government in Rwanda is also understood to have been executed partly in the interest of the United States, which sought to uproot French influence from the area. This submissiveness has saved Museveni the wrath of West, at least for the time being.

It has saved him the international hostility that would have come with his manipulation of the Constitution to rule for life, his brutality against peaceful demonstrators and, most importantly, his atrocities on the people of northern Uganda and eastern Congo.

Quick to antagonize anyone except the wrong person, the ageing ruler knows that disobeying the high and mighty would seal his doom. He may be a cowardly opportunist, but he’s convinced by numerous examples that cowards, unlike Saddam Hussein or Muammar Gaddafi, live to see another day.

His calculative moves are further illustrated in the frequency with which he changes positions to accommodate new realities. Pragmatism is one of his greatest assets.

Pragmatic president

Far from working within a consistent ideological framework, Museveni quickly adapts to what appears to work for his continued stay in power. We have already seen how he abandoned the Marxist dogma to win the favor of the capitalists.

In 2005 the shrewd leader acknowledged how no longer viable it was to retain a single party dictatorship in a world that was apparently increasingly democratizing. Without resisting the winds of multipartism that forcefully swept across the globe, Museveni lifted his twenty-year ban on political parties and only sought ways of ensuring that the parties remained too disorganized, too weak to unseat him. By restoring multiparty politics the Museveni tree bended in the direction of the wind and avoided the worst: breaking.

That kind of concession is also visible in the level of freedom Ugandans enjoy today. Freedom of expression is surely still being trampled upon in many ways. At the instigation of government, journalists have been sacked or transferred to foreign lands, radio licenses are often suspended, and fear looms over the newsrooms. Such drawbacks notwithstanding, it usually goes without incident to criticize the policies of the president or to expose a powerful corrupt minister.

Hypercritical politicians can equally get away with the harshest of their criticism of the pseudo-democratic establishment. The same freedom is extended to most associations, from political groups to professional bodies to sinister cults. The judiciary has been bullied at times but remains largely independent. By respecting fundamental rights Museveni incorporated modernity into his dictatorship and fitted in the times in which he reigns. Had he totally suppressed these liberties he would have led to the kind of exodus that weakened the government of President Amin in the 1970s.

Besides, unbridled repression may silence the masses for sometime, but by no means does it kill their will to overcome tyranny. It only – as Gaddafi realized and as Paul Kagame of Rwanda may come to realize – constitutes a time bomb whose eventual explosion leaves no tyrant standing. By letting the people exercise much of their rights, Museveni prevented much of the bitterness that would have weighed heavily on his rule.

Kanzu was already prominent in Buganda by 1925

Abbey Semuwemba

By Rehema via UAH

Initially the kanzu was imported and was made from either cotton or linen, a combination of reasons that kept it out of reach of the majority. But as time passed, it began trickling down to ordinary Baganda. The men began making the kanzu from barkcloth, the traditional clothing material used then.

With time, they began making it from cheaper fabrics like silk and poplin, which was brought in by Indian and Arab traders. Today the kanzu is made from silk, cotton, poplin and linen. Linen kanzus are the most expensive. While adopting the kanzu, the Baganda made some changes to its design, making their version different from all the other tunics worn around the world, especially those from its parent design from Arabia.This outfit originally was introduced by Arabs. The most significant addition to the kanzu by the Baganda was the embroidery added around the collar, abdomen and the sleeves. This embroidery, called ‘Omulela’, is unique to the Uganda kanzu and it is hand sewn.

In the 1930s and 1940s, the Baganda also added the tradition of wearing a coat atop the kanzu. By picking the blazer from the dress culture of the Europeans, who were the colonial power then the Baganda created a hybrid of Arabian and British dress code. The kanzu in Uganda today is worn in many areas complete with a coat, save for the Muslims who prefer to keep it as plain as the Arabs. However, some Muslims add a tarboosh on the head.

Tarboosh or ‘Entalabusi’ is mainly worn in Turkey and Morocco. However, Tarboosh (head cap) is not an Islamic requirement for men to wear. It is due to specific countries traditions and practice..

As Buganda’s culture spread to other areas of Uganda, the kanzu spread with it and could rightly be the ‘the unofficial national dress of Ugandan men’.Buganda folks have sort of created a hybrid from Colonial dress and Arabic version.The outfit is certainly Arabic in its origin.

So, basically Kanzu is a traditional dress of Buganda people and not Uganda although popular in many districts.


In the name of Allah, the …beneficent, the merciful…

For 40 years, or was it longer, I can’t remember, I did all I could to give people houses, hospitals, schools, and when they were hungry, I gave them food. I even made Benghazi into farmland from the desert, I stood up to attacks from that cowboy Ronald Reagan, when he killed my adopted orphaned daughter, he was trying to kill me, instead he killed that poor innocent child. Then I helped my brothers and sisters from Africa with money for the African Union.

I did all I could to help people Understand the concept of real democracy, where people’s committees ran our country. But that was never enough, as some told me, even people who had 10 room homes, new suits and furniture, were never satisfied, as selfish as they were they wanted more. They told Americans and other visitors, that they needed “democracy” and “freedom” never realizing it was a cut throat system, where the biggest dog eats the rest, but they were enchanted with those words, never realizing that in America, there was no free medicine, no free hospitals, no free housing, no free education and no free food, except when people had to beg or go to long lines to get soup.

No, no matter what I did, it was never enough for some, but for others, they knew I was the son of Gamal Abdel Nasser, the only true Arab and Muslim leader we’ve had since Salah-al-Deen, when he claimed the Suez Canal for his people, as I claimed Libya, for my people, it was his footsteps I tried to follow, to keep my people free from colonial domination – from thieves who would steal from us.

Now, I am under attack by the biggest force in military history, my little African son, Obama wants to kill me, to take away the freedom of our country, to take away our free housing, our free medicine, our free education, our free food, and replace it with American style thievery, called “capitalism” ,but all of us in the Third World know what that means, it means corporations run the countries, run the world, and the people suffer.

So, there is no alternative for me, I must make my stand, and if Allah wishes, I shall die by following His path, the path that has made our country rich with farmland, with food and health, and even allowed us to help our African and Arab brothers and sisters.

I do not wish to die, but if it comes to that, to save this land, my people, all the thousands who are all my children, then so be it.

Let this testament be my voice to the world, that I stood up to crusader attacks of NATO, stood up to cruelty, stoop up to betrayal, stood up to the West and its colonialist ambitions, and that I stood with my African brothers, my true Arab and Muslim brothers, as a beacon of light.

When others were building castles, I lived in a modest house, and in a tent. I never forgot my youth in Sirte, I did not spend our national treasury foolishly, and like Salah-al-Deen, our great Muslim leader, who rescued Jerusalem for Islam, I took little for myself…

In the West, some have called me “mad”, “crazy”, but they know the truth yet continue to lie, they know that our land is independent and free, not in the colonial grip, that my vision, my path, is, and has been clear and for my people and that I will fight to my last breath to keep us free, may Allah almighty help us to remain faithful and free.

-Mu’ummar Qaddafi.

Gay rights should be protected but the west shouldn’t force it on Africa

By Moses Ocen via UAH

My take is this:

1) How and when did issues around Homosexuality come to the fore front in Uganda’s day to day polity?

2) ‎Is Homosexuality more important than Bad roads, 80% unemployment rate among the youth, poor or non existent  health care services, rampant corruption and the rising gap between rich and poor to name a few?

3) Back to the question again by asking it differently: Is Homosexuality new in our society. My answer is no. It has always been there but it was either in the ‘shadows’, we ignored it or simply did not understand it and if we did we simply looked the other way;

4) Here are some cases to ponder: I remember back in the late 80’s, one prominent individual being whispered as an openly gay person. The interesting thing was that he was the head of the Judiciary, so one could imagine how this would have played out then;

5) Are the European and American Churches any different from their African and Latin American counterparts in regards to scandals? The Catholic Church in Boston owns some of the most valuable Real Estate Property in New England. They have been selling them off quietly in order settle court cases which are in the $100’s of Millions;

6) ‎ I lived on the Coast of East Africa (Dar and Mombasa) with its strong Arab/Islamic and Swahili cultures, which are very conservative. But very strange things are in the back ground in regards to Homosexuality. There are religious cults which are predominantly for Women but have a sprinkle of Gay men in their membership. This was way back in the 70’s, so I can imagine what is happening now;

7) I personally do not know what makes a person Gay or not but my views have evolved over the years. When I came to this country I was as conservative and intolerant as many of you. ‎That is until I joined the workforce where a number of my colleagues were full blown Gay.

8) I am sure that many of you on this forum have experienced the pangs of assimilation in the American and European work force‎. Being black let alone African has its challenges and in my cases I was the only African let alone Blackman  in the department. Some of my colleagues in the beginning treated me as if I  had just come off living on trees.

The Marketing field being what it is, one has to learn the ropes pretty quickly and you do need friends or aquintances who are willing help. In my case it was a young lady who I discovered was gay. ‎How did I find out she was gay? During departmental Friday outs I noticed that many people would not sit with her but because she showing me the ropes we had become friends so I would join her.

My thinking was simply this; okay I do not understand her life style but that does not make her less human‎. If she is “flawed” but understanding of my challenges in the work place who are my to judge her?  I have kept an open mind ever since;

9) I think the West should tread carefully when dealing with this issue as far as African governments are concerned. ‎Gay Rights have taken a long while to take root in most Western countries s and there are still large pockets of resistance in America for instance. The worst thing that could happen is if Gay Rights should be seen as being imposed on African society. Whatever tolerance that exists will be washed away.

Someone should stand up for gays in Uganda

By Edward Pojim via UAH

It ought to bother us that even with the benefit of education and worldly exposure, there are still some who are so narrow-minded and indifferent to the plight of minority amongst us.

At what point will these folks develop the capacity to empathize with the powerless?

In Tanzania, it took a daring young lawyer named Angela Matsisuni, to dramatize the fate of Albino Tanzanians, some of whom were being butchered for ritual sacrifices.

If the world can find killings of elephants and rhinos for their tusks repugnant, the same world surely should feel some compassion for gays and women who wear mini-skirts. At least, the Nyars of this would be expected to lead the chorus against such inhumanity against fellow women.

Standing up for gays and women in mini-skirts is not to ape the western lifestyle.

I, too, do not want to see pornographic materials laid down on the streets for children and family to see. But banning such material is not the answer. You simply create an underground market that will thrive even further.

One widely accepted way to control the spread of porno materials is to limit their licensing and restrict its market outlets, such as bars and adult-only stores, or through membership subscription.

Have you ever stepped back and asked yourself why Uganda is enacting these laws now? Museveni has been president since 1986, yet, not until a few years ago, did he find homosexuality abnormal or repugnant.

Is it merely coincidental that this realization came to him just as American fundamentalists were pouring money to promote “Revival Christianity” in Uganda?

Uganda is a pawn between extreme American Christian fundamentalists and liberal-minded folks, like me. Museveni is answering his pay masters. The money for the campaign against porno and gays came from the same United States that you accuse of dictating moral compass to the same Uganda.



Sep — Nov 2011

When it came into being in 1996 the Justice Forum exhibited an ambition and a drive to seize power that left no reason to doubt its seriousness. It fronted a presidential candidate whose education and professional profile, whose articulacy and assertiveness, whose devotion and selflessness, emphasized the seriousness with which the new party launched its quest for State power.

Even though Muhammad Kibirige Mayanja expectedly lost the election, winning no more than 2.1 percent of the vote, the party he led fascinated the minority Muslim population and proved its grip on the community the like of which every major political party in Uganda has used as a stepping stone. In almost every district he reached during the campaign, Mr. Mayanja was welcomed as a messiah by a people whose imams had passionately warned against letting down their Muslim brother.

In part this Muslim support for Jeema was due to 100 years of state-led marginalization of the community, impelling the faithful believers to distrust everyone except their own. In part this support was rooted in the Islamic tradition of a Muslim is a Muslim’s brother, wish for your brother what you wish for yourself, believing men and women are allies of one another, and the like.

But Jeema did not enjoy this support, and whatever other support it may have had, for long. In the 2001 presidential elections Mr. Mayanja scored just one percent of the vote – down from 2.1 percent five years earlier. Predominantly Muslim areas, such as Bwera in Kasese District, which had voted overwhelmingly for the Muslim candidate in 1996, looked the other way five years later.

The party continued to change for the worse until it won one parliamentary seat in 2006, a whole decade after its formation. Efforts to increase Jeema’s presence in parliament failed every time they were mounted, with the latest disappointment recorded in 2011. The party’s founding president, Kibirige Mayanja, who had contested for president twice, decided to run at a lower level – at parliamentary level – but finished in third place behind little-known politicians. Jeema’s biggest achievement in the elections, besides retaining its Makindye West seat in parliament, came as a surprise when the party won the Bukomansimbi District Chair.

By and large Jeema remains in an embarrassing state, with one MP out of 375; one district chair out of 112; three local council councilors out of thousands. This, for a party that has existed for 15 years, is surely one step forward, two steps back. This stagnation, as I argued elsewhere in What Went Wrong at Jeema, is rooted in three factors: the forgotten terror, the desertion of the mosque, and the absence of leadership.

The forgotten terror

The strength with which the wheel of Jeema started rolling in 1996 alarmed President Museveni. The ease with which Jeema attracted Muslims portrayed the party as a vanguard that had come to mobilize, unite and lead Muslims to State power.

Whereas its appeal to the general public was trivial, the party displayed some potential to develop into a much more organized and formidable political movement in future. Museveni could not fold his hands as a political threat materialized, and, most importantly, as a Muslim political threat materialized. In non-Muslim countries the rise of Muslims – whether in population size, in political influence or in economic clout – is viewed by the bigots as an invasion, by the conservatives as a takeover, and by both as a calamity.

To prevent the ‘calamity’ that would erupt from a much more organized Muslim political movement in future, Museveni saw it fit to ‘disrupt, dismantle and defeat’ Jeema in its embryonic years. In the name of fighting the ADF rebellion Museveni’s government embarked on a slaughtering campaign, summarily executing countless Muslims, especially politicized Muslims, and confining others to secret torture chambers locally know as safe houses.

Rebel became a label to be stuck on Muslims who wore long beards and shortened trousers. This campaign was seen at Jeema as a strategy to weaken the party by eliminating its agents and frightening remnants.

If this is what the campaign of terror sought – to terrify Jeema members – it succeeded. So frightened were the members that they virtually gave up mobilization and decided to spend the rest of their time distancing the organization from its constituency – the Muslims – and from its engine – the mosque.

Desertion of the mosque

But Jeema is not the only party that has suffered such brutality. How comes the FDC party – whose leader has frequented jail on fabricated cases of rape, treason, and, most recently, of inciting violence – has managed to grow relatively stronger? The difference lies in how the two parties responded to the painful torments.

