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Month July 2010

How to Stop Thieves terrorising people in Uganda


Dear Ugandans,

The thieves are terrorising people in and on the outskirts of Kampala but If any of you is going to wait for the police to help you over these thieves, you have a big jock on your hands. In early 2000s, we had such a situation in Nansana. Some of us took it upon ourselves to contact the District Internal Security office, and the then Wembly Unit. We wrote to the District Security offices and only copied our correspondences to the Nansana Police Post- reason being, they just cannot do this for you.

You need to organise yourselves. Most of these thugs are sons born in Nansana, the police find it difficult to get some of them and punish them because they are protected- mwaana wagundi!.

If you asked around Nansana, especially around the St. Joseph Primary and Secondary schools Nansana, all that area below the church, the stretch below the Nansana Town Council premises up to Masitoowa, people know about the mobilisation we did then. Some of the people who participated in this Mobilisation are still there in Nansana and they are willing to cooperate. Just get up and protect yourselves.

Let me put this right. By taking full responsibility for fighting against the thugs in Nansana then, we never set them on fire or launch them; we contacted, pressurised and thus compelled the Wakiso District Security officers as well as Wembeley guys to reign on these fellows. They would do rounds during both evening and night.

We made the police aware that we were tired of their unending promises. Incidentally the police seem to have been collaborating with the thieves because they seem to have been warning the thieves about which side of Nansana they were to patrol at what time!

But when all avenues fail, then people will have no alternative but to go it their own way.

Frank Mutagubya

UAH forumist

POLICE & PRISONS ALSO STUDY AT NALI ??


Dear UAH,

When the Tibamanya-Rutashokwa story came up, someone suggested that Tibamanya did it because he had been trained in Kyankwanzi, which is what I set out to correct because our training manuals do not have that module.

But I also suggested that if the institutions at which we are trained are responsible for our crimes and sins, let each of us begin my giving his/her CV so that we gather data on crime and sin in relation to where one studied. I also emphasised that such an exercise is foolish. I hope you now get my point.

I agree that our institutes should follow their students to ensure they don’t ashame them but this should extend to every educational institution, not just NALI because not everybody has gone to, or will go to NALI.

I however do not know on what empirical evidence you base the other wise intriguing allegation that most criminals areclose to those who fought or from the president’s home. Grant me access to these statistics when you choose to release them one day.

I am not the head of NALI; I am only in charge of NALI publications as editor. NALI is headed by Colonel Shaban Seban Bantariza (Psc-U). Please visit our humble site on www.naliideologue.ug and you will among other things find that mindless singing of leaders’ praises is missing. Actually the debates among trainees that rage on controversial subjects is astonishing!

For your information, NALI is still under the umbrella of the UPDF and we are proud of being the one place which brings together Police, Prisons and Army for joint courses. Indeed, no officer goes to Senior Command & Staff College Kimaka without doing Pre-Kimaka at NALI.

I am glad some of you salute the discipline in UPDF and political education at NALI is part of the medicine. I am also among those infuriated by the inability to punish the corrupt. However, you will notice a phenomenon in Uganda which I have dubbed MIS-RULE OF LAW. Suspects manouvre within constitutional rights and privileges to get off and even those you classify as NEVER FOUGHT have learnt how to use this.

If you go back into archives you will discover that nearly every suspected cheat and fraudster becomes an opposition politician and even gets elected into party leadership positions. When Maj. Gen. Jim Muhwezi was in trouble, you will remember which opposition party invited him into its ranks “to help him”.

I also have a problem with election cheats. However, I also know that many Ugandans will try to steal votes for a candidate even when he does not need the stolen ones and is sure of victory. I think the perpetrator of the malpractice at say a given polling station should be punished, rather than the candidate, unless evidence shows that the cheat was commissioned by the candidate to steal.

Assuming it to be true that NRM primaries are rigged, I do not think they are rigged in any special way if compared to other parties. In the UPC Hon Jimmy Akena came close to accusing his mother of rigging for Amb. Otunnu as party boss; a top Conservative Party official believes that Hon John Ken Lukyamuzi has sold the party to NRM through Dr. Kigoonya (is that the name?) There are now at least two Democratic Parties, each of which holds the other to be a fraud.

Let us pray for each other and I thank you for investing time in reading this long thing!

Tony Owana

Stop “SUUBI-phobia” & political sectarianism in Uganda


Summary: The GoU/NRM Propaganda Press has unleashed anti-SUUBI (Hope) vitriolic propaganda, whereby some of their leading propagandist organs like the Red Pepper, Kamunye [The Kite] – (the Red Pepper’s Luganda “sister” publication), have excelled. These people are so scared of the social Movement called ‘SUUBI’ [Hope] that they have now engaged a higher gear in their propaganda effort by, as a matter of fact, wrongly labeling it a “Buganda” Movement and in some cases a “Mmengo” ethnic thing, a claim by which such people, in effect, violet the Country’s anti-sectarian laws. The surprise is that no body has charged such with the violation of our anti-sectarian laws. The ‘PS’ [bullet 7/7] after signature (bellow) explains the possible ‘cause d’être’, driving the SUUBI Movement. Read on but note please, these  not of a second or any other party.

