Dr Kobusingye is the woman of the year 2010


Members,
Iam now very hopeful that one day one time Uganda will be disentangled from the bondage of the Pharisees. Dr Kobusingye has moved the front to fight for freedom and dictatorship to another level. All along, the electronic media has been trying to put down some data but either it is on-line and accessed by a few privileged Ugandans or too perishable in form of news articles. Non of us had come up with a permanent write up in form of a book to create a real ghost of Museveni. 

Dr.Olive Kobusingye

Because YKM has over-lived his welcome, it is time for him to be haunted by his own ghost. Dr Kobusinge has done pretty very well to use YKM’ s very quotes to wake up Ugandan.We have had so many nasty incidences in Uganda but time has worked as an ally to govt by helping people to forget them. We had the Rukungiri PPU murder, the Bweyogerere accident, the Rwaboni Arrest etc. Has any one ever asked why YKM chose to go to Bududa with an AK 47 instead of a Red Cross apron?
Iam so impressed with Dr Kobusingye and I believe she is as intelligent as her brother, Kiiza Besigye. It is so far Dr Kobusingye who has successfully been able to penetrate through the 2 decade “siasa” by NRM. When ever Iam seated in front of my TV listening to YKM I can predict his next word. He has sang the same song for the last 24 years typically fooling Ugandan that he is the Messiah. Dr Kobusingye is my woman of 2010 indeed.
Some people think that we make these comments out of hatred and being disgruntled but non of them has ever thought that it is out of love for our country Uganda.
Regarding the confiscation of the books, that is yet another joke by Govt. The books must be released either peacefully or by an order of court. Even if the books are not released, the writer is present and can give us handwritten scripts to circulate to the population
Jude mayanja
 
 
 
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Comments

26 Comments so far. Leave a comment below.
  1. Daniel Kalinaki,

    It is not just Mr Museveni, mind you, who is put to the sword. Many government officials including Attorney General Kiddhu Makubuya with his infamously dubious legal advice on whether Besigye could be nominated by proxy in 2006, and others, are put in the dock and their earlier statements held against them.

    In banning the book, the government has turned Dr Kobusingye into an unlikely heroine and the book, even with its at times pithy delivery, into an instant classic.
    It is perhaps most telling that a regime that came to power clad in intellectual revolutionary garb today has no one within its ranks to debate and respond to such a book and has to resort to banning its importation and sale.

    President Museveni used to traverse the country with a blackboard, offering ideas and debating policies. One needs to read the book to see why he now travels with a bullion van instead, handing out brown envelops.

    dkalinaki@ug.nationmedia.com

  2. jude mayanja,

    Please view the story “\” here http://www.bbc.co.uk/worldservice/africa/2010/10/101011_ugandakobusingye2.shtml?s

    The e-mail has come with the following message:

    “Please listen to Dr Kobusingye”

  3. Byansi John Baptist,

    Abbey Ssemuwemba and all other members of this forum, l would like to comment on the saga of Dr. Olive Kobusingye book, “The Correct Line?” that was confiscated at Entebbe International Airport.
    l think the confiscation is temporary. But according to those who have already read the book or the manuscript, it tends to portray President Museveni and Dr. Besigye’s rivalry as a Banyankore and to an extend Bakiga affair. That’s very wrong. The liberation struggle right from the sixties at Ntare School had other Ugandans like John Baptist Kawanga from Masaka, Steven Akabway from Soroti, to mention but a few.
    In Dar es Salaam, the network took a Pan African line and recruited members like the late John Garang.
    By 1971 coup, the struggle had people from the Muslim community like Ahmed Sseeguya, Abaasi Kibazi, Zubairi Bakari and Haruna Kibuye.
    FRONASA of the seventies had not only Ugandans like Eriya Kategaya, Amama Mbabazi, Kahinda Otafiire, Salim Saleh, Cheif Ali, Ivan Koreta, but also even Rwandese freedom fighters like the late Fred Rwigyema and later Paul Kagame.
    Museveni’s FRONASA recruits he under went with in military training in Mozambique in 1977, were predominantly Iteso from North Eastern Uganda. These are the people he pioneered with in fighting side by side with Tanzanian troops in 1979 in the Western Axis in a war that eventually overthrew Idi Amin regime.
    FRONASA, operated in eastern Uganda in areas like Bunia in Busoga and Mbale in Bugisu, and the Western Axis covered the whole of Western Uganda and West Nile. Thus people like James Kaziini did well in West Nile in early eighties.
    So it is wrong for a section of Banyankore political elites and in particular a sub group of Banyankore Bahororo or Bakiga Bahororo like Kizza Besigye to degrade the liberation and nationalist struggle to petty Rukungiri rivalries as his sister’s book want to portray. Uganda is bigger than Rukungiri and it was not written any where that Besigye will be President Museveni’s successor, or Prime Minister be executive or not, the way FDC is plotting to turn Uganda into a Kenya or Zimbabwe next year.
    Besigye is like any other Ugandan. He had his contribution, and has bad and good deeds and the rest of Ugandans knew what he did good and bad to them when he was still in power as Minister of State for Internal Affairs (overseeing investigations into the murder of Dr. Andrew Lutakome Kayiira), Minister of State, office of the Presidency (Minister for Presidency) and National Political Commissar, Commander of Mechanized battalion and later Brigade Masaka (where are his Masaka friends, like we see those with Gen. Aronda, his successor even up to now?), Chief of Logistics and Engenneering (buying junk helicopters in a deal with even Gen. Salim Saleh).