FDC, far from giving up, intensified its aggressiveness and escalated its confrontation with the government. Jeema, on the other hand, not only withdrew in the face of brutality, it failed to publicly speak out against the atrocities that were being committed against its key supporters – the Muslims. Jeema, in other wards, deserted its supporters when they needed it most; it actually abandoned everything to do with Muslim problems.

Whereas Muslims embraced Jeema, Jeema did not embrace them. The party hardly espoused Muslim causes and, on the contrary, tried hard to distance itself from Islam. Surely some individual Jeema members, especially Dr. Abasi Kiyimba and Imam Kasozi, often voiced Muslim concerns, passionately denouncing all sorts of oppression perpetrated on the believers. But they did so not as Jeema leaders, nor even as Jeema members, but as leaders of the Uganda Muslim Youth Assembly or as patrons of the Makerere University Muslim Students Association.

Jeema’s unforgivable silence came at the height of the forgotten terror, a campaign in the late 1990s in which Museveni’s government summarily executed, detained without trial and tortured countless Muslims for allegedly aiding the ADF rebellion. Surely some party members did quietly secure the release of some victims, particularly Jeema members. But seldom did they condemn the campaign of terror publicly, fearing, as a senior party official told me, to be labeled the political wing of the ADF.

The campaign to delink Jeema from its undisputed Muslim identity continues. A section of the leadership of the party has constantly attempted to convince members not to use the Islamic greeting of salaam at party gatherings that involve non Muslim members, and not to open party meetings with overtly Islamic prayers, such as those recited wholly or partly in Arabic, or those in which the name of Allah is mentioned.

Surely beyond having a Muslim president and a Muslim secretary general Jeema failed to prove its relevance to Islam, its usefulness to Muslims, and its concern for both. This is certainly no inducement for Muslims to support the party. They, accordingly, withdrew the support they had offered.

The leadership claims the party can be deregistered for being ‘religious’. This fear is farfetched, for no party can be banned for simply speaking out against atrocities committed on a religious group or for opening its meetings with prayers that involve invoking the name of the Creator, whether it is Allah, God, Jehovah or Adonai.

Many an organisation in this part of the world opens its meetings with prayers that end with the declaration, “In Jesus’ name, Amen,” even when some members in the sitting are not Christians. The Christians confidently, and at times aggressively, express their beliefs as loud as they can, at private and public meetings, at formal and informal gatherings, at civil and state functions. The Muslims, on the other hand, feel uneasy about their beliefs and wish to conceal or disguise them, thinking that doing otherwise would displease the followers of other religions. This is but an inferiority complex that plagues minority groups worldwide and that has constrained Ugandan Muslims since the triumph of Christianity in the religious wars of the late 19th Century.

For semiliterate Muslims to feel inferior is excusable. But for highly-educated and widely-respected founders of a political organisation to harbor similar feelings is shocking. By discarding its Muslim identity and by being indifferent to Muslim problems Jeema was not stating why it deserved Muslim support. And once Muslims, as far as their interests were concerned, found little or no difference between supporting JEEMA and NRM, FDC, UPC, or DP, they went for whichever they thought was more appealing.

As Jeema fought to undress its Muslim garment, it did nothing, and totally nothing, to take its campaign to the general public – to members of all religious denominations. It ignored Muslims and made no effort to woo the rest, and, eventually, lost both. Jeema’s desertion of the mosque is, in other words, a symptom of a wider failure – the failure to carryout mobilization. This could not have befallen the party under the watch of competent leaders.

The absence of leadership

It is surely unfair to accuse the leadership of Jeema of lack of achievement. The impressive presidential campaign mounted by the founding president Muhammad K. Mayanja in 1996 encouraged many Muslims to compete for political offices in subsequent elections, marking the start of the end of the marginalization of Muslims that this country had known since colonial era. And the fact that Jeema, despite its weaknesses, has stood the test of time is a credit to its leadership.

But these leaders also had serious shortcomings that made Jeema the laughing stock it is today. They became party presidents and party secretary-generals without adequate leadership experience in politics or in any other formal setting. This made them susceptible to all the uncertainties of trial and error. Until 2008, twelve years since they formed Jeema, they operated without secretariat, save for makeshift offices that appeared for one or two months during elections and closed shortly after.

Without headquarters and without central command the leaders could not meet to confer and to plot a course for the party. They could not even think. They lost touch with their district representatives, forgot everything about mobilization, and slept until the electoral commission would announce nomination dates for presidential and parliamentary elections. It was then that they would emerge from slumberland, fill nomination forms, hold a few rallies here and there and expect to win in elections.

This, unfortunately, is how most Muslim organizations in Uganda operate: without plan, without discipline, without direction. From schools to mosques and from firms to orphanages, Muslim organizations are managed haphazardly – without formal procedures, without proper record keeping and without proper accountability. Jeema is no exception.

It is this leadership that has failed almost on all accounts that remains in charge of the party.

Ammannya g’ebiseera nga bwe biyitibwa mu Luganda.

Ammannya g’ebiseera nga bwe biyitibwa mu Luganda.

Year – Omwaka, kino kigambo kya Luswayiri naye mu Luganda olwaffe lwennyini omwaka tuguyita – Ddaaza

Month – Mwezi, kino kigambo kya Luswayiri naye mu Luganda olwaffe lwennyini omwezi tuguyita – Zzooba

Week – Ssabbiiti/wiiki, bino bigambo bigwira, mu Luganda olutuufu ennaku omusaanvu tuziyita – Ddimaansi

Date – Ennaku z’omwezi, bino nabyo bigambo bigwira, mu Luganda tugamba nti – Enzingu e.g. 11th Nov – ng’enzingu kkumi nalumu mu zzooba erya Museenene

1. January – Gatonnya

Mu biro eby’edda ezzooba lino lyabanga lya kyengera, era ng’amatooke geengerera nnyo mu nsuku. Abaganda baagambanga nti: Owange, amatooke mayitirivu obungi, gano gatonnya butonnyi!

2. February – Mukutulansanja

Mu kiseera kino mu Buganda, ng’essaanja liggwera ddala mu nsuku, anti olw’omusana ogwayakanga okwekutula okuviira ddala mu Ntenvu (December) okumalako Gatonnya! Abaganda kyebaavanga boogera nti, guno omusana Mukutulansanja!

3. March – Mugulansigo

Mu kiseera kino, Abaganda mwe baateekerateekeranga ennimiro n’okunoonya ensigo ez’okusiga ng’eddaaza likkiridde. Bajjajjaffe nebasalawo ekiseera kino okukituuma Mugulansigo.

4. April – Kafumulampawu

Mu kiseera kino enswa Empawu mwezibuukira nezefuumuula okukamala. Era ekiseera kino kye kiva kiyitibwa ekya Kafumulampawu!

5. May – Muzigo

Mu kiseera kino enkuba etonnya nnyo (Enkuba eya Ttoggo) kale ebirime nebigingimuka nnyo era nebibala emmere nebikatagga. Ate ebisolo ebizaalibwa mu kiseera kino, naddala enkoko, tebitera kukula olw’obutiti obuyitirivu. Kale bajjajjaffe nebasalawo ekiseera kino okukiyita ekya Muzigo.

6. June – Ssebo Aseka

Ekiseera kino kyabanga kya kyengera ekya kasooli era nga bwe mumanyi, ensiri zaagala nnyo ebimera ebikutte ekifuko. Kale ensiri zaabanga nnyinnyi nnyo era nekireetera abantu okulwala omusujja (Malaria) kyokka ng’endwadde eno tebagimanyi. Olw’okwagala okufuna ku kabugumu, Ssebo (musajjamukulu ssemaka) yafulumyanga ku katebe ke akolugalaamiriro oba akaliba ke, n’agalamirako mu luggya mu kasana asobole okufuna ku kabugumu. Mukazi we yayokyanga kasooli era nga kasooli ayidde, yatumanga omwana nti: Twalira kitaawo kasooli ono alyeko. Omwana naye teyabanga mubi, ng’akikola. Mukaziwattu bwe yageranga ekiseera era ng’ategeka bulungi omusooli omulala ng’addamu okutuma omwana. Omwana bweyatuukanga ku kitaawe, yasaanganga kasooli gweyasoose okuleeta ng’akyali awo; ssi mukwateko ate nga taata amannyo gali kungulu! Anti bambi nga musajjamukulu yasomose dda, lututte ffenna abaatusooka gye baalaga. Mu butamanya, omwana yayitanga kitaawe nti: Taata, taata, nkuletedde kasooli omulala wuuno olyeko. Kyokka oli nga teri kanyego. Omwana yalowoozanga nti taata ali mu kumusekerera era kyeyavanga akomawo ewa nnyina n’amugamba nti: Ssebo aseka busesi! Nkanda kumuyita naye ye ansekerera busekerezi! Awo nno bajjajjaffe ekiseera ekyo nebasalawo okukiyita – Ssebo Aseka!

7. July – Kasambula

Mu kiseera kino omusana gwaka kitonotono, kale abantu ab’edda beeyambisanga ekiseera kino okusikambula mu nnimiro ebisoolisooli ebikaze n’okulima omuddo okuguggya mu bisaambu byabwe. Wano bajjajja kyebaava batuuma ekiseera kino – Kasambula.

8. August – Muwakanya

Mu kiseera kino mubaamu enkuba etonnyerera ate ng’erimu okubwatuka kwa Laddu (lightening). Abaganda ab’edda kino bakivvuunulanga nti enkuba eno eraanga okujja kw’eddaaza essajja (Male Year) eriyitibwa Ddumbi era erirwanyisa eddaaza ekkazi (Female Year) eriyitibwa Ttoggo. Kale bajjajja ekiseera kino nebakituuma ekya Muwakanya nga bagamba nti: Ddumbi awakanya Ttoggo.

9. September – Mutunda

Mu kiseera kino enswa eziyitibwa Entunda mwezibuukira, kko bajjajjaffe nti: owange, kino ekiseera kya Mutunda!

10. October – Mukulukusa Bitungotungo

Bajjajja bwebaalinga bakungula entuungo (ennyaga), emu yayiikanga mu nnimiro. Kale oluvannyuma lw’enkuba eya Muwakanya, entuungo eno yamerukanga. Naye mu kiseera kino, enkuba yeeyoongeranga obungi era okukkakkana ng’ekulukusizza entuungo eno ento eyabanga emeruse. Kko bajjajjaffe nti: Eno enkuba Mukulukusa Bitungotungo!

11. November – Museenene

Wano edda nga ky’ekiseera enkuba ey’olutentezi mweyatonnyeranga ate nga n’enseenene kawoomera mwezibuukira(bazzukulu ba Kalibbala munansonyiwa). Kale bajjajja ekiseera kino nebakituuma ekya Museenene.

12. December – Ntenvu

Mu kiseera kino ku ttale ebaayo ebiwuka ebiyitibwa entevu nga bingi ddala era bajjajja kwekutuuma ekiseera kino nti kya Ntenvu.

06:00 a.m. Lubungubungu oba Maliiri

Wano Omuganda ow’edda weyateranga okukkirira mu nnimiro n’atandika okukakkalabya ogwa kidima (enkumbi).

09:00 a.m. Emmindi esooka

Wano Abaganda webaawummuliranga okuva ku lubimbi ne balyoka bakoleeza emmindi zaabwe nebafuuwako. (Si kuloga, wabula kuwummulako)

10:00 a.m. Kalasa mayanzi

Wano omusana gwabanga gutandise okuwoomereza era nga amayanzi gabuuka gava wano gadda wali. Omuzungu bwe yaleeta Chai wano Omuganda we yanyweranga chai.

11:00 a.m. Emmindi eyokubiri

Wano abakazi Abaganda webaatandikiranga okuwaata emmere n’okufumba eky’emisana, era n’okukoleeza emmindi baddemu banyweko.

12:00 p.m. Ttuntu

Omuganda ekiseera kino yakitwalanga ng’amasekkati g’emisana era ng’omusana gwaka okwememula.

1.00 p.m. Malya g’ekyemisana

Wano Omuganda weyaliiranga eky’emisana.

2:00 – 3:00 p.m. Ggandaalo

Wano Omuganda weyawummulirangako emmere emukke mu ntumbwe. Ekigendererwa ekirala kyabanga kwewala kutambula mu musana ogwa ebisolo ebikambwe n’emisota webisiingira okuba n’obukambwe obusukkiridde.

4:00 p.m. Akalabirizabazaana

Wano omukazi Omuganda weyatandikiranga okutegeka ekyeggulo*

6:00 – 7:00 p.m Enjuba weegoloobera (sunset)

Wano Omuganda weyaliiranga ekyeggulo*.

7:00 – 9:00 p.m

Wano abakulu baakumanga ekyoto nebanyumya ebyafaayo n’engero ez’abedda.

9:00 – 10:00 p.m. Kawooza masiga

Edda amasiga gaaberanga ga mbaalebaale oba njaziyazi, kale nga galwawo okuwola. Ekkiseera kino kyabalibwanga nga amasiga wegawolera.

11:00 p.m. Ekisisimuko ekisooka

Wano Omuganda eyabanga yeebase oluvannyuma lw’emboozi y’ekyoto, weyasisimukiranga yeetegereze ebifa ebweru, ssi kulwa ng’ekyalo kizindiddwa.

00:00 a.m (Midnight) Ttumbi

Ekiseera kino kyabalibwanga ng’amasekkati g’ekiro.

1:00 a.m. Mattansejjere

Ekiseera kino enswa ensejjere mwezibuukira, era Omuganda anatta ensejjere emisana yalinga yategese omumuli gwe ogw’okumulisa ensejjere nga zigwa mu nvubo.

3.00 a.m Kinywambogo

Wano embogo wezitandikira olunaku lwazo nga zitandika n’okunywa amazzi mu myala oba emigga.

4:00 a.m. Enkoko embereberye

Wano empanga wezisookera okukookolima, n’oluvannyuma neziddamu ku ssaawa ekkumi nebbiri (6:00 a.m.). Era wano wewaava n’okuyimba oluyimba nti:

Mukasa akeera, akeera ku nkoko

Mukasa akeera, akeera ku nkoko embereberye.

5:00 a.m. Mmaambya (dawn) Enkoko eyokubiri

Wano emmsambya eba esaze (nga ku ggulu kuzzeeko ekitangaala ekimyufu).

5:30 a.m. Matulutulu

Ku ggulu kuba kuzzeeko ekitangaala ekya kyenvu era obunyonyi butandika okukaaba oba okuyimba.

