January 2009
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Month January 2009

Discuss business despite UNLA Murders


We need to start discussing business opportunities here in UK and US. Many of us have companies here and we need to share experiences with other Ugandans who can help us mainly in the section of tendering. We cannot be talking about politics only. We have incumbent problems which only money can solve. It’s good to talk about politics but you know talking politics every time won’t take us anywhere. It’s about blame and blame.

Many of us were born when Uganda was at war and all we know about Uganda is war. I saw UNLA/F raping and killing people. I resented them straight away. My first sight of them raping and killing is when they went to Nangwa in Mukono and raped the wife of Mr  Paul Kalule Kagodo.Mrs Kagodo was like a mother to me. She was a family friend. UNLF/A boys raped her repeatedly and there after shot her repeatedly. On their way back to Kampala, they saw women crossing Jinja road in a place callede Kigombya, they were running to see Mrs Mbaale who had just given birth to a baby girl. UNFLA/F soldiers stopped and followed these women. Upon reaching Mbale’s house, people fled and soldiers started raping Mrs Mbale who had just given birth. They also raped the newly born baby. The baby bled to death. Mrs Mbaale was rushed to a hospital from where sperms were removed from her vagina.Unfortunately, Mbaale refused to sleep with his wife again and the woman had to leave the village later on.From that day, I hated UPC. I developed hatred for UNLA/F. My hatred was so much that it could only be quenched by revenge. So, we need to be careful by not repeating the past. We need to learn together without fear of rape, murder and other bad stuff.

I’m not a UPC sympathiser. However, I know some of the good things which they did and their failures as well. UPC was the government which completely failed to control UNLA/F.

UNLA/F boys could do anything with impunity. The most annoying thing is that UPC people completely deny that they mismanaged their army and that people had to take up arms to fight the randy army buffoons who were sexually thirsty all the time.

The man I’m talking about Paul Kalule Kagodo had to join UFM and he became the chairman. If you were in Nairobi during the war, you might have heard about him. I did not go into exile as I had just come back from one. People either had to just look on as the army misbehaved or had to join UFM or go into exile.

Now, we have to move on. We need to know that Uganda is for all of us. We need to learn that all people are equally important and that love is the greatest thing above all.

North, South, East and West, we are all Ugandans. We are not beasts. We shouldn’t be killing , raping and robbing one another.

Just for clarification and for history books, Paul Kalule Kagodo, formerly Government Auctioneer became the 3rd UFM/A Chairman after Balaki Kirya (BK) and Amin Mutyaba (Ibrahim Ndugwa).  Dr Nsibirwa and Dr Kayira lobbied heavily for Kagodo’s election to the chairmanship in 1986 for certain reasons.



Why can’t UPDF be like Kenya’s forces

The information we are seeking should be public as is the case in Kenya. No secrets are being spilled if UPDF were to come forward and state that the chain of command in the military is so and so.

In Kenya the structure is very clear for all. The overall Army boss is the Chief of General Staff (CGS), deputized by the vice CGS and then Army Commander, then Deputy Army Commander/Airforce/Navy chiefs. UPDF should do away with the chief of staff and go the Kenyan way with CGS. Army chief of staff in Kenya-may be there but-is not listed among the senior ranks of the army. CGS is the overall CGS for all units, army, air force and navy. In Uganda we have individual chief of staff for army (Lt Gen. Koreta), air force and so on. Now can anyone tell me how an army chief of staff is senior to the Commander of the army? This contradicts the statements made by some people that General Koreta is senior to General Katumba the land army commander!

The media should tell Major Kulayigye to learn from Kenya where he just returned from some course. He should know by now that the man who was head of the staff college he attended in Karen, Lt Gen Tuwei (a Kalenjin) was recently named Army Commander to replace General Njoroge. He is now the 3rd ranking army officer. There is clarity in Kenya which is lacking in Uganda I guess for obvious reasons.

Do the media ever ask questions to govt spokespeople or they simply take their press releases and print it? Do the media or assigned reporters ever ask the police spokesperson questions on record? What about Major Kulayigye? Do defence or amy ever hold press conferences? And if they do, have the papers and FM stations assigned reporters to cover the army, police etc? Well we have been told that UPDF is open so why not ask them to send the media houses press releases if they are too busy to talk to the media about the chain of command in descending order?

Sometime back, there was talk of reforming UPDF. What I am saying is that the current structure may not be the best. I prefer the Kenya structure for its clarity and effectiveness. In Kenya at least, the Army Commander is 3rd in seniority. That much is clear. Kenya has tried to rotate the CGS among the three units Army (current), Navy (immediate former) and Airfoce (next if rotation stays).