1/7. Some rabid ‘gandophobs‘ have now engaged a higher gear gone a step further, to the extent of labeling ‘SUUBI’ a sort of KKK [Ku Klux Klan] without even reading its aims, in mind, in words or in ‘bwino‘ [hard evidence]. It’s as though Suubi was in the American South burning crosses and lynching blacks-thus showing us how much the NRM activists are afraid of anybody pointing out their more than self-evident mistakes.

2/7. An amateurish Example: On p.27 of its 22nd July 10 edition, The Red Pepper, over an article by one Fred Daka “Kamwada”,  carried a heading, “SUUBI SECT MAY NOT BE ANY DIFFERENT FROM KU KLUX KLAN’, with a picture of Fascist leader Benito Mussolini standing side-by-side with Nazi Fuhrer Adolf Hitler, standing side-by-side. Talk of ‘terror’ in our midst. The mention of the KKK in our country today terrorizes many a Citizen’s mind and no one raises a finger!!!! Kamwada may be dismissed as suffering from an infantile malaise by some but look; this ‘man’ has a full-page ‘column’. So, he must be ‘powerful’.

3/7. In the article, Kamwada ziz-zags round with school-level truisms about German Nazism and Mussolini’s fascism and do you know where he ends? In his so called ‘Facts, Logic & Rationale’, Fred Daka goes ahead to not only equate SUUBI [Hope] with the dreaded political parties (that came to power in Europe) but most alarmingly, he attacks Buganda/Baganda (like Mr. Ssemujju Nganda of FDC) ostensibly for “agitating” (for) and promoting the supremacy of the interests of Buganda Kingdom just like the Ku Klux Klan had to preserving (sic) the customs of the traditional America where the White was superior to any other race” (sic). Even after committing such a sacrilege, the propagandist of hate, “Kamwada” is not done. He goes on,” I don’t think it’s wise to underestimate SUUBI because their mission is to push for the supremacy of Buganda” (sic). The question: Have they written or said so?

4/7. Well, the manifestos of the KKK, the South African ‘National’ Party, the Italian Fascists, the German Nazi parties, etc “Fred” loves to dell on, had their aims spelled out clear and presented to their ‘voters’. Although I have not read the SUUBI manifesto (Have they presented one? Are they a party?), I do not recall any of its promoters stating what the Red Pepper is publishing, in the public domain, that is tantamount to demonizing/blaming a whole ethnic group for planning to commit ethnically-motivated crimes. Such demonization of a group on ethnic grounds is a crime under Uganda’s ‘anti-sectarian laws’ BUT, I am ‘not’ surprised that the Red Pepper, let alone Daka Kamwada, has been called to the Police to answer charges of exciting sectarian sentiments.

5/7. But wait, under our situation, does this law come into play when the victim, other than the author is a Muganda? No way. According to the Red Pepper line of thought and philosophy, sectarian crimes are not crimes when the target is a Muganda. To prove me wrong: Check out what the killers of 10/11/12 Sept. 2009 in Kampala and the environs– they are all free and some have even been promoted!! Let’s wait too, for the Red Pepper [or Mr. Fred Daka Kamwada for that matter] be called or be taken to the Police for explanation. CBS equipment was destroyed ostensibly for promoting sectarianism although not Court or Magistrate’s warrant was ever produced to charge it/any of its employers with such crimes. Rule of Law, indeed.

6/7. The daily explanations by the promoters of SUUBI that they want ‘equal rights’ like for every other Citizen of Uganda [freedom of travel* in the country of their birth, freedom not to be harassed un-necessarily, etc] cut no ice in the minds of the incorrigible hate-mongers of the Kamwada type. Uganda is at the cross-road where: white is called black and darkness-light, so longer the perpetuator is none other than the ‘un-touchable’, the one that acts with impunity [what will they do to me?]. God bless Uganda and Africa.

(7/7) *P/S: When asked as to why he was promoting SUUBI, the former Katikiro of Buganda, Mr. Mulwanyamuli Ssemwogerere, a Frelimo veteran, said, “it hurts me very much to see that, today, ALL Ugandans are allowed to travel freely in the country of their birth, except kabaka Ronald Mutebi”. May be, saying this is what hurts the gandophobes of the kamwada type? Has Ssemogerere no right to be hurt by injustice? How does Mmengo’s hunger “for supremacy come in here”? Are they the ones who shut down and destroyed CBS equipment? Are they the ones who shot passers-by, including some NRM Baganda supporters (one, a teacher from Mpigi), etc? Come off it “Kamwada”. Pride comes before (a) fall.

Christopher Muwanga,

Nakasero,

Kampala

Mrs Linda Nabusayi Wamboka: Press Release on Presidents statement on bombings


Mrs. Linda Nabusayi Wamboka:

Mulembe.  It is true Uganda’s borders-borders in the region really-are porous, but efforts should be made to screen foreigners.  The president is not keen on inconveniencing businesses units, but that should change.  The govt should take a careful look at the way foreigners are allowed to operate businesses in Uganda.

I asked the other day, who allowed foreign born Somalis to operate petrol stations all over Uganda? How many petrol stations are operated by foreigners, but especially non-Ugandan born Somalis?  Does the govt know the number? And what measures are being proposed to stop it?  How many foreigners, or to be specific foreign born Somalis operate money transfer businesses in Uganda?