6:00 a.m. Maliiri oba Lubungubungu

*Ekyeggulo – (supper) kino ky’ekigambo eky’Oluganda ekituufu okukozesa bw’oba otegeeza okulya emmere ey’akawuungeezi. Waliwo Abaganda abakozesa mu bukyamu ekigambo Ekyekiro nga baagala okutegeeza “Supper” oba emmere eriibwa akawuungeezi. Ekyo ekigambo kikyamu mu makulu ago era kiwemula.

*Ekyekiro – Nnazzikuno (edda) ng’omusajja Omuganda bw’ava ku mboozi y’ekyoto, nga yeefubitika ensiisiraye era ng’agamba mukazi we nti: owange, kati katulye Ekyekiro; amakulu nti “Let’s play sex”. Kale nno bwekatakutaandanga n’okikubawo mulujjudde nti: Bannange mujje tulye Ekyekiro, oba nti: Gundi yatusaanze tulya ekyekiro!



By Abbey Kibirige Semuwemba, UK

Its ok to compare Besigye/FDC with Bobi/ NUP, but the wrinkle here is that it’s like comparing apples and oranges. Besigye is a whole, Bobi is broken – he has created a colossal mess in opposition politics that will take years to clean up.

First, Besigye first stood for elections in 2001 at the time nobody, even in NRM, could dare stand against Museveni. Actually, if any popular musician at that time had tried to stand against Museveni, I believe most Ugandans would have laughed at him or her. But Besigye dared, ended up in exile in south Africa for 4 years, attempts were made on his life even while in exile, but he dared again to come back to Uganda for context in 2006.

As expected, he was arrested after a few days in the country. Andrew Mwenda is on record saying that Besigye’s arrest then was supposed to end into his assassination, but he survived due to a few sympathetic friends inside the army and intelligence organs. He only campaigned for three weeks in 2006 but he allegedly won the election, according to Gen. Sejusa(formerly called Tinyefunza).

As a very young lad, 2006 was my first time to intently follow an election, and it was a year of so much pain in my life at a personal level. On polling day, my eyes were glued on a computer screen throughout the night monitoring the results coming on both Simba Fm and Daily Monitor websites, and everything pointed towards a Besigye win. Then, suddenly, both sites were offline, and I was gutted. I later came to learn that an order from above had stopped them from relaying results.

Then that very night, Chelsea was playing Barcelona in the Champions league, and guess what? It also ended in tears. I remember a Chelsea player, Del Horno, getting a red card after a corner, but Chelsea kept pushing. The referee, like Uganda’s Electoral Commission, seemingly rigged it for Barcelona as he added more unnecessary minutes that led to a Messi goal pushing Barcelona through.

Even up to that point, Besigye and others in FDC still believed in elections, and thought they would give it another try in 2011. Trust me, FDC and its friends put every resource in the book into that election. FDC nominated 288 candidates for MP. But like they say, if you don’t have a plan, your rival has a plan, and it will manifest itself into your defeat. Besigye got only 26% while Museveni got 68%, and nobody could understand how he could have got that without figures being shaken up.

The head of the EU monitors, Edward Scicluna, said, ‘’We have found the power of incumbency was exercised to such an extent as to compromise severely the level playing field between the competing candidates and political parties,”. But all that didn’t help or save the day. General Museveni matched on and is still matching on. The worst part is, none of that was Besigye’s fault.

2016 was another similar story as the above, but all in all, Besigye won the election, again according to Gen. Sejusa, but winning didn’t help him become president, or change anything. And that’s when Besigye swore never to involve himself in Museveni’s fraudulent elections. The population had been charged up towards the same belief of ‘no – more – elections’, though elections help to build momentum towards plan B and C.

Its like Museveni knew how determined Besigye was with the threat not to participate in elections again. Guess what? He directly or indirectly created a decoy in the name of Bobi Wine. There was a string of By-elections between 2017 and 2018, and all Museveni needed to do was to help one group win against the other. NRM needed to lose most of them for the plan to work, and it worked.

Bang, everyone was singing, ‘Bobi Wine, Bobi Wine’. They even later named him ‘Principal’ (whatever that means). Museveni had got his 2021-21 candidate and, therefore, he didn’t need Besigye anymore. And whatever Besigye was planning, his cord connecting him to the public had been cut off. So, Besigye’s plans were for Besigye alone without too much public support. Bobi, in the meantime, made the public believe in the elections again. Bobi’s political fights ultimately became a ruse to entrap innocent people –yes, many have been killed. Bobi’s plan had something in it to annoy almost every party leader.

Some things need time to marinate before they can be grilled. Besigye had stood all those times to grill Uganda into knowing that elections cannot remove Museveni from power. Bobi’s supporters, on the other hand, thought opposition politics was more about passing batons. So, what happened in Kayunga a few days ago, is something to be celebrated, in the context of going back to the original ideas and plans. My worry is that Museveni will likely let the opposition win a few byelections again, to make them believe in elections again. He always sneaks up on you like a tiny Ninja when it comes to political moves.

Besigye is in a class of his own

By Abbey Kibirige Semuwemba

Besigye is in a class of his own. Few people can subject themselves to what he has gone through in the last 20 years.

There are people that are invested in uniting the opposition now, and a good start would be an acknowledgement that Besigye, in the previous elections, came closer to achieving power than any leader in the opposition— some people, like Gen.Sejjusa David, are on record saying that he won both the 2006 and 2016 elections. He should be regarded as an elder statesman and valued for his influence within the opposition. He is still an asset, not a liability, to the opposition.

The persistent attempts to misrepresent him, his words and his ideas, to trash his legacy and to consign him to history as ineffectual, incompetent, self-seeking and pro-Museveni are not only an offence to the man himself, but also to the whole of the FDC and to natural justice. He shouldn’t be called a mole simply because some of you want to sell your leaders: that particular assumption would fly in the face of the available evidence– I am talking about how much he has suffered in the name of opposing president Museveni, including losing his own brother, Joseph Musasizi Kifefe, who died while in prison on November 29th 2007.

Ugandans should support the Red-card front, embrace it, and not get moved by tribal sentiments, or anti- Besigye statements by selfish leaders.  Delaying to restore the whip to Besigye after the 2020-21 elections,  has basically hamstrung the main effective voice in the opposition (or at least one they are most afraid of).


By: Joachim Kiwanuka

No where in the world, since the birth of democracy in 5th Century B.C, has a dictator been replaced by a comedian.

Yes, a comedian can emerge and float himself into political prominence – but only through an established democracy with strong state institutions and non-state institutions (CSOs, religious institutions and academic institutions ) that have sufficient checks and balances on the political scene.

Uganda is the first country in the world that accepted an enormous breed of comedians into politics, and went farther to vote them into offices.

Comedians are inherently jokers. They joke about everything. Besides entertainment, they make fun of everything and everyone except themselves and what they do.

Comedians put up a performance about things they are most unserious about because they want to entertain you. Sometimes they are funny, hilarious, humorous, ironical or sarcastic.

Bobi Wine can sarcastically attack Kizza Besigye knowing he faces no consequences.

In Uganda, once we accepted them into politics, our Pearl of Africa became a THEATRE.

The legacy of Bobi Wine (artiste) who contested in politics as Robert Kyagulanyi and continues to behave as Bobi Wine (comedian) will take long to be corrected.

Robert Kyagulanyi is a scam. If Uganda was a country of morally upright people, we would be outraged. But since we can’t be angry at Y.K. Museveni, we can’t be angry at his protégé muzzukulu Kyagulanyi.

Both are manipulative, unethical, liars, corrupt and unpatriotic. However, while Museveni has a mission of staying in power until death, Kyagulanyi moves like a headless chicken.

It’s the same mentality that Kyagulanyi has infused into NUP- a party founded by the NRM as NURP in 2004 and sold to Kyagulanyi in 2020 on recommendation of Museveni’s brother Salim Saleh.   Which politician buys a political party?

While Museveni runs NRM as his family business, Kyagulanyi runs NUP as Firebase entertainment.

Firebase (NUP) is an entertainment business. Everyone who joins it submits to Bobi Wine and must behave like him- tell lies at  all  times. Like Museveni, Bobi Wine tells the truth by accident. When he opens his mouth to speak, it’s  lies, lies, lies and more lies.

Before I forget, did Bobi Wine get a kidney transplant? Should I remind you when he was walking on crutches, and as he went to perform in Kenya, he forgot them in Kampala and recovered immediately he reached Entebbe Airport? Should I remind you when he was giving an interview in US and forgot about crutches and stood up without them?

Bring  his right hand man Zzaake Francis in the picture. The man has been walking with a limp since 2017 and on crutches. After he was made Commissioner of Parliament, he went to Tanzania and won 100m race. Miraculous healing after winning a fat and juicy position.

Again, while Zzaake was  reportedly in ICU on life support for months, his wife was getting pregnant. How did Zzaake make his wife pregnant while in ICU?

Look at Joel Ssenyonyi! He was a wannabe news anchor before he joined Bobi Wine’s People Power (Firebase Entertainment) as Spokesperson; obviously as he opportunistically eyed Nakawa Parliamentary seat.

Ssenyonyi was teargassed once from where he immediately went on crutches. Does teargas affects bones? He spent the whole campaign period moving on crutches. He also managed to make his wife pregnant while he was on crutches. After his declaration as MP Nakawa West, he forgot about the crutches.

Uh! Brace yourselves for Betty Nambooze, the QUEEN OF FOOLERY. Nambooze has spent three years moving in a wheelchair in public. At home, she plays hide and seek with her children unaided. If Nambooze wasn’t in menopause, she would be pregnant like Shamim Malende.

Nambooze pursuaded Kayunga lady Harriet Nakwedde to quit FDC to which she belonged and assured her that she would be elected WMP Kayunga.

Not surprising since Nambooze publicly says she doesn’t believe in FDC although she would opportunistically associate with Besigye.

People in FDC tell me that Nakwedde had never engaged in comic political theatrics until she joined NUPcomedy store. She lost to Aida Nantaba again in 2021.

Most recently during  her bid to become Kayunga District Chairperson, she feigned a wound on her face on the advice of Nambooze to gain sympathy. The would shifted from left right at will. When a plaster was put on her face, there was no security in sight to suggest a confrontation.

We desperately want Museveni out, but you voted polit-rickers. They have instead emboldened Museveni to rule us without end in sight knowing that he has comedians trying to figure out how to oppose him.

Can NUP lead us to remove Museveni? It never will happen. Bali mu COMEDY.

Say no to comedy as plan to liberate Uganda.

Ex-Museveni Spy: Bobi Wine Works For Museveni

In this last General Election we had reached that decisive stage and defining moment to stop and not to boycott the general election to deny Museveni that critical legitimacy out of the silly election.

Museveni was very desperate for a Muganda tribalist who would whip the anti-Museveni Baganda into the elections.

The definition of that Muganda was such that he would be easily isolatable from the rest of Uganda and mainly Western Uganda.

There were such Museveni agents initially in DP who were mainly interested in constituencies ready to do the deal.

Kyagulanyi in the meetings of Kabira Club with the Deep State functionaries put up a coalition of self-seeking reactionaries to rescue Museveni from the cage.

You whipped the population into an election well knowing it was a silly election. You put up a well-paid gang on social media to demonize and insult dissenters.

You organized a campaign here in Buganda against the NRA local leaders based on ethnicity and threatened Museveni supporters, you would harm them on your victory for their ethnicity thereby solidifying the Museveni support base.

You a disgrace who did serious harm to the liberation effort against the Occupation Alnakba.

Now feel the heat.

You wanted to repeat the same stupidity in Kayunga but the conscious liberation fighters overwhelmed you. If your gang had won, the population would be in celebrations and relaxed. That would destroy the struggle against the Deep State.

The conscious imposed this silly victory against Museveni and now the instinctive population appreciates elections are meaningless.

The liberation struggle against the Deep State Occupation Alnakba requires a United Political Front. We need the pro-Museveni unconscious masses sufficiently angry. The Kyagulanyi gang-Museveni divide benefits Museveni.

Kyagulanyi is a traitor and must not play any role in the United Political Front. Parliament passed a law amending the Finance Law and the Oil and Gas Law. The Kyagulanyi gang in Parliament were compromised not to spill the debate to the general masses.

By Charles Rwomushana

The writer is the Former Internal Security Organization (ISO) chief of political intelligence


 *By your Muzukulu, Peter Katusabe of Kagadi.*

First of all, ihave no credentials to say hello Shenkuru? Simply because i’m no body in government. I hold no special rank in UPDF, NRM or Local Government leadership, im simply an academician your excellency. Im simply an ordinary citizen born by a couple of economically vulnerable bafuruki immigrants in Ruteete Settlement scheme that hosts over 20000 former banyakigezi natives who were re settled in bunyoro in 1960s through the bilateral arrangement between Ngorogoza ( mukiga prime chief) and omukama Sir Winyi Tito Rukirabasaija of Bunyoro kitara in early 60s.

Mr president, my background as an imigrant descendant gave me courage to persue education to change the plight many of our ancestors faced when they turned down missionary education and opted to provide casual labor in tea plantations and construction sites. Many banyakigezi are scattered the whole country not because of their wish, but because their ancestors are everywhere as aresult of casual laborforce in factories and farm estates. A few lucky banyakigezi like Rugunda, Mbabazi, Mutebire, Nzeyi(RIP), Besigye, Mateke, Mulenga, Nuwagaba, Bahati, Nzeirwe, Bitature, keiwha, Kagonyera, the list is long your excellency, are a reflection of atrue banyakigezi generation that were able to obtain missionary education through good schools like Ntare, Butobore, immaculate heart, mbarara high, Nyakasura, Kyegobe, Mutorere among other powerful schools. The above gentlemen came from similar poor family backgrounds like me or even worse. What saved them was that the education sector by then was largely a government service and one’s head only stood for him or her.

Your excellency you remember your days in Ntare with my neighbor Matia Kasaija, your economic background never mattered but rather your level of intellect at Junior level. Junior education by then was purely in government hands and was an open space for every ugandan academically talented to showcase his capacity at the performance in the cambridge Junior exams. This is how the makerere university was then a centre of excellence for the country’s most cream.

With the coming of the beast of Washington codnamed *liberalisation* , Jaja you were misadvised by the imperialists whom you have for long opposed, to liberalise everything and let the market forces determine the future of every citizen.

 Banks collapsed ,  you are aware KCB bank is the most successful foreign bank here mr president while UCB was swallowed by stanbic bank SA. Our Uganda railway corporation is in permanent hideout, our UTL is winding up, Our UTC transport company fell flat, everything was swallowed by imperialists and we got subjugated in 1995.

Your excellency,  I would address you on anumber of things,  but i am going to concentrate on your great love for Scientists against other proffessionals in the country


Mr president,  as soon as you privatised,  the education sector was sold to imperialists.The intention of the brettonwoods institutions in New york is to create class strata where there is sharp class division between masters and servants. One class deprives the other of all its natural advantages and perpetually makes it its servant through the capitalist approach.