Kenya also has a set ratio in terms of military promotions. The ratio that must be followed is 7:2: 1 in favour of Army, Airforce and Navy respectively. I suspect that is what makes the army commander a grade above the other service commander. Is there such a ratio in Uganda?

We are interested in debating the national defence policy. Certainly UPDF could do better. Again, I use the Kenyan example. CGS serves for one 4 year term and goes home. The President may extend that if need be, but it has served the military well. All senior commanders must also retire by the age of 58. That age limit means that the recently named army commander will have to retire in 2 years. The clarity makes it easier for others to emerge and lead.

Now compare that with Uganda where people come in and out. What is the status of Kazini for example? This business of Katebe should be ended.

I personally know a senior UPDF officer-will not say rank-who is well educated but he has stuck in the ranks for years. He wants to leave but they won’t let him go home. And yes, the chap is from South Western Uganda.

If you checked the Kenyan DOD, there are no army chiefs of staff anywhere so they must be lower the chain.

What we know about UPDF

There is the link to the Uganda MOD where the details of the UPDF can be found.  The information appears to be in the public domain: Link: http://www.defenceuganda.mil.ug/about_updf.php?status=true

The link for the Army, which you Ugandans have elected to call the Land Forces is: http://www.defenceuganda.mil.ug/landforce.php?status=true..

The link for the Airforce is: http://www.defenceuganda.mil.ug/airforce.php?status=true.

The link for the Marines is: http://www.defenceuganda.mil.ug/marineforce.php?status=true

Of course Uganda is a land-locked country, so reference to ‘Marines’ is a misnomer.  Our geography has nothing to do with the sea.  May they should have referred to ‘Amphibious’ or ‘Lake-borne’

Note that, in terms of doctrine, whether organisational or tactical, Uganda has borrowed from Tanzania.  Even when you look at Kenya, we need to be clear about the structure.  The heads of the services (Army, Airforce, Navy) are respectively called Commanders, they are all at the same level, falling directly under the CGS–>VCGS.

In Uganda, instead of ‘General Staff’ you refer to Defence Forces.  Gen Aronda is the CDF (equiv of CGS) and Gen Koreta is the Deputy CDF (equiv of VCGS).  Gen. Koreta is not the Chief of Staff of the Army as you indicate.  The army has its own command structure as a service with Gen Katumba as the commander.  The same applies with the Airforce where there is a commander.  Each of the Services has its chief of staff.  The Joint Chief of Staff, Brig. Rusoke oversees the chiefs of staff of the services, and not the service commanders.  The service commanders are answerable to the CDF through the Deputy CDF, just like in Kenya.

Gen Koreta, the Deputy CDF is senior to the respective service commanders (Katumab for the Army, Owoyesigire for the Ariforce)….no contradiction there.

Whether Kenya mentions its chiefs of staffs or not is a matter of preference but I am sure they do exist there too and operate in a similar manner.  I think all you Ugandans have not done is to draw an organogram like Kenya has done.

Note that, for Kenya you refer to the Army Commander as the third highest ranking but that is not the case.  All service commanders are at the same level…they are peers (see this link: http://www.mod.go.ke/Modsite/about.htm)

But even,  all this debate about structure and personalities really takes us into the weeds: bottom line, it is trivial in regard the defence and security of Uganda.  Can’t you at UAH, some aspiring to be future party leaders and probably future presidents of the country etc be interested in debating the country’s national security/defence policy?

As you can see, that information is there on the net, like most other information.   We do ourselves a disservice when we start from the negative position  that information is being concealed, because then we generate unnecessary defensiveness and contestation from colleagues like Kateregga, who unfortunately browbeats himself through debates without informing himself first about the issues he tries to defend.

But the question of Uganda’s institutional realities: Institutions are a mirror image of the societies that they service.  How institutions function (and malfunction) is a culmination of historical factors, and a distillate of political realities.  It may be a bit unrealistic for us to take the Kenyan arrangement as the norm for all time and all places.  One may ask for example, why is it that following the 1964 mutiny of the East African militaries, did Mr Nyerere disarm, lock up and finally disband the Tanganyika Rifles completely, then Mr Kenyatta did the same but not as comprehensively yet Mr Obote decided to honour all the demands of the mutineers, increased their salaries, gave them promotions; dismissed the ringleaders and reinstated them half an hour later?  Part of what we see today has roots right there in our history.