How many are involved in real estate or rental businesses as landlords?  I hope you realize where I am going with this. I am sure the business lobby will be pleased to see the press release. However, the president cannot put the desire for business efficiency above national security. There is a need for balance security with liberties. All sides and that includes Ugandans will have to give up something in order to be secure.

The press statement asks whether it is necessary to implement any amendments. Yes. The govt should cease conducting intelligence business in such an adhoc manner.   It is time to consolidate national intelligence under one legal entity to coordinate intelligence. Ugandans should emulate Kenya and create the equivalent of NSIS.  It is possible due to the turf wars and egos; critical information was not relayed to other intelligence agencies.  That ought to change.

The President defends Minister Mbabazi on grounds that ” Once incident happening should not be used to condemn permanently some of the actors”. May be.  But they failed the president who is the appointing authority and Ugandans in general and should resign or be fired.  Those who should step aside to pave a judicial inquiry into the massive intelligence failure include Minister Mbabazi the ESO, ISO heads, CMI head and the overseer of intelligence General David B. Tinyefunza. .

The president cites developed countries but after 9/11, the USA created the super ministry of Homeland security and a new agency of NSA to coordinate intelligence. If he is going to cite the USA and others, he should do what these countries did after 9/11

WBK

A provisional list of the Bomb victims as released by police as of 12.07.10


Below is a provisional list of the victims as released by police as of 12.07.10. It contains only half the dead:
1. Angela Kalyegira
2. Peter Oye
3. Denis Ssemanda
4. William Katamba
5. Dan Kityo
6. Jimmy Musinguzi
7. Daniel Mutai
8. Brenda Namanda
9. Dick Beganda
10. Linda Mutama
11. David Kimera
12. Gabrael Komakec
13. Samalie Katasi
14. Bonita Nakato – MUK student
15. Moreen Nantale
16. Regina Vicky Aryokot – S6 Vac
17. Siraj Abiriga
18. Rebecca Nakityo
19. Sidonia Apio
20. Irene Nassozi
21. Julius Asiimwe
22. Kezeronia Mwanga
23. Henry Baluku
24. Shwan Khan
25. Lilian Kobusingye
26. Juma Shodi
27. Rebecca Nakitende
28. Jane Akol
29. Tom Opio
30. Sulaiman Kakooza
31. Augustine Luweeba
32. Solomon Vitus
33. Philips Hani
34. Efren Ninay – Ethiopian
35. Efren Ednelash – Ethiopian
36. Kaleb Tereste – Ehtiopian
37. Habton
38. Smith Maria – Irish
39. Allan Kalanzi
40. Samuel Okoti
41. Smith Karamuzi
42. Stephen Okiria
43. Joy Kiiza
The above list is just half of the carnage.Some of the bodies have not been identified due to the great damage they suffered. The number so far confirmed dead is 76 – but the list is growing. The list of the injured is as representative of Uganda as the above.

Peter Okello Maber

Condolences to the dead but the police should not just focus on the Somali angle


People:

Condolences to the families of the dead. May their soul RIP.The police should not just focus on the Somali angle but look deeper and wider.  Hopefully they secured the scenes and are interviewing survivors.

While the Somali angle is credible, other potential leads could be

a) Business related that is nnugu from business rivals that may have lost business or felt jelousy over the World Cup.

b) Local issues.  The bombing could have something to do with the political temperature in Uganda.  Therefore the role of rogue elements within the political and state intelligence systems cannot and should not be ruled out.

c) dissatisfaction within UPDF/ESO/ISO regarding the Somali mission. There could be military elements, yes, UPDF who want to create a situation to force UPDF out of Somali.  Privates may be paying the ultimate political price while UPDF fat cats eat the money in Kampala

d)  Sleeper cells of once active Ugandan rebels activities

e) Political tensions between Ethiopians and Eritreans. Eritrea has  the most pro Al Shabaab regime in the region.  This may give hints about the targeting of the Ethipian /Ritream restauranst in Uganda.

f) Tensions with some religious groups in Uganda.

g) Foreign interests not happy with Uganda over the fact that General Nyamwasa used  a Ugandan passport to flee to South Africa.

In others words,the bombing smells of blackmail.

WBK

Ugandans should be ready for more Ssuubis


O.  Kalinge-Nnyago

The launch of Ssuubi has caused tremendous excitement. Spearheaded by young and energetic former Buganda government officials and more importantly, two former Buganda Prime Ministers, one of them a former NRA officer and Museveni’s early Special District Administrator, Ssubi could represent a change of heart for one of Museveni’s most trusted constituencies, the Baganda.

The Ssuubi honey moon has been short lived. It has been branded another KY, ostracized and even physically attacked by a faction of DP, and demonized by NRM apologists. Buganda as usual is being intimidated for taking a political stand that is different from Museveni’s. The timeliness, relevance and impact of Ssuubi is evident from the enemies it has attracted, in just days. 

The Baganda are expected to be only used, to sing praises for the ‘great visionary leader’. Each time they state a categorical demand, they are threatened with all sorts of propaganda themes. So who is a good Muganda? A good Muganda, it seems, is one who supports the regime’s corruption and nepotism. A good Muganda should not have an opinion on Temangalo, or CHOGM or the NSSF scandals. A good Muganda is one who does not care whether CBS was closed or not, and does not care to know who really caused the hundreds of thousands of deaths in the Luwero triangle.