    Our friends from Rukungiri should know that although President Museveni’s family originated from Rukingiri, to Ntungamo and then to Kiruhura, they are not special people. They are like the rest of Ugandans and Besigye and his sister should note this seriously. We are tired of Rukungiri petty rivalries, now published into books for us all to read.

  4. Aisha Nankya,

    Besigye’s sister is still writing about where the movement went wrong and how to reform it? Its still about the movement, the movement and the movement. Its still a family affair, a member of the family grumbling…because they were chucked out of the eating house and for us in DP, the party that fought for the return of multipartism have refused to be part of this circus of Museveni’s family vs Besigye’s family. The next now will be Winnie Byanyima threatening to release bed secrets with Museveni before Besigye snatched her and motivated him to run for presidency so she realises her dream of being first lady and you expect us to be part of that circus.
    Let them sort of themselves at a family level as we continue the struggle to liberate this country from all of them, NRM A and NRM B.
    Aisha

  5. abbey Semuwemba,

    Naye Aisha nawe!

    Ok, let Mao’s sister, if he has got any, also write about the post Movement or post Museveni times such that we put this issue to bed. Sister, sometimes debates with you are like pulling teeth. In all honesty, this lady did not write this book on her own as she had help from several people in Uganda including Professor Gooloba Mutebi at MUK. She is making a contribution to Uganda’s political situation in the same way you are doing so at UAH forum. So why not support your fellow lady make some money and also enlighten people instead of pulling her down.

    I’m, however, surprised that the state has decided to give her book free publicity by seizing it at the EBB airport. It’s obvious that people are gonna buy it in big numbers in and outside the country. Last time, I checked at Amazon, there was only 1 copy left which I ordered. So Miss Obusingye is gonna make cash whether the president likes it or not. Amazon will do her a better deal if they get more orders than expected.

    By the way, I remember telling forumists here that several people will start writing about the years of NRM rule particularly when Museveni is out of power, and this will be bury the NRM for good, because there is a lot of evidence out there which Ugandans dread to read about. NRM will suffer more than UPC did when Obote left power, and they know it. That’s why they will do anything to make sure that they maintain the status-qou.

    For the meantime, let us all endeavour to buy Obusingye’s book and see if there is anything new she has written about which we did not know.But where is Besigye’s book? Is he planning to launch it after 2011?

    Byebyo ebyange mukwano

    Abbey

  6. Joseph Kamugisha,

    Never, mind. Idi Amin, tried to undermine and went as far as preventing the sale and distribution of the book; “State of blood” by Henry Kyemba, but guess what? It ended up selling like hot cake in the neighbouring Kenya and in most European countries and the rest of the world. All this regime can do is to stop distribution in Uganda, but the more they do it, the more popular the book will get free advertizement, hence, more sales!

  7. peter okello,

    I am writing a similar book on a cultural leader in Uganda. It is certainly not going to be praises all the way for the cultural leader in question.

    I hope that in the same spirit, you will even help me sell the book to the subjects of the cultural leader in question!!

    Indeed we are independent!