How many civil wars has Kenya or Tanzania had?  Do those countries have the equivalent of Buganda, as an ‘indigestible element’ in national life, to use Huntington’s words in his ‘Political Order in Chaging Societies’?  How many times since 1964 has the Kenyan military been disbanded; and how about Uganda? How many rebel groups has Kenya had?  Uganda…anything up to thirty.  Co-opting all those for the sake of short term harmony has always been at the expense of professionalism.  The Katebe ‘institution’ is an embodiment of some fo those skeletons in the closet of our politcal history.

Think of a peace agreement tomorrow, and you have a Lt Gen Kony.  Atamuweka wapi?  Will he command a division?  Will you send him out as a military attache in a European capital?  Can he be the commandant of your senior staff college?  What are the antecendents of the Kony phenomenon?  It is your politics!  Keep such people out because you want professionalism a la Kenya, face them in the rural countryside as rebels.  Point is, Kenya has had a completely different historical trajectory.

How about coups?  Kazini’s status: Have you heard of any former Army Commander in Africa being taken to prison for stealing a few shillings?  Kazini, Major General, S.3 dropout.  Otamuweka wapi?  Tanzanian retired generals are diplomats, regional governors,etc.  Can you trust Kazini with your herd of goats?  How did such an individual like Kazini become the embodiment of the values of a very important national instituion? I am told he still has some cases to answer for petty thieving.  You know, when he was in Nigeria for senior command training, those officers there always wondered how he became a general.  When they went out to look for ladies, Kazini would go in for those that befitted Nigerian Corporals! When he went to Ghana for a staff course, he nad a runin with an instructor.  He was thrown off the course, escorted back to Uganda by the Ghanaian Military Police paka Entebbe, then they heard he was Chief of Staff, then Army Commander!  Did they laugh or cry?

And with Kazini, when you talk to the average UPDF soldier, he will tell that if all he had left in his rifle were only two rounds of ammunition, and he found Kazini, Kony and Odhiambo in a dark corner, he would shoot Kazini twice in the head………

General Kazini….two words that are a heart-rending oxymoron!

Anyway as I said, ever since 1979, Uganda has tended to lean towards Tanzania in the manner of organising the military…for obvious reasons.  Even subsequently when you did away with NRA, you opted for UPDF…mirroring TPDF.   To appreciate the Uganda military arrangements, look at TPDF.

And by the way, the Tanzanians (and anybody else) would tell you that the Kenyan system is the one that is confused.  Kenya lacks the conceptual grasp between ‘Command’ matters, i.e., everything to do with the general directing of operational matters (the teeth) and ‘Staff’ matters i.e., everything to do with directing support matters (the tail).  The Joint Chief of staff in Tanzania is actually called the Chief of General Staff…he is incharge of Staff Officers that support the commanders.  Kenyans call their biggest commander a ‘chief of staffs’ which is really funny….like referring to a headmaster as a head prefect.  With the Tanzanians, the Chief of Staff is of a higher rank than the respective service commanders, making him the third most senior.  The Tanzanians are also silent about the chiefs of staff of the respective services.

At UAH, we should really focus also on policy and statecraft issues.  This is where the future of the country can best be thought about instead of spending a lot of time on recrimination, defensiveness and making comical promises.  I will send you the country’s defence policy and the white paper on defence…..it is in such areas that incumbents should be put to task for the good of the country, not just hurling insults at them like we like to do here at UAH.