This is the time for Buganda and indeed other politically and economically exploited and impoverished nationalities like the populous Iteso, Basoga and Lugbaras to seek redress using the 2011 election. They ought to assert themselves and to ask intelligent questions about their political and economic situation without apologizing. They just have to vote Museveni out if they are to have a future of prosperity and equal opportunity. To do so, they have to organize themselves, at the grassroots, to vote intelligently.

Ssuubi is just one of the several  pressure groups that have been established since 2008 but not as publicized as Ssuubi has been, often as a matter of strategy. Many more Ssuubi’s will  be established to complement the work of political parties which, by any standards are still very weak after the 20 year one party rule of the NRM.  One such group the National Alliance for a Free and Fair Election, NAFFE, that has already organized ordinary citizens in Mbale, Soroti and Lira, regardless of political affiliation. They just want a fraud free election.   

Political change cannot be delivered by the so called registered political parties alone. Wherever real change came, whether  in South Africa, Serbia  or in Chile, it  was a culmination of efforts by civil society, anonymous mobilizers, anonymous fund raisers, professional fundraisers, religious groups, farmers’ organizations, teachers Unions, professional unions, Bar associations etc. the so called registered political parties, even when they all unite can not  cause change on their own.  How many registered members do opposition political parties have in Uganda?

It is the coordinated and even uncoordinated forces of change that will cause change in Uganda, and many of these forces will not be out rightly political. They will organize their lot…fellow business people, fellow nurses, fellow drivers… who desire political change.

Ugandans should be ready for more groups to emerge if Museveni’s regime is to be democratically defeated by the people. The millions of people yearning for change, will form their own pressure groups everywhere. Then will organize.  They don’t need a licence to defeat a dictator, nepotism, corruption, or impunity. They don’t need to be seen on TV or to beard on radio. Others will be underground.  The sacred secret ballot will decide. What if the ballot is stolen?  Organized groups don’t let their ballot to be stolen. They make arrangements well in advance to prevent it. They also make plans to defeat election rigging, before, during and after the election. That is what is called civil vigilance.

It is the political parties that reap the rewards of political change in the end no doubt, because they are the ones who have “licence” to wrestle power. In South Africa, contrary to what many believe, change was delivered by the United Democratic Front, a coalition of political parties, civil society groups, trade unions, neighborhood organizations Church groups, Muslim groups. It was not the ANC. It was not Mandela. Mandela was the illustrious symbol for resistance.

omarkalinge@gmail.com

DDT may not be the longterm answer to the problem of malaria in Uganda.


Dear forum,

I have just completed studying  an advanced  module on malaria and I don’t think former MP for Lubaga South,Ken Lukyamuzi, should be crucified for refusing to use DDT. DDT may not be the longterm answer to the problem of malaria.

The focus of control should be directed towards the high risk groups (children under 5 years, pregnant women), prompt diagnosis and adequate treatment of malaria, intermittent presumptive treatment of pregnant women, prophylaxis for non-immune short-term visitors.

Another cheaper reliable method of control would be supplying of free long-term insecticide treated mosquito nets. Because the weather and environmental conditions are very favourable for the growth of malaria parasites and their mosquito vectors, DDT may not be able to eliminate malaria before significant resistance to it by mosquitoes has developed.

Prompt diagnosis and treatment will reduce the number of people carrying parasites, while bed nets will reduce the mosquito density.

The government has not also yet explained whether Ugandan mosquitoes are sensitive to DDT.The problem with the Ugandan government is corruption. When a drug company strikes a deal with a Ugandan policy maker, it goes on to sign a long term contract with the company without any research. For example, they signed a 25 year contract with a company that manufactures COARTEM (first line anti-malarial drug in Uganda) but this drug has started showing signs of resistance before even five years have elapsed.

From epidemiological and economic points of view, I don’t think DDT is the first priority to our malaria problem. Let the government first thoroughly explain the feasibility and safety of using DDT visa vie other modes of control because the harm DDT might cause to living organisms including humans in the long term may be worse than the likely short-term benefits.

What I want to say is that different malaria situations require different control measures and the situation in some parts of Uganda such as Apac, is best handled using a strategy cheaper and more feasible than spraying. In brief, I wanted to say the following:

  • It is impossible to eradicate mosquitoes using DDT, so this goal of control is unrealistic.
  • The benefits of and applicability of using DDT have not been investigated

Although Ken’s argument is about the environmental effect of DDT, my argument is about the feasibility and cost-effectiveness of this strategy. One needs to know the following facts:

  • The type of malaria transmitting mosquitoes (female anopheles gambiese) in Uganda only bite at night (from dusk on wards)
  • Both methods (nets and Indoor residual spraying-IRS) use the same principle of control, i.e reduce the number of mosquitoes by killing them on contact. Every mosquito that enters the house must not leave alive.
  • Mosquitoes adapt different feeding behaviours (either feed on humans or cattle, either bite outside or inside and after feeding they can either rest inside the house on the walls or outside)

Let’s now compare the two methods: The method of using spraying on the walls assumes that the mosquitoes bite indoors and rest indoors on the walls to digest their blood meal. Once mosquitoes realise the toxicity of the walls, they can adapt behaviour of resting outside the house or atleast a proportion of them (if this happens all the investment will be a flop!)

The use of DDT has the potential of selecting for mosquitoes that are resistant to DDT, in other words as the sensitive mosquitoes die, the proportion of resistant mosquitoes will increase and we shall go back to square zero after the heavy investment.