As soon as you left education to private sector,  mr president the other first cream group of banyakigezi vanished. They got divided in to two. The masters and the slaves. Im sorry to use banyakigezi because i found them very familiar to me, since im one of them.

Liberalisation meant that government would nolonger determine merit of talent but rather one’s economic and political status.Primary education was left to dogs as soon as UPE was introduced and investment per capita on every pupil stood at 3000 Ush per annum.( UPE capitation grant). This affected learning in UPE coupled with high teacher pupil ratio and high textbook pupil ratio. Twaweza research findings of 2016 indicated that only 10% of pupils in P6 could read the P4 class English passage.Eventually since 1997 todate,  UPE comfortably enjoys front position of pupils in failed grades and division four. UPE pupils rarely pass in division one and those who afford first grade in UPE like i did in 2003, are simply extra ordinary. Its of recent that a primary teacher started earning 400,000 monthly your excellency. We pay tribute to James Tweheyo’s spirited fight that saw 100℅ teacher salary enhancement.

Mr president, the poor pupils from UPE are immediately put aside of the sytem as the previous National merit schools like Ntare and Bweranyangi eliminate them through the cut throat competition where their lowest S1 entry grades are aggregate 4&5.

Your bazukulu from kyamate, Ruteete COU, mutunguru primary schools are shown red card never to enter the first world schools.

Those who enter first world govt schools like Buddo, Ntare, Mbarara high, SMACK,  Gayaza,  Nabisunsa,  St Henrys,  Uganda matyrs Namugongo are children of your cabinet ministers like Frank Tumwebaze, Robina Nabbanja,  Cris Baryomunsi, Jim Muwhezi, Haruna kasoro, Peter Ogwang etc. These are primarily educated at Homisdallen,  Flobetto,  Kampala parents, Good times infants etc where school fees per term is 2M UGX as same ministers approve for us the economically vulnerable kids 8000shs per year in UPE schools.

Eventually mr president,  your UPE bazukulu are dumped in 3rd world USE schools where learning never take place and the highly demotivated secondary teachers are ingaged in produce buying,  boda boda,  retail shops and rearing animals. Teaching in USE schools stand at 40℅ as 60℅ of time is never committed to learning. What happens at end of S4,  your UPE graduates who constitute 90℅ of OLevel pass with flying colors of F9 in maths, English,  chemistry, physics, biology and ICT. Mr president its on this level that politicians and technocrats get their children excell with agg 8, 9 and 10 in the other first class govt schools. These join S5 with PCB, PCM, BCM , PEM and at failure MEG.

Upon S6,  they advance to makerere, Kyambogo, Busitema, Gulu and Mbarara to persue medicine, Engneering, Computer science and Veterinary. These scholarships are funded by my poor mother in Ruteete who is taxed on every household item such as sugar, soap, airtime, petrol, clothes, everything. The money mr Rujuki collects from me and my villagemates is what pays school fees for doctor students at makerere. These are children of katumba wamala, Jacob Oulanya, Edward Sekandi, Bright Rwamirama, Keneth Omona, Richard Twodong the list is endless.

On the other hand mr president,  we your poor bazukulu from public schools are compelled to offer arts subjects like History, RE, Fine Art, Economics, Literature etc and our courses at University are SWASA, Development studies, Psychology, BBA, Arts with education etc.

Mr president, those who fail to get tax payers money at A level have introduced Students Loan scheme to borrow money from treasury and persue science courses(90℅) of the scheme and leave 10% to relevant arts courses.

Mr president,  as soon as the children of your ministers graduate, are absorbed in civil service as Doctors, Engneeers, agriculturalists and researchers. Their fathers in your cabinet find it shameful for their children to earn 720, 000 UGX  like i earn at the gombolola as a graduate Arts cadre officer and have instead convinced you to make their entry basic pay 2,500, 000UGX and classified their scale as U4science for justification of this impunity and capitalist symptom.

Consequently mr president, one officer like CDO at Gombolora is paid 600k monthly and is the focal person for sub county planning and cordination of all development plans and interventions like Emyooga , YLP, UWEP and parish model. The CDO is the clinical officer of rural transformation and has the onus of transforming the 68℅ households still battling abject poverty. All the huge investment plans in attaining vision 2040 are cordinated and implemented by the poorly remunerated social scientists at sub counties and parishes. Eventually they are not productive and not committed to their jobs but have rather adopted same style like secondary teachers i ealier mentioned who spend 60% on their errands and 40% teaching your poor bazukulu. The outcome of this type of education i have already analysed.


The long term effect mr president is that just as Karl max stated, capitalism breeds a system that eventually leads to its collapse. The notion that development will come from scientists alone is adisillusion, misguided and politically motivated egocentric mal advise given by the above rulers that get chance to reach you mr president. The duty to organise state development mr president is aresponsibility of planners and social scientists who research development policies and design their application. Unfortunately these are not engneers nor doctors. These are people who have mastered economics, history, geography and and public policy and can design development models like parish development model mr president.

As you are aware, the engines of implementation of the much anticipated parish model are parish chiefs mr president who by their background are arts students with public administration, Development studies or SWASA. I have not seen doctors and engneers being solicited to fill these vacancies at parish level mr president

Therefore mr president, owing to this very long discourse and practical analysis,  i call upon an establishment of an independent Salary review commission to address the issue of Salary disparity in civil service and harness wagebills in MDAs.

I would recommend a 30% difference between the two cadres of same rank. Assuming a veterinary doctor at Gombolora earns 3, 000, 000,UGX Community Development Officer who share same U4 scale should earn 2, 100,000 and this becomes standard yardstick in all sectors of public service.

 This should also be proceeded with radical public service reform including abolishment of duplicate agencies and authorities as you earlier recommended to avoid heamorage of state resources in paying redundant human resource duplicating services in public service and local governments.

I equally recommend that science teachers only advance 30℅ disparity against their arts counterparts for practical allowance other than proffessional ridicule on arts teachers.

Thank you your excellency,  This is my humble opinion as your muzukulu who went through UPE, USE, Public University at Kyambogo on Govt scholarship,  qualified with a first class in Development Studies and is currently a junior cadre humbly serving at degree scale of U4L that attracts 720,000 against my coleague science cadres of U4sc whom you pay 2, 400, 000 monthly your excellency.

Surprisingly its me mr president  who cordinates their activities and ensure that your clarical call on poverty eradication is implemented as per your good vision for your bazukulu by 2040 where no muzukulu should be less than 1000USD per capita .

God bless you mr president, God bless your visionary leadership and God guide you in establishing an independent salary review commission.

Regards to you from your iron lady RDC Ruteraho Lilian of Kagadi,  Your friend Ndugu Mfashingabo, Mrs Adrin Tibaleka your strong revolutionary cadre and thank you for granting us Kagadi and Kakumiro Districts and appointing our daughter Robina as leader of govt business. The Kigumba Kabwoya Kyenjojo turmack is also fully completed and Mubende Kakumiro Kibaale Kagadi muhooro road is in excellent shape. We are only waiting your good finance minister to fund Muhorro Ndaiga 40km stretch and have our region a next hub of economic growth your excellency.

Im sorry where i have offended any scientist, my honest opinion is based on rural experience and hands on experience of what is taking place in implementing vision 2040 as guided by HE the president.

I would also feel proud if you allowed me your excellency to work with the talented brains at the Parish model National secretariat and make this excellent program an international benchmark upon which developing countries would come here and be assisted on application of this model in five years from today.

About PFT:Some talking points guidelines

1. People’s  Front for Transition( PFT)  is  an all inclusive, non-partisan  , non- violent,  civil defiance  platform .

2. Unlike previous , pressure groups and initiatives, PFT  also known  as  ‘The Redcard  Front’ ,is not an election platform and will not engage in electioneering activities ,with members jostling for elective State offices.

3. PFT members will  use the  red card as their only weapon , to  show it to  public servants who work against people’s interests , as expression of  their dissatisfaction.

4.Subscribers  to PFT have learnt the hard way , since 1996 ,that the NRM military  junta will not be removed from power  through  their  highly commercial ized and militarized elections , periodically organized and supervised as a ritual  by  them. Those elections are  used as  tools  for securing  legitimacy to  their  dictatorial military rule .

5.Subscribers to PFT ideals  are therefore resolved and  committed to unite and  work together , to raise citizens,  awareness in order for them to  cause change in  the  governance of Uganda, from military rule to people  controlled governance. Citizens shall therefore , pressurize the regime to  negotiate their  exit,  without causing chaos and  unnecessary loss of life and property.

6. The main goals of PFT  are  ,to raise  awareness of the people,  assist them to organize themselves to secure  their  freedom ,  control of  their country ,better livelihoods and a  Transitional  Adminstration that will work on a reset of national governance system centered on the ordinary citizens’ interests .

7.During the  agreed Transition  period ,PFT  will carry out social – economic  reforms , Constitutional reforms ,giving more custodian powers to the citizens and organize Free and Fair elections .

8. PFT is not an alliance of political Parties .It is a struggle  front of all oppressed and deprived citizens  like  bodabodas , taxi and bus drivers , traders ,market vendors , students , teachers,  local investors, academia , workers , gatekeepers, houseaides , farmers ,salon owners , CSOs , NGOs, political Parties and pressure groups .

9.. PFT  will identify  with the individual  causes of  all these interest groups and join them in their quest  and efforts to achieve  better livelihoods  , more freedom and ownership of their country.

10.PFT will  agitate and push for a comprehensive Covid Recovery National Plan  to address the effects of the  pandemic on  the population.

11. PFT  will continue to work overtly and covertly  for  a broad unity of purpose of all opposition entities ,  oppressed citizens and progressive NRM members  in order to realize a meaningful  Transitional  Administration and order .

12. PFT will not interfer with the work of those opposition groups which still  have hope to use elections alone to defeat and remove the dictatorship.

I don’t see NUP surviving into the next elections

By Gwokto La’Kitgum via UAH forum

NUP is a party going to implode and disintegrate by its own undoing. A party haphazardly created thru egoism perishes with its founder(s). The rush to push aside FDC proved how mature FDC was and still is.

Like a true gentleman, FDC didn’t want to put up a fight for opposition dominance but gently stepped aside to the egoistic fellow(s) to get the taste of their own medicine

I don’t see NUP surviving into the next elections.

Just out of a national election NUP members are already tearing and shredding each other to vapor. To be honest, there is a lot of greed in NUP. Greed that its head wears visibly up his shirt sleeves. These days they shove hotrods and sharp pegs up each other’s unmentionable yet even worst, many at its top have extremely checkered pasts (and present)

And while NUP will come to pass joining Uganda’s ghost parties, viz. UPC? DP, KY, etc, FDC – the party of ladies and gentlemen – will stay put.

In a way? I should hope FDC has been making good of its vacation to regroup and recalibrate its TAF (target, aim, fire) objectives – courtesy of NUP which itself is plunging into the abyss of doom and beyond reincarnation in any form.

No safety net.

I am reminded of how native North Americans hunted Bisons (American Buffalos) in ancient times

I liken NUP to a herd of North American bisons aka Tatanka rightly in native Lakota language. You have all heard or seen or eaten (which i have but never will I eat again)

Natine Americans never went hunting to kill’em with bows and arrows. No. That would have been suicidal. Instead, they tricked them while burlesquing or disguised as predatory wolves and mimicking the cry of a calf in distress; For miles communal hunters from various villages would chase

All appearing successful escape except, the ferocious bisons would in fact be heading at breakneck speed to steep rocky cliffs and gauges 50 to 100 meters deep. Down there they bludgeon themselves on heartless rocks while other fall on the others piercing horns or are maimed instantly.

The Bison in this case is NUP. The native hunters in wolves skin would be the cunning NRM that’s luring NUP to meet its end over the merciless rocky mountain cliffs.

NUP is making a mistake to fight Besigye & PFT using tribalism

By Peter Okurut Simon via UAH forum

It’s false to assume that the whole western Uganda votes 100% NRM, and even if it did, it would mean the party campaigned well to convince the electorate there.

What is true about the high number of seats won by NRM in western Uganda, is it because those people are ” sleeping and need to be woken up?”

Why don’t you ask the organizers to explain why they chose Kampala and by the way, it’s not Baganda as a region that was chosen for the launch.

NUP Playing in the tribal card? That’s exactly what the regime wants to inculcate in people’s minds.

Examine the list of attendees to the launch, I think there are more Baganda than other people from other tribes, which in your view should make it the business of central Uganda, Baganda to be exact.

Suppose it was in western Uganda with same composition, wouldn’t westerners tell the Besigyes to take back “their thing to Baganda,” they are many Founding members from the region including Besigye that has a home in Kasangati, which qualifies him to own a voice or place in the region.

Last time NRM people were discouraging youths from Baganda from joining Besigye and the Walk to Work protests arguing that Aslem, Besigye’s son, was enjoying in US. And many people, may be including you were buying such reasoning without asking the same people whether Muhoozi, Museveni’s son ever stepped in Luwero Triangle so that they saw it odd for Besigye’s to miss in protests or better still whether politics must be on family lines.

If we have to reason along such lines, then all should just focus on their regions, Baganda to stay in Baganda, westerners in the west, northerners in the north and easterners similarly in the their region, who would then how will be central government be formed?

Which calls for federal government, which is out of the question at the moment, I support it but it just be given in silver platter, still we have to work together, criss-crossing regional boundaries to sell the idea!

I think there’s no single method to use, actually, NUP’s suggestion of majority seats is only possible in a free and fair elections.

Unfortunately, Uganda has a deficit in those areas – money and the security forces determine who wins, the government has a fair monopoly of those two, so many options and players need to be employed same time.

However, in military and even games such as  gambling etc such beliefs have been dismantled.  We have seen mighty armies and their well decorated Generals defeated.

What is important is strategy, confidence, and prayer, yes, prayers too.

Mbale in 1960s

Mbale in 1960s

Uganda’s 800 victims of fake Covid jabs: WHO, FBI, Interpol should act

By Swaib K Nsereko

Department of Mass Communication, Islamic University in Uganda

That death is happening among the hapless 800 victims of strange substances rather than authentic Covid-19 vaccines, is a scandal of global scales. It’s more than conventional terrorism in magnitude. A crime against humanity that transcends sovereign jurisdiction. Of the victims, are some of multiple nationalities; very typical of extreme violence that targets indiscriminately.

When the State House-Uganda whistle blew the tragedy in a press conference last week, the target audience wasn’t the vulnerable Ugandan. Nor the domestic investigation agencies—these were already privy. It was the international audience.        