1. Namirembe used to have heavyweights as bishops, what happened? True, those were real heavyweights of those hey days but remember our Jjajjas said that ‘Enswa bw’ekyuusa amaaso ….’ What has happened now after the two favourite Nsubugas (Namirembe and Lubaga) is that the white ants are no longer regular in their flight operations, so the traffic controllers (read heavyweights) have to adopt new procedures and regulations. It is a game of Chess where bbugu bbugu ssi muliro.
2. The candidates are ranked by the Electoral College by means of evaluating their CVs and theology ratings. Of course interpersonal relating is also vital.
3. One does not necessarily have to be a Canon in order to be elected bishop. You might be a Canon but not qualify to be bishop material. To be a good bishop one must have good Shepherd skills and qualities. Take an example of a person with a masters degree that fails to run a company yet there might be an undergraduate being capable of turning around the company. Look at our State’s history and judge for yourself after several comparisons.
4. The House of Bishops is bound by the rankings of the Electoral College by Protocol because the Electoral College membership is vetted by the Synod. However, there shouldn’t be any difficulties in the House of Bishops unless political interferance creeps in.
5. It is absolutely out of question to redo the nomination process unless political interferance takes over. The nomination process has its own Protocol such that by the time the final nominees reach the level of being vetted upon by the House of Bishops, there are supposed to be no nuances.
6. The Archbishop has no influence at all in the election of the bishop under normal circumstances. The Church is supposed to be a Free and Fair organisation void of uncalled for micro-management/directorship. The Archbishop has to just wait for the outcome of the vetting process by the House of Bishops, the same way our Kabaka used to wait for the names of the nominees to the Katikkiroship in the pre-1966 military coup d’etat.
7. Majority of the countries where freedom of the press is practiced have got such Tabloids like the Red Pepper. However, those Tabloids should not be above the ethics of the society by publishing material that could easily lead to the manipulation of one section of the society to the peril of the nation. These Tabloids should desist from being used by rivals and or, politicians in the manipulation of the society. At least, that is my belief.
Everyone would of course wish to have a leader of an organisation who is on good terms with the political leadership of the State, however, then the question here to be asked is: Why should the State leadership not be on good terms with such an innocent humble non-political body as the Church or Islamic organisation? Don’t you think that when things reach to that level it implies that definitely something is amiss somewhere? Ako nno kalowoozo.

Resist power-sharing deals

to ugandans-at-he.


I am not a fan of the fads taking shape in Africa in the form of power sharing deals. It is a reversal of whatever little gains had been made in democratization.  My Nigerian and Ghanaian friends  laugh at us -East African and South Africans-for buying into power sharing deals. I hear Ugandans are excited about the propect of sharing power come to 2011. Bad idea period.

Take Kenya. ODM ministers have proven to be the most corrupt. It true. Actually Kenya is on the brink of a famine because ODM buddies colluded and sold maize to Sudan while their folks are about to starve. But those ministers can not be fired.  So who is encouraging corruption in Africa? Is it not those who impose such power sharing deals.

Then there is the case of that spectacle in Zimbabwe. A political moron if there can be one. I shudder at the prospect of him as prime Minister. What has Africa come too folks?

It goes to show that even the opposition is not socialized to accept democratic outcomes. If they can mobilize goons to kill innocent women and children, they can scare the West to impose power sharing deals. So why bother to make efforts?

We need vibrant opposition not the maziwa lala type to put the govt to task. We do not need power sharing deals in Africa. They are anti-democratic. They breed corruption. Each part should “eat what they kill”. That is what will spur democratization in Africa. Oh yes, even Nigeria will eventually get it right.



During a recent radio talk show discussing multi/party politics, a discussant, Dr Golooba made a rather startling comment on FDC. “……The only people who practised some kind of multi party politics were Miria and Sebaana. I dont even know what FDC represents.” The implication here is that FDC may not be having anything to articulate or represent and may therefore not even be a political party.

Before this remark, Bidandi Ssali had been quoted in The Daily Monitor of January 21 2006 as saying: “I don’t see a future for FDC after Museveni is out of the way, either through resignation or defeat. Most of the FDC leaders are in there for various motives.” In other words, apart from resistence to Museveni, there is no single thread which binds them. It is therefore not a political party in the true sense of the words.

What then is FDC?

Condintions that give rise to social and political struggles basically fall into two categories. First, is the search for economic advancement. One cannot postulate that FDCs share a common economic fate, and that it is that which binds them. Or that as a group they are seeking to improve their economic situation.

Secondly, there are those struggles which arise out of issues concerning identity.We all belong to various identities. They may be religions, schools, professions, etc. We are proud of these identities, and invest a lot of emotional resources to their well being. We also work hard to improve their status vis a vis other identities.

This is what UPC and DP for instance are about. DP seeks to improve the status of status of the identity of catholics, and UPC that of certain
nationalities or tribes.

FDC does not fall into any of these categories.
Prior to the formation of FDC, Dr Besigye was a senior member of the NRM. To put forward this arguement is not to negate the possiblity of one belonging to a political party or organisation, and being able to transcend the limits of that organisation, and then move on to higher plane.

Rather it is to argue that Dr Besigye is ideologically not different from that of Museveni. He has not shown anywhere that he has transcended the ideological position of the NRM. This arguement is reinforced by Dr Besigyes own ealier arguement that Museveni had renaged from the original positions of the NRM. In other words all Dr Besigye needs is to bring us back to the the origial NRM. Initially he also sought to reform the NRM. It will be recalled that it is this urge to reform the NRM which initially led him to form and lead an organisation called Reform Agenda.