What determines its effectiveness? The type of walls of houses. Although it may be feasible in towns where houses are plastered and painted, it may not be the same in a rural mud house or even a hut. The biggest proportion of Ugandans live in houses where use of IRS is of limited effectiveness

Cost!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

  • The amount of chemical necessary to spray a single two bed roomed house can treat hundreds of bed nets
  • Equipment for spraying (protective gear, sprayers), transport, number of personnel, allowances etc..

BED NETS

Bed nets work on the assumption that a mosquito is attracted to a person inside the net by some chemicals including carbon dioxide. It hits the net and is killed by the chemical on the net. The mosquito has little room for adaptation unlike IRS where a mosquito must rest on the wall after feeding for it to be killed and it can decide to rest outside if the inside is hostile.

Its effect not determined by the type of walls, even if someone is in a grass thatched hat.

Cost of the Chemical is minimal, no equipment, one person can supply and demonstrate use of a net in one central place (how many costs have you eliminated?)

In conclusion I am saying that in Uganda, IRS is not feasible and is not cost-effective given the many hindrances to its effectiveness. I think someone was promised something to push for a method that is not feasible and cost-effective. This is before we think of its long term effect to the environment. But note that my view is a purely scientific, not based on hatred of the corrupt NRM government!!!!

Abu-Baker Ggayi

Open letter to Anne Mugisha


Open letter to Anne Mugisha
Dear Anne, I thank you for having the courage to fly back home and engage in active politics.  Many of us opt to stay in our little London homes and specialize in being armchair political critics.  Uganda needs more of people like you.
I shall however reserve this posting in response to your message explaining your reasons to Ugandans on why you’re contesting for the MP’s seat of Nakawa Central.  Yes, in Buganda we need more pro-Buganda MP’s.  We’re a region devoid of political power and the reason for this is because many Baganda MP’s have gone on the take and abandoned their own people.  Today Buganda is politically weaker than any other region despite having the largest number of MP’s in the national parliament.  Why? 

Anne Mugisha

Because as you pointed out, Buganda is welcoming.  Your family came to Buganda in 1972 and you were born, raised and now love Buganda.  No Muganda has ever stood at Hoima road or Jinja road or Masaka road with a big stick and told any Ugandan that ‘atali muganda tayingira wano’ (if you’re not a Muganda don’t enter here’).  Taking you back to your family and where they came from is a region of Kigezi which would have been in present day Rwanda if Baganda did not accept that it becomes part of the Protectorate Uganda.  Baganda agreed the same to many regions surrounding her boarders.  Therefore your assertion that Baganda should stop being ‘parochial’ and start accepting people from other regions is wrong ungrateful and in fact insulting.  Not only have Baganda welcomed everyone, they enabled the formation Uganda as it is today in the first place. 
If Baganda were unwelcoming, how then would Fred Ruhindi become the man you want to replace?  How would your family been able to live in Buganda all this long? Therefore Anne, as you go on the campaign trail, try and manage your oratory so you don’t sound like known Baganda haters who include Ofwono Opondo, Yoweri Museveni and Marry Karoro Okrut.
Anne, Buganda does not need isolation; it needs allys from all corners of Uganda.  But we have also learnt from recent history that allies can easily become the biggest enemies.  Yoweri Museveni fought his war in this ‘unwelcoming parochial Buganda’ but who is the Kingdoms biggest enemy today? Freddie Ruhindie campaigned as our ally but then went and started kicking us in the teeth when he got ‘there’.  When General Tinyefuza was in trouble with President Museven he ran to Mengo in a ‘Kanzu’ and sought refugee.  Today, General Tinyefuzza is one of Buganda’s hardliner tormentors.  Anne, without forgetting that Baganda are Buganda’s biggest enemies, I must advise that you may be in for a hard time because this time Baganda are going to vote wisely.  Forget Wafula Ogutu’s advise that he’s lived in Nakawa and that its cosmopolitan nature will win you the seat on an IPC ticket.  Believe me, you can get all the people from other areas of Buganda in that division, multiply them by three and still Baganda will outnumber them by three to one.
Anne, you have flown all the way from America and I expect you to have a soft landing in any part of Uganda.  However, you can easily crash land in Nakawa not because people hate you but because people like Ruhindie have taught them a lesson. 
Without wasting time, you need to pay a visit to MP for Rubaga North Beti Kamya, quickly join Uganda Federal Alliance and declare your support for federalism.  You will have to sign a commitment.  You need to miss CBS radio so much like many folks in the division.  You need to press hard for the release of 800 Baganda Prisoners of September Kampala riots, many of these people rotting in jail are from Nakawa Central Division.  You need to assert the Kabaka’s right to travel to any part of Uganda.  Where do you stand on the looming Kampala Bill?  You need to be aware that ‘Akenda’ or the 9000 sq miles of land belongs to people in those slums of Namuwongo.  NRM Bigwigs have confiscated this land and divided it among themselves.  You need to visit the remains of Kasubi tombs and remind people that the people who committed this crime have never been caught.  You need to make sure that Buganda is paid her rent arrears In addition to many other national issues.
Having done that, you need to join former Katikiiro’s Mulwanyamuli, Mulika and Suubi2011 project.  You need to make friends with Betty Nambooze, Ssemujju Ibrahim Nganda, Haji Hussain Kyanjo and pay a visit to Katikiiro Walusimbi in Mengo.  Stay clear of Nobert Mao and his ‘mafia gang’.   You need to make clear that Kayunga, Nakasongola  and Kooki are as Bugandan as Bulange and that Buganda is Buganda and not the Central Region as Baganda haters like to call it.
Anne, talking of “Buganda parochialism” or referring to Baganda as people whose minds are restricted to merely their region makes you sound like one of Opondo’s.  For us, anyone who stands for our values and respects our culture will do, regardless of where they come from or which party fronts them.  I wish you a soft landing.
Michael Senyonjo
The Writer is Publicity Secretary for DP-UK Chapter