To Ugandans the revelation was even risky. It reinforced existing doubts surrounding the entire vaccination exercise and several other myths happening in Covid-19 treatment health centers. Citizens were already more alarmed with death rates of patients going to hospitals than those resorting to unconventional alternatives. The broader consequence of the tragedy is the effect it has to make more people shun even authentic Covid-19 vaccinations. This risks multiplying community infections—necessitating extended lockdowns, frustrations, miseries—all ultimately upsetting the economy. In fact, health minister Jane R Acheng already anticipates high infection numbers throughout August despite the current lockdown scheduled to have ended this July.  

While whistleblowing the unfortunate action, Dr Warren Naamara, the head of State House Health Monitoring Unit revealed that some of the victims have already died. He said the killer project coordinator, Dr Francis Baguma is on the run. The killer team of health workers was facilitated with well labeled kits including personal protection equipment—PPEs, vaccination cards, vaccine carriers and vials of Covid-19 vaccines. They had absorbent cotton, medical examination gloves and record-keeping books for accountability. This confirms a well-systematic network pursuant to a particular goal. According to Dr Naamara, so far victims have been identified in major economic sectors involving direct foreign investors—FDIs such as in the construction industry (Dott Services—the main contractors for road constructions in DRC and Tororo cement—the main suppliers of construction hardware). Other targets are from the banking industry such as Diamond Trust Bank and United Bank of Africa. Yet others are from the major manufacturing companies like Uganda Bati, Madhvani, Seven Hills and Dot Maxs Packaging. These are companies that describe the depth of Uganda’s private sector, the country’s economic nerve-center.  Hence the action clues a calculative racket under the guise of Covid-19 to advance its economic and political goals.  

Therefore, the primary focus of investigation teams comprising agencies of International stature, should be to establish the broadness of the criminal network—beyond Uganda. Uganda’s own capacity of conducting such complex investigations is limited.

On its part, the world health organization—WHO, has to interest itself in identifying where else similar counterfeit accessories have applied. What were the consequences by who and for what? This will inform a world deterrent effect against a replica of similar conduct in other countries. These are the times for international agencies like WHO, FBI and Interpol to justify their physical presence in Uganda. They should share their global competence in tracking criminal fugitives. Dr Francis Baguma is within their reach. He is best equipped to tell the full length of the tale as it happened.

Assistant  Lecturer, Islamic University in Uganda (IUIU)Mass Communication Dept
P.O Box 7689 Kampala, UgandaTel: +256701872431


30th June 2021

HEALTH (especially public health) is a PUBLIC GOOD that’s created through collective choice; paid for collectively; and supplied to recipients without charge (or below cost). That’s why the Government is indispensable in the delivery of healthcare.

Since Covid19 was first confirmed in Uganda in March 2020, there has been strong concern on it’s management. These concerns were generally ignored or, even, ridiculed by the Government.

Uganda reached Stage 3 of Covid19 transmission in June 2020 and the 4th and last stage- WIDE-SCALE COMMUNITY TRANSMISSION- by Aug/Sep 2020. That meant that Uganda had, by that time,  lost the battle of tracing and controlling the spread of the disease.

The main reasons for the early loss of transmission control can be traced to 1) wrong framework and structures for managing the pandemic and 2) poor planning and implementation.


We pointed out at the onset that circumstances created by the pandemic, which threatened the economic life and public safety of our country necessitated a declaration of a State of Emergency, provided for under Article 110 of Uganda Constitution.

This would have offered Parliament (and the country) an opportunity to scrutinise and approve a plan for managing the Emergency and for monitoring the implementation of such a plan.

Apart from the absence of continuous parliamentary involvement, there was also over-reliance on political (PM & RDCs), rather than technical structures in managing the pandemic.


Right from the onset, it was necessary to have and widely share a plan that dealt with the following:

Controlling the spread of the virus.

 Monitoring the Covid19 transmission;

Increase in healthcare facilities, healthcare workers and their motivation.

Socioeconomic and healthcare support for the population.

Research on pandemic; including, the mutations, medicines and vaccines.

Long term socioeconomic recovery.

The above two cardinal weaknesses translated into three major negative outcomes from which loss of Covid19 transmission control was inevitable:

Firstly, lack of effective, timely and continuous communication of information on the pandemic to the population.

Secondly, wrong policies; especially 1) allowing continued 24/7 importation of virus by truck operators; 2) absence of a post-lockdown containment plan and 3) general elections, starting with NRM primaries, that ensured countrywide dissemination from the urban centres.

Thirdly, loss of faith/good-will in Government’s response generally. This was especially occasioned by: 1) widespread brutality and abuse of Human Rights in enforcement of poorly understood measures; 2) abrupt lockdown without corresponding attention to people’s socioeconomic (food, rent, water, energy etc) and healthcare needs; 3) massive government borrowing (~ $ 2bn) followed by a corruption bonanza, as people’s suffering intensified; 4) Government and NRM leaders violating Covid19 SOPs with impunity, while others were brutally treated for far less or no violations at all; 5) absence of post-lockdown socioeconomic recovery measures for most hard-hit sections of the population; and 6) Weaponising Covid19 to grab power again in 2021 “elections”, where NRM/M7 Junta opponents were totally crippled on account of controlling the pandemic.


In spite of losing the control of Covid19 transmission, illness and hospitalisation declined. Illness results from a combination of the aggressiveness of the virus, quantity of virus (load) in the body and the body immunity (ability of body to fight off the infection).

It would appear that Africans may have had greater immunity against the original virus (SARS-CoV-2) from China. It also appears that the young population of African countries meant that there was a high level of infected people without any symptoms.

This was, on one hand, celebrated as being a result of good Government response to the pandemic; while, on the other, it confirmed to a skeptical population that Covid19 was a hoax all along, being politically and corruptly driven!

Covid19 waves are driven by, both, human behaviour and changes in the virus itself.

The skeptical population had abandoned any attention to the SOPs for controlling Covid19 spread and, having lost control of transmission, meant new types (variants) were being imported or locally generated and widely spread.

The deceptive decline was the calmness before the storm.


The current Covid19 wave rampaging the country is the result of the lost control of transmission, lack of population observing the SOPs, progressive decline of people’s immunity and at least 5 new variants of the virus that are more aggressive.

Regrettably, because of the weaknesses outlined above, the 2nd wave came when the Government preparedness wasn’t much different from March 2020 and when the population had become much more vulnerable.

All the concerns outlined above remain up to now and some have become worse:

Lack of constitutional and  institutional management of the pandemic has led to increased marginalisation and deprivation of the population.

Lockdown without social, economic, medical  welfare support.

Education for the majority of the population stopped, while privileged few continue uninterrupted. The promised TVs and radios for home teaching are yet to come!

Industries, shops and supermarkets work; while small and informal businesses are shut down.

Commercial transport (including those importing viruses) and private transport (for “essential” people) work, while public transport is shut down.

No beds, ambulances, oxygen and other facilities in public health facilities, while private health facilities charge prices beyond the public’s ability.

Foreign tourists are welcome to tour the country during lockdown, while locals aren’t allowed to tour.

Lack of a clear and publicly approved plan, means that the arbitrary knee jerk responses continue:

Lockdown without clear targets and a workplan to achieve them and, hence, end the lockdown.

The shambolic healthcare system continues; the majority of Ugandans unable to access healthcare; healthcare workers continue being poorly facilitated and motivated.

Institutional capacity and Research in the virus and its control/ treatment will remain unachievable.

Socioeconomic recovery for the majority population will never be realised.

Borrowing and stealing/ corrupt use of public money will continue unabated just like the nearly $2billion borrowed last year.


A plan for managing the current crisis should be urgently presented to parliament that includes immediate social welfare support for vulnerable sections of the population (food, rent, water, energy & medical).

It should be noted that those holding our country hostage and arbitrarily using our resources will continue doing so unless the population asserts its will over them and regains influence in running our public affairs. All pro-democracy forces and the general public must once again rally together for this purpose. Further guidance on this will be given in due course.

As the people of Uganda struggle to get democratic and accountable public institutions, domestic and external lenders to Uganda government should stop until what was borrowed last year is adequately accounted for and a proper legal and institutional framework for its management put in place. The IMF approving a new loan of $1billion in spite of the above situation shows how it’s a part of Uganda’s problem!

Meantime, let’s attempt to support each other to the extent possible since the provider of public goods is largely absent.

Kizza Besigye



“Is the increase in internet access (12% Data Increase) the last stroke to Uganda’s Crippling Education System?”

An open letter to the President Yoweri Kaguta Museveni

Mr. President , I address you today with all the due respect you deserve.

I have a simple question to you, “Who cares about Uganda(ns)?”

Health of Ugandans

What happened to our lovely motto; “For God and my Country?”

Where are our leaders when over 800 Ugandans are injected with water for a high cost ranging from UGX 100,000 to UGX 200,000, in the disguise of getting the Covid-19 vaccine?  How many Ugandans have got all the two covid-19 vaccine jabs? How many have got only one and have failed to get the second one? How many doses have so far been brought into the country to cater for over the 40 million Ugandans? Who cares about Uganda when one has to pay 3 million before getting an admission and has to pay a daily cost of over 4 million shillings? Who cares about Uganda when one has to access his NSSF savings while in ICU, at a death bed? Who cares about Uganda when the citizens are given rotten food, milk and substandard masks? Who cares about Uganda when the regional hospitals have not yet been fully equipped with oxygen, ICU bends, and only 3,000 beds have been installed out of the 42,000 beds like you directed?

Crippling Education sector;

Children have spent close to 2 years without attending school. A few who happened to report back were later sent back home after paying the already hiked school fees.

Many schools / students resorted to online learning, and others sought learning out of the country while in the country, through attending classes online in the various online universities / institutions across the globe.

With the continued lockdown, the demand for online learning has greatly escalated. For a simple one-hour class / online meeting via zoom, teams, among other platforms, 1GB of data may be no more. And how much is a GB of data even before the 12% increment is effected? About (On average) UGX 5,000.

Mr. President;

1. What is the internet usage / penetration in the country before the 12% increment takes effect? It is still very low.

2. How many of your Bazukulu are accessing quality education online, especially in this hard period of the pandemic? There is a reasonable increase in the number.

3. How many universities have failed to fully operate online because internet is expensive to the students, and because internet penetration is still low? Very few universities have actually succeeded in fully going online.

4. What happened to the free internet we were promised? More than 99% of the Ugandans didn’t see / access it. You will be shocked to find out that this free internet was on the buildings of the rich people in the government.

5. How many young people survive on the internet for survival? Through online shopping, bloggers, safe boda, jumia, café javas, virtual platforms? Many at the moment.

6. Churches are closed, they offer online services to their followers. Schools are closed, they are embracing online learning. Markets are partially opened, but the customers are at home. They thus order for the basic necessities of life online. Mr. President, not all these people who regard internet usage as a necessity use it to abuse you.

7. How much money are you hoping to collect from the 12% increase in internet charges? Did you achieve the anticipated revenue collection from OTT? Do you realize that internet access and usage is likely to reduce and be regarded as a “Luxury”?


Mr. President, In your last address, you ordered us to work from home, and not more than 10% in the offices*. That means more than 90% of us are working from home.

How can we work from home when the internet is not affordable?

9. We do file the URA returns online. Increase in the internet cost will greatly affect this important area as well.

10. Facebook usage; Mr. President, when the admins to your Facebook account had their accounts suspended / deleted; you switched off / shut down Facebook for the entire country.  Please note that  less than 1% of the Facebook users do misuse it; and over 99%  use it for constructive work like advertising produce, social networking, business, among others.

All these benefits were put on hold because of your decision.

Those who continued using it todate rely on VPN (Virtual Private Network), which consumes alot of data.

Mr. President, don’t you think that you were insensitive to majority of the Ugandans?

In conclusion Mr. President;

1. The 12% increase in internet / data usage is likely to do more harm than the anticipated good, and will go a long way in complicating the already complicated education system and the entire economy in our beloved country.

I actually believe that, this is the right point in time, to make internet as cheap as possible, or perhaps make it free (by providing the earlier on promised free internet), to make it affordable to all the Ugandans, otherwise, “NO ONE CARES ABOUT THE UGANDANS ANYMORE”.

2. We shall obey all the SOPs and guidelines Given, But please revise your decision on increasing the internet cost.




1/8  When we were young foot soldiers, we harboured a dose of resentment for the by-product of the overhyped secondary school called Makerere University; particularly because of what, we were told, was their principle ideology: the 1,2,3,4 doctrine.

2/8  The 1,2,3,4 doctrine means, One (official) wife; two children; a three-bedroom house; a four-wheeled vehicle (preferably, four wheel drive with a four litre engine).  Apparently, that is all that the Makerere (large noises?) graduate possess as life’s ultimate ideal.

3/8  Right there in the 1,2,3,4 doctrine, the national manager is faced with a tough contradiction whose two poles are:

1.      A yawning gap in “service delivery” to a largely rural population.

2.      The abundance of a 1,2,3,4 bureaucratic, intellectual and technical elite (with an overinflated opinion of itself).

The question then becomes: how do you resolve that contradiction?

4/8  One of the two above is the means and the other is the end.  One is primary and the other is secondary.  The big-shot mentality of the “Moja, Mbili, Tatu, Nne pseudoelite” is, that if you are to be assigned as a public servant outside the confines of the national capital to the outlying country (which is literally 2 miles beyond the “city” centre), you have to go there as a “District-something” at a minimum: District Medical Officer, District Veterinary Officer…the same with education, administration, agriculture, culture, youth…mention it.

5/8  Here is how our Roman Catholic Priest Kiringente parish used to resolve a similar contradiction.  Roman Catholic doctrine prohibited(or prohibits still?) the consumption of meat on fridays, except fish.  When the Faza (Father) Pio found himself stuck only with beef or chicken on friday, he would have to sort out two contradictions: the subjective one to do with some obscure doctrine and the objective one to do with basic survival by avoiding starvation.  Solution: take the beef to the altar in the Kelezia, and in the name of the father the son and the ghost, “I baptize this beef as fish, and from thence onwards it shall be fish”…sprinkle some water here and there…Kwisha!..and on to the kitchen, and a friday dinner of “fish”. Amen.

6/8  Now, if you have an elite with such a huge ego that they will not take any title that is not prefixed by the word “District”, you are in a bit of a fix.  They will not be called Sub county Medical officers, or Sub county Education Officers etc, and those aspects of public service will remain unsuperintended by those with the knowhow, if know who.  What do you do?  Use Faza Pio doctrine.  Get the thing called the Sub County, bundle it to the Kelezia called parliament full of rubber-stamp catechists  that are indebted to you, cause them to baptize the Sub county as the “District” all in the name of the goat and the rooster…or whatever is on the Court of Arms….Amen.

7/8  That is how you deal with a philosophically constipated pseudoelite that will not distinguish between form and essence: essentially they will be sub county notables but in form, they will District this and District that; while taking services to the people shall cease to be irritating claptrap.  “No money for many districts”: that is more of popular rubbish that it is enlightened public opinion.