However, despite its limited scope and purpose, FDC seems to have garnered a
lot of support. How do we characterise and expliain this

I would like to submit that the apparent support for FDC is a bubble. That is to say it is based on totally unrealistic expectations, and when reality reveals itself, the bubble will burst. Another way of characterisng FDC is to view it as a balloon. A fully blown balloon will look big. however, if you pinch it with a sharp pin, it bursts and shrivels into almost nothing.

In the financial world, the bubble means those stocks which come up and are highly rated well beyond their true value. With that kind of rating stock buyers rush to buy such stocks thinking they are making a good buy. However when the stocks assume their true value, the exagurated value collapses and the stocks assume their true market value which should be much lower than what most buyers would have spent. This is what in stock markets are called the busting of the bubble.

What do I mean?

A sizeable portion of the the population are opposed to Museveni. In their quest to rid themselves of Museveni, they thought FDC and, in particular its leader, Dr Besigye could do the job.

They viewed Dr Besigye as a very courageous man who could take up Museveni. They also saw him as a miltary man who should have the miltary support with which to checkmate Museveni’s miltary support.

Further Museveni himself gave Dr Besigye a tremendous boost by appearing to be terribly scared of him. Dr Besigye was not only locked up but several charges were brought against him.

Now that Besigye has “lost” the elections, those from other parties who supported him will take a review. It is during that review that the bubble will begin to burst.

Dr Besigye has also gone to court to protest election irregularities. There is a real posiblity that the Court could agree with his petition.

If the Court upheld the petition, and nullified the recent elections, that is to say knocked out Museveni, the problem of Museveni would have been solved.

In such a sitution, just as Bidandi Ssali had earlier said, FDC would have no objective necessity to continue existing. FDC would splinter, and those who had supported Dr Besigye in the belief that he is the only one who has the wherewithall to combat Museveni would review their position in the light of a sitution of Museveni out of the fight.

On the other hand, there is the cynical view is that the Courts cannot pass any judgement against Museveni. Should that be the scenario, then Besigye’s
failure in court would further accelerate the bursting of the bubble. Many of his erstwhile supporters do expect him to carry the day in court. They feel they were cheated at the polls. A failure at the Courts would totally dash the residual hope and send them reviewing their political affiliation to FDC.

In the long run too, the FDC has no future as Bidandi Ssali says. It is no inkling as to the tasks which have come to the fore at the present phase of our history. It is just reacting to events, and particulalrly the person of President Museveni.


1/9 UPC, DP, PPP, NRMO, CP, JEEMA, FDC, JF, UGP, NDF (plus Vicks Kingo!) and on and on…probably heading for the 623 of the evening of Mobutu’s Zaire , when that country was the most vibrant multiparty democracy in the world.  But the question is, where does factionalism end and where does pluralism begin? When one looks at the random harvest of Uganda’s political elite, all one sees are individuals that are exactly the same, but struggling to be different. They struggle to differ because of the narrowness of the ‘panya’ that leads to the coveted throne where some ruling clique of the day dishes out patronage, lubricated mostly unearned income that is tossed at us in form of aid.

2/9 Let us take a closer look at Uganda ’s demographics.  We are just over 30 million.  Of that, about 27 million, i.e., 90% are peasants.  Let us take another country like France in the past.  In 1789 on the eve of that country’s revolution, the French were 25 million and of that, 23 million i.e., 90% were peasants.  Yes, one could argue that, that was France , and the year was 1789.. In other words: different locales, different epochs. But in socio-historical terms, Uganda 2008 = France 1789: 90% peasants and that tells a huge story about our capabilities across the board.

3/9 But of course you know that when France had the same proportion of peasants like we do now, they did not have political parties. Is it because the French were blind to the virtues of pluralism, and we, Uganda are cleverer? Is it a historical accident that when the earlier modernisers had similar demographics like Uganda ’s now they were ruled by monarchs (Mono: single person; archs: rulers)? And I am not a monarchist please….but, with our 90% peasants, the rest being – let us be honest – a lumpen bourgeoisie, a functional liberal democracy seems to be a negative dream in Uganda, as the purposeless jostling between and within our factions clearly demonstrates.

4/9 Attempting to cheat social development will not take us anywhere, because the gravitational pull of our social reality seems to always pull us towards our historical station: mediaevalism: 20, 30, 40 yrs in power by the rulers, just like the Hapsburgs and Tudors; and Hohenzollerns and Shoguns of the earlier modernisers.