GENESIS OF THE CRISIS IN DP BY MUKIBI


GENESIS OF THE CRISIS IN DP

Let the truth be told

1.Trouble began in November 2005 during the last National Delegates Conference. There were three candidates for the position of party president: Mr John Ssebaana Kizito a veteran DP member and party National Treasurer, Al Hajj Nasser Ntege Ssebaggala a DP stalwart and ex-convict popularly known as Seya, and Mr Norbert Mao, a former Secretary General of Chapa Karuhanga’s NDF party and who had at one time tried to form a party with Mr Aggrey Awori and latterly became a convert to DP. After losing to Mr Ssebaana, Mr Mao organised a boycott of Northerners from further participation in the ongoing elections, on the grounds that the conference had become a Buganda affair. He likened it to a conference of Buganda Clans Football Club. Thus the Northerners did not elect their regional representatives to the National Executive Committee (NEC) during the conference. These were elected (more than two years later) at a regional meeting held in Gulu on 19 January 2008 at which Mr Mao was elected Regional Vice President. But the tribalism seed had already been planted and germinated because to-date Mr Mao has never attended any DP NEC meeting and, as recent press reports show, he is still trumpeting the horn of tribalism. It is also at this same conference that Al Hajj Ssebaggala publically announced his intention to bribe the delegates if they elect him party president. To drive the point home, he displayed a suitcase full of cash intended for that purpose; to the consternation of the party faithful and the general public. Further, the three candidates had mobilised gangs of youth brigades or Kanyama for purposes of unleashing violence against any one who seemed opposed to their candidature. Thus, on day one, the sad drama started playing out on the stage of the Democratic Party.

2.In December 2005, shortly after losing his bid for party president Al Hajj Ssebaggala demanded that he be endorsed as the official candidate of DP for the position of mayor of Kampala. Mr Ssebaana persuaded NEC to support Hajj Ssebaggala and a memorandum of understanding to that effect was drawn up for signing by NEC members on the one side and by Hajj Ssebaggala, Hon Michael Mabikke and Hon Latif Sebaggala on the other. The other NEC members who were party to that agreement (Prof Mukiibi and Dr Ottoo, Mr Joseph Balikuddembe and Hon Erias Lukwago dutifully signed the agreement at a ceremony in Speke Hotel on 27 December 2005. Mr Ssebaana did not show up and did not sign the agreement. He had overnight switched his support from Hajj Ssebaggala to Dr Takuba without consulting or informing the other members of NEC. To-date, Mr Ssebaana has never explained why he changed his mind. Many members of NEC were dismayed by this lack of openness and collective responsibility on the part of the party Chief Executive Officer.

3.In October 2006, Dr Ottoo returned to the USA on the expiry of his sabbatical leave from Pace University, New York, where he was employed. At a subsequent meeting of NEC Mr Ssebaana informed members that, although Dr Ottoo had returned to USA, he would nevertheless continue to perform the duties of Secretary General of the party. With internet, Mr Ssebaana argued, Ottoo could do most of the work from his base in the States. Members of NEC were sceptical of this strange arrangement. As it turned out (and as was reasonably expected) Dr Ottoo did not perform any party functions after he located to the US.  In effect Dr Ottoo had abdicated the office of Secretary General. Then   Dr Lulume, the elected Deputy Secretary General, assumed the position of Acting Secretary General, as is provided for in Article 30 of the party constitution.

4.On 2-4 January 2006, the Johnson faction of UYD convened a National Delegates Conference in Jinja at which they elected officials of their organisation. Mr Ssebaana, as the patron of UYD, opened the conference. In July 2007, the party obtained funding (solicited by Mr Ssebaana) from a British donor for the purpose of organising a DP youth delegates conference. The conference, which was convened in Namboole, was opened by Mr Ssebaana himself. He urged the youths to follow DP democratic traditions in conducting their elections. Some of the youths who contested for positions sought and received Mr Ssebaana’s endorsement in writing.  Accordingly DP youths, from all over the country, elected the leaders of the DP Youth Wing in accordance with Article 24 of the party constitution. These youth leaders were sworn in (with the full knowledge of Mr Ssebaana) at a ceremony presided over by Mr Joseph Balikuddembe SC Vice President DP Buganda Region and attended by most members of NEC including the National Chairman, the National Organising Secretary and the National Publicity Secretary. Later Mr Ssebaana was to denounce these youth leaders arguing that the UYD persons who were elected in Jinja (all of them above the constitutional age of 30) were the true DP youth leaders. This serious contradiction on the part of the party Chief Executive Officer generated a lot of wrangles within the party leadership which still continue today.