8/8  Vote Retarded Lance Corporal Otto into State House now and I would baptise the sub parish as the “District”, if only to massage the morbid egos of the muddle-headed 1,2,3,4 pseudoelite, and take those services as deep down as the mayumba kumi.  The end would justify the means.

By Lance Corporal (Rtd) Patrick Otto

Which langauge doens’t borrow from others any way?

Which langauge doens’t borrow from others any way?
E’saati = Shirt for English
Sapatu = Sandals for Italian
E’motoka = Vehicle for English
Yingini = Engine for English
Kompyuta = Computer for English
Makanika = Mechanic for English
Gomesi = Gomez for Spanish
Masiikini = Masikini for Kiswahili
Furiigi = Refrigrator for English
Palimenti = Parliament fro English
O’Busela = Obushera for Rukiga

We all do better when we allow borrowing and sharing as regional members!
by Joseph Kamugisha

NATIONAL LANGUAGE: How Luganda lost to Kiswahili


ARTICLE SUMMARY: Buganda was allowed a privileged position during colonial rule, but the colonialists preferred Kiswahili to Luganda as a lingua franca. This was one of the earliest signs that the political dominance of Buganda faced an uncertain future.

AUTHOR BIOGRAPHY: Yahya Sseremba is the publisher of The Campus Journal current affairs website.

The history and status of Buganda should have made Luganda the natural national language of Uganda. Before and after the beginning of colonial rule in the late 19th Century, Buganda was the only bull in the kraal of what came to be known as Uganda. The British enhanced this status by empowering the people of the kingdom with schools, cash crops and administrative posts. But the colonial administration could not prefer Luganda to Kiswahili when it thought about a national language.

The British favored Kiswahili even though it faced strong opposition and indeed open hostility from the two most powerful players then after the government: the Kabaka and the Church.

The Churches – Protestant and Catholic alike – wanted Luganda for no reason but because they hated Kiswahili, which they associated with Islam. Islam had been introduced to Uganda by the Arabs and their Waswahili associates from the East African Coast. This history linked Kiswahili in this part of the world to Islam, a religion with which Christianity shares a past of rivalry, hostility and even war. In the eyes of the paranoid Christians, the elevation of Kiswahili to the status of national language would translate into the same status for Islam. Mazrui (1995) quotes Bishop Tucker:

Mackay… was very desirous of hastening the time when one language should dominate Central Africa, and that language, he hoped and believed, would be Swahili…That there should be one language for central Africa is a consummation devoutly to be wished, but God forbid it should be Swahili. English? Yes! But Swahili, never. The one means the bible and protestant Christianity – the other Mohammedanism…sensuality, moral and physical degradation, and ruin… Swahili is too closely related to Mohammedanism to be welcome in any mission field in Central Africa.[i]

Besides linking Kiswahili to Islam, the Christians reasoned that native languages were more suitable for evangelism in their respective areas than a lingua franca. Mazrui notes, “A lingua franca was deemed unfit to reach the innermost thoughts of those undergoing the conversion to Christianity”. It was argued that a child needed to be educated first in his native language in order to comprehend. [ii]

The Christian opposition to Kiswahili was significant in the sense the Church controlled the schools, which were supposed to teach the language.

The second front of opposition to Kiswahili was led by Kabaka Chwa II, the Buganda monarch who could not simply watch as an ‘alien’ language supplanted his native language. Buganda’s opposition was equally significant in the sense that the monarchy enjoyed a special relationship with the British colonialists. The British had come to Buganda at the invitation of a Buganda king and had substantially relied on the support of the kingdom to subdue other parts of the colony. It would therefore indicate a degree of ungratefulness and even betrayal on the side of the British to empower Kiswahili at the expense of Luganda. A newspaper quotes the Kabaka’s 1929 memorandum making his protest against Kiswahili clear:

I feel however that it is my duty to add here in conclusion, that it is quite unnecessary to adopt the Ki-Swahili language as the official native language of the Baganda in place of, or at the place of, their own language…[iii]

Despite this determined opposition to Kiswahili, the British went ahead and promoted it with a view of imposing it as the national language. In his 1927 memorandum, the development of Ki-Swahili as an Educational and Administrative Language in the Uganda Protectorate, Governor Sir WF Gowers strongly recommended:

Kiswahili should be adopted as the lingua franca throughout a considerable part of this Protectorate…for purposes of native education in elementary schools, and on the lines adopted in Tanganyika…Kiswahili is the only vernacular language in East Africa which can provide in the long-run anything but an educational cul-de-sac, in Uganda as in Kenya and Tanganyika…[iv]

Consequently, Kiswahili was taught and imposed as the lingua franca in vast parts of Eastern Province, Northern Province, and West Nile. Three factors could have motivated the British to prefer Kiswahili to Luganda. One could have been Kiswahili’s wider usage in the East African region. The British inclination toward Kiswahili was possibly inspired by their dream of creating an East African federation.  Secondly, the colonialists didn’t consider the Kiswahili-Islam link a threat enough since the Muslim population was too small to turn the tables on the Christians. Where the Muslim population and influence was substantial, for instance in Buganda, Kiswahili was not imposed though it was taught as an additional language to Luganda.

The third and most enduring factor was the hostility of Bunyoro and the North toward Luganda. Bunyoro had suffered a great deal at the hands of Buganda. It has lost vast territories to Buganda both before after the advent of the colonialists. The British conquest of Bunyoro, though it would ultimately have come to pass with or without the help of Buganda, was greatly facilitated by the military contribution of Buganda. For this contribution Buganda was rewarded with parts of Bunyoro territory. Bunyoro’s opposition to Buganda and Luganda was therefore understandable.

When the opportunity to vote for a national language came in 1973, the Banyoro joined the Nilotics of the North in voting overwhelmingly for Kiswahili and against Luganda.

For its part the North has always been hostile to everything south, especially Buganda, owing in part to the British colonial policy of divide and rule. The Northerners had always looked at the south with jealousy, thanks to the schools, hospitals and roads that the colonial government concentrated in the region, especially in the Central. This bitterness would later drive the Northern-dominated army to brutalize southern communities after independence.

This widespread opposition towards Luganda could not have motivated the colonial government to favour Luganda as a national language. The colonial behavior of promoting Kiswahili had far reaching implications for Luganda and Buganda influence in general. By the 1953 when the British abandoned the Swahilisation campaign, Kiswahili had become the language of the armed forces,including the army which has since 1966 played a central role in the political management of Uganda.

Following independence the Swahilisation campaign gained new momentum.In 1973, twelve districts would vote for Kiswahili as the national language as opposed to only eight, which voted for Luganda. The results prompted then president, Idi Amin, to declare Kiswahili as the national language on 7, August 1973.[v]

Whereas Amin didn’t enforce Kiswahili as the national language, his decree was undoubtedly a blow to Luganda.  Since no subsequent government has repealed this decree, it follows that Kiswahili is the national language of Uganda.

President Museveni’s government has even gone as far as declaring – albeit without enforcing – the teaching of Kiswahili compulsory in schools. In practice there are more people speaking Luganda among various ethnic groups compared to Kiswahili since the latter has had about 150 years of spreading. The large scale spread of Luganda dates back to the religious wars of the late 19th Century in Buganda, which forced Muslims to disperse in various parts of the country. The movement of the Baganda Muslims went hand in hand with the introduction of Luganda wherever they settled, including in parts of Ankole where the word Muslim became synonymous with Muganda.

The use of the Buganda model of administration and its Baganda chiefs during colonial era further spread Luganda far and wide. Despite this near-universality of Luganda, government policy has consistently favored Kiswahili. To the Baganda this is part of the jealousy and resentment that members of other tribes, who have composed government since 1966, harbour against Buganda. But to others Kiswahili would suppress the tribal sentiments likely to rise from the adoption of an indigenous language as a national language.

As the movement towards an East African Federation registers more steps, the support for Kiswahili is likely to multiply and fortify.


[i]Ali Al’Amin Mazrui, Swahili State and Society: The Political Economy of an African Language. East African Publishers 1995, p53.

[ii]Ibid., pp54

[iii]P.H. Gulliver, Tradition and Transition in East Africa: Studies of the Tribal Element in the Modern Era. University of California Press (1969, pp.118)

[iv]Ali Al’Amin Mazrui, p.56.

[v]Viera PAWLIKOVÁ-VILHANOVÁ, Swahili and the Dilemma of Ugandan Language Policy, Asian and African Studies, 5, 1995, 2, 158-170

Below are few among many Similarities between bantu swahili, Zulu, Shona, Sotho and Luhya

Swahili is a bantu language; It is used as a national or formal language in some countries of East and Middle African countries such as Tanzania, DRC, Kenya, Burundi, Rwanda and Uganda. Until now the Swahili language is estimated to be spoken by more than 200 million people worldwide. Other African countries that speak Swahili include Comoro, Zambia, Malawi and Mozambique. Swahili is also spoken in some Arab countries such as Yemen, UAE etc. Swahili is an official language of Africa Union (AU), East Africa Community (EAC), and Southern Africa Developing Countries (SADC). South Africa, Botswana, and Namibia have also initiated the use of Swahili as the subject in their schools.

Below are few among many Similarities between bantu swahili, Zulu, Shona, Sotho and Luhya.


Ndovu – Swahili

indlovu – Zulu

Nzou – Shona

Inzofu – Luhya

Tlou – sotho


Nyama – Swahili

inyama – Zulu

Nyama – Shona

Inyama- Luhya

Nama – sotho


Mbili – Swahili

Ezimbili – Zulu

Piri – Shona

Tsibiri -Luhya

Tse peli – sotho


Kumi na mbili – Swahili

ishumi na mbili – Zulu

Gumi nembiri – Shona

Ekhumi ne tsibiri – Luhya

Leshome le metso e mmedi – sotho


Tatu -Swahili

ezintathu – Zulu

Tatu – Shona

Tsitaru – Luhya

Tharo – sotho


Nne – Swahili

Ezine – Zulu

Ina – Shona

Tsine – Luhya

Tse ne – sotho


Mbuzi – Swahili

Imbuzi – Zulu

Mbudzi – Shona

Imbusi – Luhya

Poli – sesotho


Fundi – Swahili

Umfundi – Zulu

Mufundi – Shona

Mfundi – Luhya

Moithuti – sesotho


Yetu – Swahili

Yetu – Zulu

Yedu – Shona

Yefu – Luhya

Rona – sesotho


Lako – Swahili

Lakho – Zulu

Rako – Shona

Gago – tswana

Yao – luhya

Hau- sesotho


Ulimi – Swahili

Ulimi – Zulu

Rurimi – Shona

Lurimi- Luhya

Leleme – sesotho

Luganda is more dynamic than Swahilli

Some people have described Swahiri Dynamic, the ability to grow as a language. Many scholars and linguists have described Swahili having limitations to grow= “not dynamic” enough to embrace science and technology at theorectical and working levels. This is a contrast with Luganda. Luganda’s dynamism or expandability is vast and has been demonstrated in lots of research some of which have made Kenyatta and Makerere University excel as centres of research & development.

Swahili’s problem comes from the fact that its Grammar structure is a mixture of Bantu and Arabic, two different languages. Its grammar is almost 70% Bantu, 25% Arabic. Its nouns are almost 60% Arabic, 50% Bantu. That’s a problem if you’re to develop a language to embrace science.

Think of the mathematical numbering in Luganda vs. Swahili. The 1st 1-5 are Bantu and 6-10 Arabic in Swahili: excuse (my spellings)

moja ( arabic?), mbiri tatu, ine, tanu ( bantu)——-sita, saba, nane, tisa ( arabic) kumi.

Luganda: emu, biri, satu, nya, tano, mukaaga, musanvu, munaana, mwenda, kumi.

Swahili’s mixture renders it inexpandable, less dynamic in numbering. Continuing to higher figures, its a dissaster for Shahili, and classical for Luganda.

If Luganda research had government funding like Swahili, we would have seen Universities and technical colleges teaching scince and technology in Luganda.

Luganda researchers, using their own resources, have made great contributions in Linguistic theories, thus making solid foundation for Scientific Luganda. Examples:

1. Formalized Domainal Role Theory;

2. Situatodomainal Theory

3. also check on the ” Sample Style Manual for English- Luganda- English Dictionary definers and Luganda Terminological Modernizers” at:       under “UPDATE”

On the practical point of view, during Amin’s rule, there used to be more “Taifa Leo” newspapers bought than present day in Uganda. Just check with street vendors in Kla, Jinja, Mbarara, Masaka, Gulu, Tororo, Mbale.

– The sale of Bukedde, Eddoboozi, Kamunye to private individuals are far more than English newspapers combined. Most English Newspapers are bought by corporations and govt depts for Ugandans to read= isnt that subisdies?

Read about Tanzania’s Swahili project, before it scrapped it and re-introduced “Tuki”. They went on a “spending”/ borrowing spree to make Swahili scientific. They failed miserably why? You dont just borrow for the sake of expanding!! You must create a foundation for expantion and it MUST BE scintifically SYSTEMATIC. The words must meet 7 internationalyy recognized criteria. Kenya did the same. Where are they? They had to “fund” an expert in Bantu language to find out the reason why Swahili fas failed in science & technology. Who was that expert? Dr. Kibuuka Kiingi, who was then a D. Lit student at Kenyatta University. He got his Dr of Letters at Kenyatta University- its ONLY D. Lit ( Dr. of letters) awarded after examinations and the 1st D. Lit of its kind in East & central Africa. I dont know if Makerere has any, if they do, there are less than 3. The rest are honorary.   

What is important is the potentila to create and or expand words from what you already have so that the speakers will easily grasp the scient term easily. Even where borrowing is done, especially in Chemistry, some kind of coining based on the grammar structure and noun formation are needed.  

For example, if a teacher mentions a new Luganda terminology like ” kannabantuwano”, it will easily click to a Luganda speaker that its about a technic or study invloving human beings or human behaviour. Ask any S4 or S6 leaver in Uganda, whose mother language is not English, and who has never looked at ro be taught in school the difinition of “socialogy” if he/she will figure out what Socialogy is all about.

To conclude,

There is no developed country in this world with developed technology, that uses a foreign language as its only medium of communicating science and technology etc knowledge. By the fact that we re using English, we’re hand capped in innovation. If we are to add on Swahili, we will be doomed to extinction in innovations.

So, let those whose first language are indigenous in Uganda, retain their rights to learn and acquire knowledge in their 1st language so long as its beneficial and practical. Nobody should impose language rules where he’s not native.

South Africa has more than 5 National/ official languages. Switzerland has more than 4 . Why not Uganda?