5/9 Historically, political parties have always emerged as structures for forming and conveying group interests in VERTICALLY DIFFERENTIATED SOCIETIES whose structure is the outcome of the transformation engendered by the industrial and agricultural revolutions.  In societies where political parties emerge, wage labourers at the base, bureaucratic elites in the middle and merchants, owners of capital, financiers, industrialists and land at the top (I am reminded here that, 70% of the land in Britain is owned by 0.7% of the population).  In that kind of set up, a labourer in a factory will not give a damn about the ethnicity of a factory manager.  What the wage labourer wants is a decent minimum wage, low income tax and acceptable working conditions.  The head of his trade union can be any religion or lineage, as long as he is vocal enough to squeeze maximum benefits from the factory owner.

6/9 In those societies, political parties are nothing but the committees that manage the interests of those classes..  For example in Britain which colonised us, the interests of the top third are taken care of by the Conservatives, those of the middle third by the Liberal Democrats (the fence sitters) and those of the bottom third are managed by the Labour Party.  Tell us: whose class interests do UPC or DP or PPP or NRM or CP or JEEMA or FDC or JF or UGP or NDF etc manage? Whose interests does Nzaana, Semuwemba, Ochieno, Wambuga, Nsubuga part I, Nsubuga Part II, Nsubuga, Adhola and…..er, L/Cpl Otto represent? Do we speak for wage labourers, landlords, financiers or what? Which class do we speak for?

7/9 Uganda now is a society that is HORIZONTALLY DIFFERENTIATED. The only groups known to the predominant ‘class’ (the 90% peasants) in Uganda are ethnicities, clans, sub clans, lineages, families, castes etc. The consciousness of the 10% (or even less) pseudo elite (one of whom you and I are) is false consciousness arising from what we see across the fence in the global north.

8/9 Now; people, when you impose the structures of interest aggregation and articulation of vertically differentiated polities onto horizontally differentiated countries like Uganda, IT IS AS IF YOU ARE FORCING A PAWPAW TREE TO GROW LIKE A PUMPKIN.  That tree will either die off outright, or become a disastrous weed as it struggles to conform to alien territory: the undulating contours of that horizontal social template of pre-industrialism.  This is what Mr Adhola tries to rationalise by stating that, I quote, This is what UPC and DP for instance are about. DP seeks to improve the status of status of the identity of catholics, and UPC that of certain nationalities or tribes.’
That sums up the basic pathology of Uganda’s politics today.  Uganda with political parties is like a porcupine in a kanzu.

9/9 The fact is that, political parties are not merely creatures of, but are an upshot of industrialism.  We are not there.  What political dispensation propelled the industrial, vertically differentiated polities to liberalism? It was not multipartyism! Just like a pawpaw tree cannot grow like a pumpkin, or kalitusi can not grow like lumonde, liberal democracy cannot thrive in our mediaeval conditions.  We may need to go back to the drawing board!…..Look at what other preindustrial countries had to do to create the infrastructure for liberal democracy.

L/Cpl (rtd) Otto Patrick

Banyoro and Bakiiga live peacefully

Bunyoro-Kitara is the only kingdom in Uganda where everybody is welcome unreservedly. Just go to Masindi you will find Luos in Cope who even have their own Luo-speaking MP, OTADA AMOOTI who owns a flourishing Bus company by his name, OTADA BUS COMAPNY.

Bagungu in Buliisa DISTRICT and elsewhere in Bunyoro-Kitara are very happily integrated into Bunyoro-Kitara cultures and traditions. Even the Masindi Disitrict chairman, Stephen Biriija is a Mugugu. But Bagungu, Alurs, etc. and Banyoro live very happily together. Come to Kibaale District, out of four MPs two are Bakiga.

In 1965 the whole Omukama of Bunyoro-Kitara, Sir Tito Winyi officially invited Bakiga to come and settle in Kibaale and they were allocated a whole sub-county,  RUTEETE. My own dad, the late Joseph Kazairwe played a major role in re-settling them.

And in 1992 Bugangaizi MP, the Ssali Sekitoleko in agreement with President Y. Museveni transplanted over 30,000 Bakiga from Tooro and settled them in Bugangaiizi County at Kisiita.

Banyoro are so hospitable the migrant Bakiga were given 12 acres of Bunyoro land free of charge. And later they were given Shs 12 million by the High Court. Where in Uganda do you find such hospitality and generosity.