5.DP is officially a centre right conservative party and Mr Sebaana has stated so many times both in writing and verbally, locally and abroad. But he continues to be patron of UYD whose leadership openly and emphatically claims that UYD is a socialist youth organisation. Challenged, by members of a delegation of a visiting Swedish socialist party to categorically define DP’s ideology, Mr Ssebaana simply said that “one can eat with the left hand as well as the right hand”. Mr Ssebaana’s ambivalence on DP’s ideology has fuelled disharmony and indiscipline within party ranks.

6.On 6 November 2007 a group of party members led by Hon Kikungwe in the presence of Mr Ssebaana and Hon Nsubuga “captured” the DP headquarters on Plot 1-3 William Street and threw out elected party officials, locked their offices and installed Mr Sula Kidandala (an employee of Mr Ssebaana) as administrative officer. Shortly after Mr Ssebaana relieved Dr Lulume of the duties of Acting Secretary General and he pronounced himself Secretary General of the party unconstitutionally. In his assumed role of Secretary General, Mr Ssebaana refused to call NEC meetings for nearly two years. Decisions were henceforth taken outside party structures.

7.The DP National headquarters serves at the same time as the office of the Kampala DP district branch. The office bearers of the Kampala branch are also the UYD national leaders. These leaders harass and insult officials of NEC. They have made it impossible for the offices of the National Chairman, the National Organising Secretary and the National Treasurer to operate from party headquarters. NEC as well as party elders and stakeholders have, on many occasions, drawn the attention of Mr Ssebaana to this debilitating situation and asked him to give keys to the National Organising Secretary. But Mr Ssebaana has to date refused to do so. This case of inaction has negatively impacted on party activities.

8.Many DP stakeholders got concerned about the paralysis of the party. They asked the National Chairman to discuss this matter privately with Mr Ssebaana to find ways of resuscitating NEC and of re-activating party activities. Accordingly, Mr Ssebaana and Prof Mukiibi met at Speke Hotel one Sunday morning. After reviewing the state of the party, they agreed to call a meeting of NEC and jointly signed statement to that effect which was aired by the news media. The following day Mr Ssebaana issued a counter statement cancelling the meeting without informing the National Chairman. Party activities continued to be frozen.

9.Then in April 2008, Hon Issa Kikungwe engineered a series of meetings at Ssebo Green (a property of the party president) ostensibly to iron out disagreements within the party. (It will be recalled that (a) Hon Kikungwe was a member of JEEMA before he crossed to DP, (b) that in the 2006 general elections, Hon Kikungwe campaigned for Dr Kizza Besigye, the FDC presidential candidate and not for Mr Ssebaana the official DP candidate and (c) Mr Kikungwe refused to use DP symbols during his parliamentary campaign). In one of the Ssebo Green  “reconciliation” meetings chaired by Hon John Kawanga and attended by many UYD leaders, Mr Ssebaana proclaimed that he could no longer work with NEC and proceeded to announce that “it is either NEC or me” attracting shouts of “sack them” from the UYD leaders. Thus the Ssebo Green meetings were intended to fuel and not to diffuse tensions in the party. The alliance between Mr Kikungwe, a person, who had betrayed the party during the 2006 general elections, and Mr Ssebaana the party president troubled many NEC members and the general party membership. It seems that this alliance was forged to prepare the way for the events in paragraph 9, 10 and 11 below.

10.A notice for a meeting of the National Council was sent by SMS messages for 1st August 2008 and without the statutory written notice of 14 days stating the agenda. The National Chairman was out of the country at the time but the Deputy National Chairman (who was available) was not consulted before calling this meeting. In their absence the meeting was chaired by Mr Ssebaana contrary to the provisions of the party constitution. Notwithstanding those shortcomings, the meeting proceeded to fill the vacant position of Secretary General of the party which had not been previously advertised. Hon Nsubuga (a former personal assistant to both Mr Ssebaana and Mr Ssebaggala) and Dr Lulume were nominated. Hon Nsubuga who got 32 votes to Dr Lulume’s 28 votes was therefore declared winner in this illegal contest. The refusal or failure to advertise the very important position of party Secretary General disenfranchised many would be contestants who could not attend the meeting because they were not members of National Council or members of National Council who did not attend the meeting because they were otherwise engaged. This “common sense” fact alone dictated that the election should not have taken place. One wonders why a person of Mr Ssebaana’s maturity and stature would want to preside over such an illegal and illegitimate exercise.

11.On getting to know these developments and the circumstances surrounding the election, Hajj Ali Sserunjogi, the Deputy National Chairman issued a statement declaring the process and the election of Hon Nsubuga as SG null and void. On his return, the National Chairman agreed with his deputy. Together they met with Mr Nsubuga and advised him to step down so as to enable a properly and constitutionally convened meeting of NC to fill the position of SG. Hon Nsubuga rejected the advice. Meanwhile six party members filed a lawsuit in the High Court of Uganda contesting the election of Hon Nsubuga.

12.On 19 September 2008 Hon Nsubuga convened another NC meeting which was chaired by Hon John Kawanga with Mr Ssebaana in attendance. This meeting suspended the National Chairman and the Deputy National Chairman because they had criticised the unconstitutional and uncivilised procedure and methods of filling the position of Secretary General. This unnecessary and thoughtless action deepened and widened further the rift between Mr Ssebaana and the office of National Chairman and generated confusion among party members countrywide.