During the recent African Queen conference at Munyonyo, Museveni was pictured with a big book ” Enkuluze y’Oluganda eye Makerere”. He was also promoting his “Kalondoozi or Katondoozi, his Runyankole dictionary. These are African Queens, from all corners of Africa. Why wasnt he holding & distributing ” Tuki” dictionary? Was he looking for votes in Buganda? He used state funds, “his funds” to fund & purchase Katondoozi, later on to claim its his research, my foot!!!! when did mu7 go on a field research in Ankole? How many of you were contacted by him? Soon he will get a Phd for his Runyankole dictionary work!!

check the real research work on under ” UPDATES”. Those Ugandans at MUK & KIU are Great, bravooooo!!!

By Yak Kirimwengo via UAH forum

How Obote is supposed to have poisoned Mutesa

By Peter Mulira

JOHN Simpson’s claim in last week’s Sunday Vision “New details on Mutesa’s death” that he was among the last people to see Sir Edward Mutesa just before he died in 1969 cannot go unchallenged because it is a stark distortion of history.

The last people to see Muteesa were his aide de camp, George Maalo, his bodyguard Major Katende and one Iga, who after finishing his studies in London decided to stay on to serve his Kabaka. The three lived with the Kabaka in his flat in Surrey Docks, Bermondsey and were with him from around 5:00pm on the fateful day.

As a young student in London who was deeply involved in the Kabaka’s affairs, I became privy to the true story of the Kabaka’s death and the preceding events through Iga. Iga became disgruntled by the information which was being peddled by some Baganda that a certain girl called Tatu Sekanyo had poisoned the Kabaka on the orders of the Obote government.

Iga’s conscience troubled him so much that one Sunday afternoon about a month after the Kabaka’s death, he came to my hostel and asked me to lock ourselves in my room because the information he was going to give was very sensitive. “Ekiseera kigenda kutuuka kyetaagise okwogera amazima”, Iga told me, meaning that a time would come in the future when it would be necessary to tell the truth. That time has come after 41 years, thanks to Simpson.

The events that preceded the death are tragically woven around the Kabaka’s birthday of that year. For the first time since he arrived in London, his birthday fell on a Wednesday, which forced the organising committee to postpone the celebrations to a Saturday.

In retrospect, this was the straw which broke the camel’s back, to use an English saying slightly out of context. Because, unknown to the organisers, the change demoralised the king who was used to celebrating his birthday on the day it fell for all his 43 years. To the king, this change was another sign of the changes in his fortunes and although the postponement was unavoidable and well-intended, it had a direct impact on the events that ended in the tragedy.

As Iga put it, the Kabaka had been morose over the departure of his Katikkiro J.S Mayanja-Nkangi, who had become an Economics don at a university in northen England.

Then news reached him, whether true or not, that his adviser and close confidant, the erudite Fred Mpanga, had secured an appointment as a judge in Botswana. With these two gone, life would definitely take on a new quality for the Kabaka who, by the very nature of his office, only acts on the advice of trusted friends. It was in this frame of mind that he went for a birthday dinner at a friend’s house on Wednesday.

Upon his return from the dinner, he found a few of his people waiting to congratulate him and there was an impromptu session of merriment. It was agreed that they should spend Friday together. Kimera was unable to oblige since he had just started on a new job, but offered to join his brother in the evening. This rattled the Kabaka somewhat for he remarked to his aides that: “Even Harry has deserted me!”

On Friday at around 7:00pm, while the aides were in the kitchen and the Kabaka was alone relaxing in his favourite chair next to a bookshelf full of military history books, the phone rang, but he did not pick it up. After some time, Katende decided to go and see what was happening and to his shock found the Kabaka had collapsed as he approached the phone. Katende had no alternative but to answer the phone because he needed to ring for instructions from his minders as to what to do with the Kabaka.

Later, this split-minute conversation Katende had with the caller became the defining moment in this tragic story. Who was the caller and what did she say to Katende? First let it be mentioned that the aides did not get permission to call in the ambulance until five hours later when the Kabaka breathed his last as he was being taken down the stairs to the ambulance.

The caller was Sekanyo, who had been a school friend of the Kabaka’s niece Betty Namulondo at Kololo High School. Namulondo was at the time married to Dr. Peter Bull and they lived in Cambridge. When Sekanyo arrived in London for her studies a week earlier, she joined up with her friend when she went to visit her uncle on the previous Sunday as was the custom of people who were close to the Kabaka.

The two arranged that Namulondo would come down to London on Friday in preparation for the celebrations the next day.

They were to meet at King’s Cross tube station but Namulondo was not on the 7:00pm Cambridge train as she had indicated to her friend. Sekanyo decided to ring Namulondo’s sister at the nearby Chalk Farm to check on her whereabouts. The sister suggested that Namulondo was most likely in Surrey Docks because she had mentioned that she would go there.

The sister provided the telephone number of the Kabaka’s place, whereupon Sekanyo made the fateful call which changed her life.

The innocent question Sekanyo had asked the person who picked the phone at the other end, “Is Namulondo with you?” was changed in an article which appeared in Sunday Telegraph the following Sunday to be “Has he died?” suggesting that the caller expected the king’s demise.

But Sekanyo would be a stark, starring fool to give such a direct clue that she had poisoned the Kabaka during the day as was claimed later. Two things can be categorically stated. Sekanyo did not kill Mutesa. She was a scapegoat of the inadequacies of others. His statement is not difficult to prove because all the principle characters in this story are still alive. Iga, Namulondo and Sekanyo live in England while the sister lives in Naguru. The facts of this story can, therefore, be verified from the original sources.

Secondly, Simpson’s version of the events is not correct. At the time of the Kabaka’s death, I was working part-time as commentator on African affairs with the BBC programme African Talking Point whose producer was the late Chris Cuthberton. I know it as a fact that every reporter used to be given a tape recorder to record his interviews which would then be stored in the archives.

If, therefore, Simpson interviewed Mutesa on his last day on earth, the interview should be in the BBC archives and it would help if he got the BBC to make the story public if indeed it exists. If the claim is that he just dropped in for a chat, that would not be true either. For security reasons, the Kabaka never met anybody alone.

The writer is a lawyer.
Published on: Saturday, 22nd May, 2010


In an attempt to portray Idi Amin as not only an evil person as the West sought to do, a web page has been dedicated to reveal the good side of Amin and also how the West connived “forcing him to be a president at a gun point.”
Below are some of the issues raised in the webpage.

1 – “Did you know that Idi Amin has two grown twin sons by a Former Female Israeli Secret Service Agent?

2 – Did you know that there are people who think Idi Amin was framed for the murders he allegedly committed in Uganda?

3 – Did you know that some people think Idi Amin was “set up” and “slandered” because he couldn’t be controlled by “super powers?”

4 – Did you know that Idi Amin’s father was a Police Officer and not a peasant as told by many people and he served as a soldier in the First World War?

5 – Did you know that Idi Amin was guarded by a snake as an infant while being subjected to an unusual paternity test practiced by ancient Kakwa?

6 – Did you know that Idi Amin wrestled a crocodile in Somalia during a tour of duty when he was in the Kings African Rifles?

7 – Did you know that Idi Amin disobeyed orders from his British Superiors to shoot Kenya’s Jomo Kenyatta on sight during colonialism and saved his life instead?

8 -Did you know that Idi Amin’s superiors held him in high regard during his time in the Kings African Rifles?

9 – Did you know that Idi Amin was forced to become the President of Uganda at gun point?

10 – Did you know that Idi Amin had a “rock solid” relationship with Israel before he crossed over to the Palestinian side? 

11 – Did you know that Idi Amin gave a 10,000 dollar tip to a Black American cleaning lady while on an official trip to New York City, to ease her suffering from racism?

12 – Did you know that the novel and film “The Last King of Scotland” is fictional?

13 – Did you know that during the war that led to his ouster, Idi Amin travelled to the war frontline and waved to the opposing soldiers and they excitedly waved back instead of shooting him?

14 – Idi Amin’s Father Mzee Amin Dada Nyabira and 1st wife Sarah

15 – Did you know that Idi Amin’s Presidential Guards “wrestled him to the ground” to get him out of harm’s way because he wanted to die in Uganda like a true soldier during the war to overthrow him?

16 – Did you know that upon his release from decades of imprisonment on Roben Island, South Africa’s hero Nelson Mandela thanked Idi Amin for the role Idi Amin played in overthrowing Apartheid in South Africa?

17  – Did you know that Idi Amin became a devout Muslim after fleeing Uganda and regularly denied that he committed the atrocities attributed to him?

How Buganda expanded from a humble beginning to a state

By Eric Kashambuzi( R.I.P)

Buganda was founded around A.D 1200. It consisted of three counties of Busiro, Mawokota and Kyadondo.

Baganda were originally divided into six clans, each with a separate totem. Although the six clans were equal, the leader of Civet Cat (Ffumbe) clan was leader of all clans, making him the first leader of Buganda.

The first Kabaka of Buganda was Kato Kintu. Kabaka Kintu deprived clan heads of their political and judicial powers, leaving them with cultural powers only. He created thirteen clans to counter the original six and made himself the leader of all clan heads (Ssabataka).  

Baganda were divided into royals and non-royals. The non-royals were subdivided into three groups: clan leaders (Bataka), civil/political leaders (Bakungu), and peasants (Bakopi).

All the land was entrusted to the king for use by all without discrimination. (The 1900 Buganda Agreement between Buganda and Britain changed this arrangement giving land to the Kabaka, saza chiefs, few prominent Baganda and the Crown, leaving peasants who constitute the majority of Baganda out in the cold. Land ownership in Uganda including in Buganda is currently changing hands once again). The Kabaka was supreme ruler.    

At the beginning, clan leaders were hereditary and were powerful. Kabaka Mawanda made some changes and gradually eliminated most hereditary leaders. Ultimately power was centralized in the Kabaka. Kabaka Mutesa I had absolute power and his word was final, reminiscent of Louis XIV of France.

The expansion of Buganda began in the 17th century. The areas of Butambala, Gomba, Busujju and Southern Singo were conquered and colonized or annexed to Buganda.

Conquest and colonization continued in the 18th century. Buganda gained territory largely at the expense of Bunyoro. The counties of Kyagwe, Singo and Bulemezi were colonized. Buddu was added to Buganda around 1770.

Buganda gained more territory when six counties of Bunyoro were forcibly annexed by Britain to Buganda in 1893 as reward for Buganda’s support in Britain’s defeat of Bunyoro resistance to colonial rule. Buganda also absorbed Kokki and Kabula.

The acquisition of guns by the kings of Buganda helped in Buganda’s colonization process. For example, by 1880, Kabaka Mutesa I possessed 1000 guns. The possession of guns and Anglo-Buganda alliance speeded up the geographic expansion of Buganda.

Contrary to popular belief, Buganda is an amalgam of many clans with different histories and cultures, with some clans bigger and more powerful than others. Given this background, secession of Buganda from Uganda could open a pandora’s box that may be difficult to close.

By way of illustration, soon after Dudayev announced Chechen-Ingushetia sovereign and independent of Soviet Union on November 1, 1991, the Ingush people split from the Chechens. On November 30, 1991, the Ingush people voted to remain within the Russian Republic.

Thus, there is a possibility that some clans in Buganda may choose to remain within Uganda should Buganda attempt to secede.

The information is not exhaustive. It has been provided on demand as part of civic education.

Is NRM really as fascist as Mrs.Mbabazi described it in 2014?

Let us see the simple difference between the following terms:

1.SOCIALISM:You have 2 cows. You give one to your neighbour 
2.COMMUNISM:You have 2 cows. The State takes both and gives you some milk 
3.FASCISM:You have 2 cows. The State takes both and sells you some milk 
4.NAZISM:You have 2 cows. The State takes both and shoots you 
5.BUREAUCRATISM:You have 2 cows. The State takes both, shoots one, milks the other, and then throws the milk away 
6.TRADITIONAL CAPITALISM:You have two cows. You sell one and buy a bull. Your herd multiplies, and the economy grows. You sell them and retire on the income 
7.ROYAL BANK OF SCOTLAND (VENTURE) CAPITALISM:You have two cows. You sell three of them to your publicly listed company, using letters of credit opened by your brother-in-law at the bank, then execute a debt/equity swap with an associated general offer so that you get all four cows back, with a tax exemption for five cows. 
The milk rights of the six cows are transferred via an intermediary to a Cayman Island Company secretly owned by the majority shareholder who sells the rights to all seven cows back to your listed company. 
The annual report says the company owns eight cows, with an option on one more. You sell one cow to buy a new president of the United States, leaving you with nine cows. No balance sheet provided with the release.The public then buys your bull. 

Bobi helped M7 finish off the opposition

By Agaba Francis

I trust the president when he says something, he must fulfil it. The way he dismantled opposition is amazing. I think the Museveni project in the name of Bobiwine have done great harm to the opposition. Leaving the former prominent oppositionists helpless. I remember the days of Dr Besigye, real issues that affect Ugandans would be talked about but now……..

International best practice in political movements and resistance requires that for a political party to be successful, it must also have a radical action wing! NRM had NRA, ANC had uMkhonto we Sizwe , the Communist Party of China had the People’s Liberation Front/Army, etc. One of the roles of these radical wing was to handle betrayal and ensure discipline using all methods possible. Unless this happens, this indiscipline and betrayal shall continue. These also were used to counter the under hand methods used by the sitting Governments; ensuring that Newton’s First Law of motion is put to practice. FDC and NUP hope you read! Otherwise the man was serious when he said that by 2021 there will be no opposition in Uganda, and we are still in 2021 please!

Political parties grow through recruitment

I read reactions about Museveni luring opposition members to his party and that some people are following their stomachs and so forth. Incidentally, when some leave NRM to join the Opposition, it is okay. Funny and pedestrian politics! 

Political parties grow through recruitment and if you can attract high profile persons, the better. It is common practice in the democratic world. 

And as time passes, people’s views change so it’s not uncommon to see a person leaving one group to join another, based on well considered views. In Canada, there are many such high profile politicians that have left parties to join others and even leading those new parties. Perhaps the best example is former Ontario premier, Bob Rae. He was a Liberal, crossed to New Democratic Party (NDP ) became premier and introduced controversial policies like the Social Contract Act, and after some time left NDP and rejoined Liberal Party, represented his riding and later became the Acting Leader of the Liberal Party. Later resigned to join in the first for Aboriginal cause and is currently Canada’s UN Rep. 
People should be free to join and leave any political party and even religion as they see fit. 
Why crucify and demonize people when they exercise their free will? 
That’s dynamism but not following his stomach! 

by Peter Simon 


By Stella Nyanzi

Her Worship Owekitiibwa Joyce Nabbosa Ssebugwawo is a beauty whose dress sense is  matched by none other. She wears the gomesi like a royal model. She pays specific attention to every fine inch of her skin. Her make-up is always spot on, even in the late hours of the evening. Her finger nails are ever manicured and polished to perfection. And her royal palm is soft to the touch. Her jewellery and other accessories steal the show whenever she is at public functions. She smells of the finest exotic perfumes.