Today the areas where Bakiga Bafuruki are settled are more prosperous than the ones where Banyoro are in the Majority. The Bakiga Bafuruki even changed the names of our sub-counties, for example BURORA  was changed to  RUGASHARI, ETC. We have Bakonjo and Bamba migrants in Kibaale living happily with Banyoro.

One must read Bunyoro-Kitara history and the Uganda Constitution. These documents show you that there are major historiclal atrocities which were committed against Banyoro and the Uganda Government has the moral and physical responsibility to rectify them.That’s why President Musevein called Parliament in 2003 and sought permission from the august house to ask for permission to unseat  a Mukiga, Fred Rulemeera, to step a down and make sure a Munyoro replaces him and becomes Kibaale District chairman.The Uganda Constitution says these historical wrongs against Banyoro must be addressed and when this is done it will not mean that Banyoro are more human than others.

Henry Ford Mirima

what happened to Rwanda’s King?

Rwanda had a revolution led by George Kaibanda, with the help of the French and Catholic Church that deposed King Kigyeri to Uganda and Muteesa gave him land in Mawogola where he settled and his people. During UPC/KY alliance, Obote hired Kigyeri and some of his people to work in General Service Unit. They continued even in State Research Bureau under Amin. However a section led by Fred Rwigyema were in FRONASA with Museveni. While many led by Ndugute were in Uganda Army. Since independence in 1962, Rwanda is a republic not a monarchy. Last year Kagame told Kigyeri to go back to Rwanda as a private citizen. Kigyeri refused and said that he wanted to go back as a king. He lives in New York .

Kigeri lost power in 1959 and his grandfather had lost power first to Germans and later to the British. Kagame fought and captured state power in 1994 and he is therefore the legitimate leader. He also organized elections and he won it. So somebody with political and military power and with the legitimacy of the people, he can direct a former king. Rwanda is not yet with a law allowing traditional leaders. Kigeri may be back like our own kings here in Uganda. It is the same with the family of the Sultan of Zanzibar, an extension of the Sultan of Oman. Then the former ruling dynasty of Burundi which was deposed in 1966, then that of Ethiopia swept away in 1974. The Banyamulenge king of former Zaire is a businessman in Kampala but Kabila is the one with power even if Kabila is a commoner. That’s life mwattu!!!

Brief Insight into Ugandan’s Army Commanders(1986-2009): Muntu Vs Kazini

Muntu is now an executive member of FDC

Hello UAH,

lam not a professional soldier and l will avoid petty wars at Bombo as who is a good and bad army commander. Each had strong and weak points. We interact with soldiers who praise Late Kaziini as we interact with others who praise General Aronda. On professionalism, Aronda is more credited as he is now and then sending officers some of which were on ‘’katebe’’ for years, for training here and abroad in preparation for promotions.

In my opinion,Mugisha Muntu was a good administrator but not a sound commander like Yoweri Museveni, Salim Saleh, David Tinyefuza, James Kaziini, Aronda Nyakairima etc…..He enjoyed good times with Sam Nannyumba, who was also an experienced administrator not a commander.

Muntu is credited for not being corrupt but he was never a field commander. He was good in reconnaissance. Muntu’s weakness was being an arm chair army commander, not a field commander like Salim Saleh, David Tinyefuza and James Kaziini. He cannot be personally responsible for what happened in the battle field

UPDF National Army?

We are all sympathetic with the conditions of our civil servants and soldiers serve in due to their numerical strength; police, army, teachers, nurses. Our economy cannot make for them heavens. Unlike Obote 1’s UA and UNLA, UPDF is a people’s army which has successfully transformed from a guerrilla force to a professional army. They are political but not partisan, so they know from where we have come from, where we have reached and where we are going. Some People seem not comfortable with the name NRA. But let me remind them that when DP wanted to change UNLA name to UA in 1980s but UPC led by Defence Minister Paulo Muwanga refused.

Fortunately UPDF was a consensus in Constituent Assembly since the army was NRA, the draft recommended for UAF and they all agreed with UPDF. Initially DP’s Sebaana Kizito was not comfortable with it because of the word people which, he said would reminding him of UPC and its atrocities. The army and the media are so crucial in the politics of Uganda and elsewhere and those who are hostile to them will never see the gates of State House.

Uganda People’s Defence Forces is composed of the regular force; Land Forces, Air Force where Marines is a Unit, support forces like Mechanized Regiment, Motor Unit and others. Then the Reserve Forces including veterans and our LDUs. It cannot be 100% percent one tribe.