13.Party activities were paralysed. A series of mediation meetings (behind the scenes) culminated in the unconditional restoration of the National Chairman and the Deputy National Chairman during August 2009. NEC meetings resumed and a detailed programme was drawn up and a transparent process initiated, starting with grassroots elections, and ending with a National Delegates Conference 26 – 28 November 2009.

14.Trouble started again when it was discovered that there were two sets of party cards in circulation. Hon Issa Kikungwe “donated” the first set of cards which carried the signature of Mr Ssebaana. An attempt to launch these cards at a district DP meeting convened for that purpose in Iganga on 15 November 2008 was unsuccessful because party members pointed out that these cards had not been approved by NEC and that there were glaring omissions on them such as the lack of counter foils, signature of the local issuing officer and the date of issue which carried the risk of being forged. Therefore NEC authorised the office of the National Organising Secretary and that of the National Treasurer to prepare another set of cards bearing features which would make it difficult for  them to be forged. NEC further resolved that the issuance and sale of party cards be handled by the office of National Organising Secretary and that of National Treasurer in accordance with the party constitution. This second set of cards was also duly endorsed by Mr Ssebaana with his signature. In defiance of NEC resolutions Mr Kikungwe continued to illegally issue and sell his own cards outside party structures with the full knowledge and authorisation of Mr Ssebaana. These developments rekindled suspicions between NEC on the one hand and Mr Ssebaana with Hon Kikungwe on the other.

15.Soon the party leadership started receiving reports that grassroots elections were massively rigged in urban areas (in particular Kampala) and had not taken place in many upcountry districts. The party president issued a directive to Kampala DP district executive to take corrective measures but it was ignored by the Kampala district party officials. Following out-of-sight mediation again, Mr Ssebaana and Prof Mukiibi agreed to issue directives halting grassroots elections until after completing investigations on malpractices which they did on 14 and 23 November 2009. While he was announcing these measures at the party headquarters, the National Chairman was assaulted by UYD leaders in full view of the press. (It may be worth noting that Mr Ssebaana was not assaulted). The same group violently disrupted a NEC meeting which was taking place at the party headquarters. That Mr Ssebaana did not condemn these crude actions, and that he himself had been spared of the humiliating experience, led to suspicions that Mr Ssebaana himself was part of the plot to molest NEC officials.

16.On 26 October 2009 the High Court of Uganda gave its judgement stating that the election of Hon Matthias Nsubuga as Secretary General was null and void. The party president protested and appealed against this ruling but the other respondents did not. The appeal has not yet been heard and the High Court judgement therefore still stands.

17.On 24 November 2009 Al Hajj Nasser Ntege Ssebaggala, one of the aspirants for the position of party president, sued the party leadership on the grounds that it had cancelled the National Delegates Conference slated for 26-28 November 2009. It will be worth noting that by the time of cancellation of the delegates conference the statutory notice of 30 days required for calling such a conference issued. After the court hearing, members of a youth brigade owing allegiance to Hajj Ssebaggala physically assaulted NEC members in full view of the press and on the grounds of the High Court. However Mr Ssebaana was not assaulted.

18.Following the mediation efforts mentioned in 14 above, another programme outlining a new process leading to a National Delegates Conference on 26-28 February 2010 was drawn up in Mr Ssebaana’s office with his full participation and agreement. This programme was endorsed by NEC on 16 December 2009. Unknown to NEC members Hon Matthias Nsubuga, on the 15 December 2009, had issued notice of a National Council meeting to be held at Ssebo Green (the property of Mr Ssebaana) on 29 December 2009. The National Chairman and his deputy and other members of NEC were not consulted as to their availability. When asked, Mr Ssebaana also said he had not been consulted in spite of the fact that the meeting was scheduled to meet at his property. Efforts to stop this contentious meeting were unsuccessful. The meeting was attended by persons who were not members of National Council and was chaired by Mr Leander Komakech Snr who himself was not a member of National Council. Only 6 members of NEC (including Mr Ssebaana) out of 36 attended this meeting. The only significant decision of this meeting was to cut short the NEC programme by 8 days. By adopting a parallel programme to that of NEC the authors of this meeting deliberately wanted to create a situation in which the party could hold two national delegates conferences thereby precipitating the splitting of the party and, as a result, the eventual demise of DP.

19.The meeting of 29 December 2009 created an organ called the “National Delegates Conference Project Finance Committee” with Hon Issa Kikungwe as its chairman. (It will be recalled that Hon Kikungwe contested for the position of National Treasurer and lost to Hajjati Sarah Kanyike Ssebaggala).  The committee has powers to solicit, collect, bank and disburse funds for DP without reference to NEC. The creation of this entity clearly contravenes the provisions of Article 60 of the party constitution. Since DP has a constitutional finance committee, the creation of a parallel finance committee is in line with the intention to split DP and to lead it to automatic death.  

It seems logical to conclude from this account that the key players in the generation, promotion and sustenance of wrangles, confusion, paralysis in and morbidity of DP are: Mr John Ssebaana Kizito, Al Hajj Nasser Ntege Ssebaggala, Hon Matthias Nsubuga, Hon Issa Kikungwe, and Mr Norbert Mao; i.e. the gang of five.

18.01.2010

Mukiibi

mukiibi@imul.com

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