She is among the handful of older women who whole-heartedly supported my entry into formal politics. She honoured me with the graceful acceptance to be my proposer in the 2020 political party primaries for the race of Kampala Woman Member of Parliament. She gave me money for my posters. She opened tightly shut doors to the traditional media when I had no money to pay for air time on radio and television shows. She was honest enough to criticise some of my ways in my face. She advised, encouraged and gave me tips on how to efficiently run an election campaign. When I was discouraged and despairing, she uplifted my spirit. And often she invited me to speak to the numerous groups of voters she met during the campaigns. Even when I was absent, she would ask her voters to vote for me as well.

And so, for me, Owekitiibwa Ssebugwawo has not only been a party leader but also a rare role model in opposition politics. She held my hand and believed in me when most did not.

Is she a true member of the opposition in Uganda? Definitely! In all my engagements with her, Owekitiibwa was earnestly working to liberate Uganda from dictator Museveni. Is she a leader I look up to? Yes, most certainly! She has been at the very apex of the FDC political party leadership – even when taking over the presidency when POA was contesting in the national elections. Am I disappointed that her names are on dictator Museveni’s list of ministers? I am gutted, heartbroken, aching, in pain and shock that she accepted to work with the dictator she has challenged for a large chunk of her life.

And yet, I understand. I know what it means for an underdog from an amateurish party to beat me in the race for political office. I know what it means for the so-called opposition to be so fragmented that we contest against each other. I know what it means to be rejected in the elections, not because I am incapable but rather because of an empty hollow wave. I know and I understand the pain of my political party offering no alternatives for fulfilling service after one loses in the formal national elections. As a Muganda elite woman, I also know what it means to be called a mole eating from the dictator even when one is innocent and sold out to liberation.

Would I take a job of minister from dictator Museveni? No way! Over my dead body! I cannot join the rapist of Uganda in raping my people. I cannot eat food from the plate that has poisoned my people. I cannot kneel down to join the sycophants praising a corrupt brutal murderer. That is my firm position.

When FDC political party leadership went to Bulange to meet Owekitiibwa Katikiro Charles Peter Mayega, there were only two women in that room: myself and Owekitiibwa Ssebugwawo. While she sat in a settee during the interaction, I knelt down to introduce myself to the kingdom’s prime minister. She is royalty, and she was born in 1944 – the same year as my father! I was the most junior and youngest person in that meeting.

That meeting in Bulange is significant because of its symbolism. The Ssebugwawo generation of Baganda elders in FDC politics is in the evening of its time. It is good for the women in FDC that Owekitiibwa’s departure to work for dictator Museveni has clarified for us the vacuum in our party. There is a leadership vacuum. There is a power vacuum! We must arise and occupy these spaces of position, power and leadership in our political party. Her exit (if indeed it is an exit) is an open door for us. If it is not an exit (as yet), it is the eve of a retiring generation of hardworking leaders. I can smell the coming of a new generational cycle of FDC leadership in the horizon.

My generation, be steady! Prepare your boots. The race to fill the multiple vacuums in our party is on. Owekitiibwa Maama, genda otusakire ewa Kanywa Musaayi nga bweweyongera okutugabilira mu opposition. Thank you for your exemplary firm leadership. Thank you for vacating the hot seat of party leadership for us!

Ssebugwawo contributed a lot to FDC

Owek Joyce Nabbosa Ssebuggwawo

By Rajaab Kaya Sema


( The Principe of Minzan – The Weighing scale )

In life we spot, get close to each other or through maneuvers!  we propose to each other and invite other people to celebrate with us, we dine and prove to those present that we understand, appreciate and love each other more to the bone marrow!

There comes a time when we feel that we can no longer be together as husband and wife. When we feel that each hour, day and month we remain together is unproductive.

To some people who are naive and with limited life experience in this field may think, believe or rather conclude that we didn’t love each other in the first place! That is an error in reasoning.

Emotional Intelligence

In life people breakup in their marriages or relationships but maintain a mutual working relationship! How does that happen! It happens only when people understand their history, appreciate each other’s contribution in their journey and most importantly respect each others decision.

Does your former girlfriend, boyfriend, fiance, partner,  wife or husband become useless when you breakup ? The answer is NO !

By this, I worked with Owek Joyce Nabbosa Ssebuggwawo for 7 years as an Administrative Officer and her Personal Assistant. We had our political differences especially on choices of candidates during our internal party primaries. At some point in 2011 during EALA party primaries she asked me to choose between my job and supporting Hon. Among Anita! I chose Hon. Anita and we won the race! She was for Hon. Salaam Musumba.

In 2015 during the contest between Dr Wrn Kizza-Besigye and Gen. Mugisha Muntu, we crashed again. In another EALA contest between Hon. Ibb Florence, Hon. Madam Ingrid Turinawe we crashed again! She was for Ingrid and I was for Ibb. Hon. Ekwau won. You may not wish to know what ensued later.

Our last hot encounter was in 2017, she supported Hon. Amuriat, I did support Gen. Muntu. At Najjanankumbi she was the Deputy President Buganda and I was National Vice Chairman Buganda. At KCCA Lubaga Division I was her Personal Assistant. These two roles  required a lot of skills and wisdom to balance.

In April 2017, I asked Owek. Mayor Ssebugwawo politely and respectfully not to renew my appointment which was expiring at the end of May 2017. ( KCCA contracts were renewed every after four months). She couldn’t believe it! but I explained to her why she needed to let me go! She however thanked me for the good services and noted that although we conflicted on several party candidates choices, I always stood my ground and that I was never intimidated nor easily compromised.

Fact: Owek. Joyce Nabbosa Ssebugwawo loves Dr Kizza Besigye, after her great love for Buganda, Besigye is next. She loved FDC and treated members of the party as an extended family. Take this from me.

Did Joyce Ssebugwawo benefit financially from her position as the Mayor Lubaga? At least not in the 7 years we worked together. She would drive go to her bank when KCCA would credit her account ,put money in the white envelopes and gives to the waiting visitors from the party, division and beyond. I must thank her for that big heart.

When Dr Besigye didn’t express interest to contest in 2021 presidential elections, Ssebugwawo was one of the few Senior leaders who thought that FDC would support a joint opposition candidate in the name of Bobi Wine. That was criminal ! In additional to her views on how the Party leadership in Buganda had to be accorded respect in conducting party primaries for KCCA Speaker ! Her choice was Hon. Kawalya Abubaker

Is Ssebugwawo looking for money in the NRM? At least not that! but to remain active and working everyday. That is the life she has lived of Owekitiibwa! Take it or leave it.

Does President M7 need more money to survive ? No

Did Rt. Hon. Kadaga need to remain Speaker and get more money to survive? No ! but to be and remain the Speaker.

Owek. Joyce Nabbosa Juliet Ssebugwawo has never been a mole in FDC ! Let’s not throw insults at her, let’s not undermine her! Even at the highest provocation, there is no such a time when I ever disrespected or abused her. I left that ka job where I was earning 3.8m gross & 2.3m Net. What have you lost ?

Any intelligent mind or call it a sane person reading through the insults from the members of the same family ( FDC party)  would easily tell that the person of Ssebugwawo was unwanted or her life threatened!

Kaaya Rajab Sema

Adult Educator – Nansana

Former National Vice Chair FDC

I stand with Joyce Ssebugwawo

Ssebugwawo never voted for the FDC presidential candidate

By Kahemba Samora, 
I stand with Joyce Ssebugwawo,90% of FDC members did not vote POA,why make her the escape goat?
That photo shows Mama  ticked either Bobi or M7 just as the rest of FDC members did! 
FDC is still the biggest opposition political party in Uganda by membership registration but that was completely opposite of how POA scored.
Rukungiri and Kasese the Mecca of FDC overwhelmingly voted for M7 and Kyagulanyi,POA only got good votes from Teso(his tribe mates) not necessarily FDC members.
If we had a chance to peep into ballot basins of all other FDC leaders,you would know that Jesus is the Lord!! 
We just need to sit and assess why our candidates were not voted for by their party members so we can do better next time! 
Ssebugwawo was not alone,all FDC members did exactly what she did,it is hypocritical and out of shame that they are turning guns at her,
Otherwise about her crossing to NRM,that is her! That is the Mama I know(as an FDC Youth Leader ,I worked under her in Lubaga),entondo nobusungu alina bingi,she couldn’t take that humiliating loss lightly.

There are so many moles still in FDC

By Nyanjura Doreen

Often times we know those that are not firm in the Party, those that meet M7 at night but be opposition during the day! We fear the Public, we fear being bashed and we keep those spies in the Party, we keep them because we want to keep the numbers in Parliament and atleast be in charge of the opposition. unfortunately when the truth finally comes out, it’s too late, no one believes us when we tell them that we knew so and so was in talks with the Junta.

I guess now you know why Katonga was created, unfortunately it was also infiltrated and it continues to struggle to identify and shake off the infiltrators!

For long, some of us that have advocated for exposure and expulsion of double elements, are always reminded how political Parties can’t be built like that.

Personally, I was not shocked by Owekitibwa being on the list, I was only shocked that it’s only her that was on the list and others were left out, we are still with them in the Party, they make decisions on behalf of the Party!

The FDC was created on the premise of a Liberation Movement, this is because the environment in which we operate today can’t give a free and fair playing ground to Political Parties. Unfortunately, the premise on which it was founded got diverted into settling to operate in the suffocating environment. The time is now for us not just to change gears but to return to the liberation struggle as it should be and as we know it.

To those in the FDC for Liberation, do not despair, It is when it is darkest that the struggle to find light intensifies. I can state without fear of contradiction that our struggle is going to take on a new trend that will soon deliver our country liberation.

21 July 2013:Tinyefuza´s letter to Director of ISO, Col Ronnie Balya in summary

21 July 2013:Tinyefuza´s letter to Director of ISO, Col Ronnie Balya in summary

The reason I have written this letter, is in regard to the very serious allegations that have appeared in the press that IGP, Brig MK, Gen SS, one Kellen and othershatched an evil and extrajudicial plan of stage-managing the attack on Mbuyabarracks [in March] so as to frame some senior members of this government especially I, [Prime Minister] Amama Mbabazi and CDF, Gen Aronda and those perceived to be anti-Brig Muhoozi project.

“Further, you need to investigate the very serious claims that the same actors are re-organising elements of former Wembley under one police officer Ayegasire Nixon to assassinate people who disagree with this so-called family project of holding onto power inperpetuity,” “Muhoozi Project”

 “indeed intelligence has picked someclandestine actions by this reckless and rather naïve actors to have some youthrecruited as rebels and then frame some members of security services and keypoliticians perceived as anti-establishment.” The “Muhoozi project”

The first time the document came to the fore, it had allegedly been written by Catherine Dembe, an FDC councillor in Mpigi district. She was reportedly conscripted by Sebina Ssekitoleko, a close confidant of police chief Kale Kayihura, to allege thatAmama Mbabazi, Aronda and Tinyefuza were in cahoots with FDC leader Kizza Besigye to overthrow the government.

 Sectarian Museveni Yoweri

By Change of Guards

The NRA was preceeded by the FRONASA which Museveni had raised on secterian grounds to counter balance his percived northern region’s dominance of security forces. The FRONASA project had flopped in 1980 for reasons already discussed above. Therefore, the formation of the NRA was a retrial of an earlier lost opportunity. Therefore, like FRONASA, the NRA was initiated on the same foundation. Infact, while FRONASA’s political wing had some semblance of representation in Bugisu, Budaama and Busoga, the NRA project was a purely Mbarara, Ntungamo and Rukungiri affair. Even so, within those regions, it was only specific areas like Nyabushozi, Kazo, kabula, Lyantonde, Ntutsi, Ntungamo and Kebisoni that enjoyed and continue to enjoy special attachement to NRA. This is what many refer to as the western region’s dominance of NRA.

This was a systematic delibarate design by Museveni to build a secterian personal army that successfuly delivered him the Presidency and has maintained him in power for the last 27 years. Museveni selectively controlled recruitment into the bush to ensure that his home boys were not both quantitatively and qualitatively outnumbered. Before mid 1985, save for the illiterate pastrolist and Baganda peasants from the Luwero Triangle, recruits from other areas would only be recruited and led to the NRA upon approval by either Museveni personaly or his inner clique. 

Despite the presence in the bush of the so called historical members from Buganda, Tooro and Ankole, the NRA continued to be dominated by fighters from those areas. The most feared numbers were those from Buganda and Ankole Bairus. Senior historicals like Kategaya and Koreta from Rwampara in Mbarara; Chihandae, Mushega, Otafiire, Kanyankole and others from Bushenyi; the Njubas, Sserwanga lwanga, Mukwayas, Kigongo from Buganda; the Dr. Kamanyire, Aston Kajara, Katenta Apuuli, Aliganyira, Italikire Kiiza, Ben Rwabutara, Bob Kagoro from Tooro; Peter Kerim, Nasur Izaruk, Dr. Bata, Ondoga Amaza from West Nile; Byemaro Mijumbi, Kyaligonza, Rwamukaaga from Bunyoro; were outrightly restricted from bringing in recruits hailing from their respective home areas. Actually, their presence in the bush was like a hostage kind of situation. That is partly why Moses Kigongo had planned to escape from the bush. They were delibarately kept off the mainstream military but only retained and refered to as political leaders. Upon coming into power, its just a few of them who were awarded ceremonial and honorary military ranks; Brig. Kategaya, Col. Mushega, Gen. Otafiire! 

It was very common for Museveni to place a ban on recruitment but in- between, Hima and Rwandese Tutsi would continue to come in. Openly raising such an issue would amount to the capital offence of subversion and spreading harmful propaganda and punishable by gruesome death. In a similar incident, some historical members suggested to Museveni that he sanctions a contigent of leaders and fighters and provide them with arms to open up bases in the western region. Museveni outrightly rejected the idea by furiously asking them that “if you had the capacity to start it why didnt you start it?”. Later in late 1985,when Museveni was away and not in charge, Tadeo Kanyankole the then Chief of Training and recruitment (CTR) moved the NRA training wing to Buhweju but he was accused of being used by DP to recruit Catholics/Bairu and rejecting Himas and Tutsis. For this crime, Kanyankole died misserably and 27 later recently Museveni went to Buhweju to acknowledge the contribution of the war veterans of that area. He shamefuly made no mention of Kanyankole’s contribution. Nearby there, Kanyankole must have felt nuisea and turned in his grave. 

That is how the Bahima, Tutsi and Bahororo from Nyabushozi, Kazo, Ntungamo and Kebisoni in Rukungiri came to and continue to dominate the NRA. 


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