However on a surface, most senior officers hail from south western Uganda. For example on NRM celebrations (26/Jan) at Kololo, the Chief of Defence Forces (Gen. Aronda Nyakairima), the Inspector General of Police (Maj. Gen. Kale Kayihura) and Commissioner General of Prisons (Dr.Byabasaiza) escorted the president when inspecting a guard of honour. They are all from South West. Yet in a land locked country, the most powerful man is Commander of Land Forces, Lt. Gen. Katumba Wamala. That was the position that made Idi Amin and Oyite Ojok powerful over Opolot and Tito Okello. So long as officers and men/women of UPDF and other forces are national in character, l don’t mind a few historicals mostly from one region who are phasing out. Can.Lt.Gen.Elly Tumwine, Salim Saleh or David Tnyefuza become chief of defence forces or Commander of Land Forces again? No. They are phasing out.

Late Kazini

One of the stupid things President George Bush did was to dismantle the Iraqi army, one million strong. It has taught him and his occupiers a lesson. A similar mistake was made by Tanzanians in 1979 when they disbanded Uganda Armed Forces as Idi Amin’s personal army. They regrouped in the Sudan and DR Congo and almost went with Obote and Okello Lutwa’s heads in Koboko in 1980. Ask Barig.Robert Rwenhururu. They became a prey for Isaac Lumago, Moses Ali, Faruq Minawa, Lutakome Kayiira and Yoweri Museveni’s recruitment against Obote ll regime. Brig.Kasirye Gwanga has been giving testimonies to that effect. Therefore any politician abusing UPDF will never step into power even for a day.

Ahmed Katerega


Gen. Muntu served as Army Commander for 8 years. Before him, Gen. Tumwiine served for about 3 years, and Gen Akandwanaho for about 1 year. After him, Gen. Odongo served in that post for about 4 years, JB Kazini for just less than two years.

Administration is one of the ten principles of war. You cannot be a good commander when you are not a good administrator. When Gen Muntu was the Division Commander 05 Div from 1989 to 1990 he was merely the in-charge of reconnaissance? From there he was promoted to Major General, from Colonel (two levels up) to be Army Commander. Was that a reward for his predilection for the arm chair?

A good commander should make a good Army Commander: the latter is just a particular type of commander. Was the chap called James Kazini a good Army Commander?

Even as a mere Lance Corporal, I can confidently counsel you against that mechanical dichotomy between command and administration……It is like talking of a ‘good journalist but a bad writer’; or ‘a good scribe who pays no attention to detail.’ To be one, you have to be the other. Short of that, you are neither!

The point is, there is a difference between a giraffe in a China shop and a good commander. Check out Kisangani , and check out the circus at Bombo UPDF Hqs particularly from November 2001 to sometime in 2003. If, in the field you just bungle and blunder around, you will do so even in administration. Do not confuse poor administrators who take refuge in ‘fieldism’, for good commanders.

UPDF National Army?

When you say:’Uganda People’s Defence Forces is composed of the regular force; Land Forces, Air Force where Marines is a Unit, support forces like Mechanised Regment, Motor Unit and others. Then the Reserve Forces including veterans and our LDUs. It can not be one percent one tribe.’

What are you actually telling us? Does UPDF’s technical heterogeneity imply ethnic representativeness? Your argument is what is called a non sequitur: an argument consisting of an absurd conclusion that has no logical connection to the premises on which it is based. Example: Mr Kateregga is a graduate of Political Science; he is a mulangira from Buddu. Therefore it is going to rain tomorrow. The arms and services you have listed are the ‘tribes’ of the military as an organisation. They tell us nothing about the ‘tribes’ of the membership. Do they?

New Vision always covers recruitment exercises. In your archives, there should be data on national recruitment, showing the turn-up of recruitment candidates in various localities. You could even quote the law (if any) stipulating ethnic quotas and showing that it is not possible for one ethnic group to dominate the UPDF. You could even quote for us data from the personnel department of the UPDF showing the force’s membership by ethnicity.

Then you go on to tell us that: ‘However on a surface, most senior officers hail from south western Uganda.’What does that statement actually mean? Do you mean, on the surface they are from the south, but when you scratch them deep they are from Karamoja? I remember reading a New Vision article some time in 2000 where you hero, Late James Kazini was quoted saying that, at that time, Nyabushozi county had a UPDF membership of 6,000 individuals. Do you remember that article? I think he was hosting a party for Mary Mugyenyi Rutamwebwa who was intending to contest for the Nyabushozi seat.

Otto Patrick

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