    On a less serious note, what we are supposed to expect from a book written by Dr. Besigye’s sister on Kags? Somebody even thinks the Colonel wrote the book himself but just used his gullible sister to sign it!!!

    It gets even more interesting when the book is released at the start of the campaigns for the 2011 presidential elections when Besigye is due face off with Kags once again and probably for the last time.

    The stakes are very high and all stops must be pulled to secure victory for the Kifefe family at long last!!!!!!! Otherwise the mega crown will go away for ever!

    I do not support the seizure of that book, if that is what has been done! However, the government must also be allowed to govern or is it rule the country. On a number of occassions the government has seized a lot of books/materials being shipped into Uganda on such diverse subjects like ponography, homosexualism, religious extremism etc. I am yet to hear any excitements when that is done but the exception seems to be that since it is Besigye’s ‘sister’ attacking Kags then the book should be released without any checks!!

    Peter Okello Maber (or whatever my name is)

    NB: To all my friends and foes alike, I wish to welcome myself back to the beloved UAH forum after nearly a three months’ absence. I have been busy with my book which should be hitting the shelf and Amazon very soon. GBU!!!

  8. jude mayanja,

    Peter,

    If that cultural leader in question has committed atrocities contrary to his words, please write the book and release it. I will help you to sell it.

    One problem in our dear country is that some leaders don’t think before they act. Rarely do they think of the consequences of their actions. If you stand at the footstep of Parliament ant tell the people that you are here with a fundamental change, and that you are here to end torture, extrajudicial killings, fight corruption, put an end to African leaders who overstay in power, put and end to vote rigging and promote democracy, rule of law and constitutionalism, lead a non extravagant life as you drive in a sunny car and buy beds from Bwaise and shoes from Kayondo shoe makers on Kampala road etc.

    If after a decade you end up a victim of what you came to end, what do you expect us to do? We shall write books about you, openly oppose you, demonstrate against you, and finally put you on trial.

    Peter you need to go and read the book NO LONGER AT EASE by Chinua Achebe
    you will be able to see how Obi Okonkwo failed to fight the corruption he came for and ended up a victim of the same. He was taken on trial and abandoned by even his own Umofia Progressive Union (UPU).

    Jude m

  9. musamize,

    You may order this book for $10 at:
    http://www.authorhouse.com/BookStore/BookDetail.aspx?Book=292308

    in the 1970s Kenyatta made the mistake of abusing the judiciary by repeatedly arresting 3 MPs. This lionized to the public and they were further popularized after Njonjo – AG at the time and Kenyatta’s main attack-dog – dubbed them ‘The Three Bearded Sisters’. I think one of them was Koigi wa Wamwere.

    Kanywamusayi has made the same mistake. This book is now more widely known than if he had simply ignored it. But he is too full of himself to even think clearly of the old adage: if you ban/control it, it must be good.

  10. Emmanuel,

    Can anyone please tell us where we can get this book whether hard or soft copy coz we are dying to make it a best seller despite the fact that it has been confiscated or banned. Am sure someone must have its transcripts.

  11. Am yet to read the book. And then will comment about it. But if I were the man in charge, I would not confiscate the book. Neither would I let it into the market. I think they should consult me on what should be done. I can help them on condition that they respect the constitution!

  12. edward muyingo,

    amazon is selling the book for $15.00

  13. Yoga Adhola,

    Emmanuel of comment number ten:

    The book is available at Amazon.com for $15.

    Yoga Adhola.

  14. candy Ronald,

    Hi Abey why can’t Besigye speak about his years in the movement as an active cadre and minister.
    As minister of internal affairs his reign was characterised by massive arrest and persecution of innocent Ugandans. Does he remember the speech he made when he went to Anaka?
    Does he remember the Kandoya operation which he personally over saw in nothern Uganda. We thought humans are not inherently bad but sometimes they are products of their environment . So may be with the company of good people like former DP members whom he confused to keep him company could give him some credibility.
    Unfortunately a snake is always a snake.Besigye in his scheming wanted a replica of the Movement system in Opposition only this time one under his control. Feeding people on false hope like they have been doing for years in NRM.
    Where is the difference betwween one party state and two party state.
    I am most certain the Abeys and those who sing Besigeyism wil Jump to say IPC was to represent our shared vission just like Movement started almost like a Coalition government with all those against UPC and “reformed ” UPC “swines” working together for a better Uganda. What a deception it was.

    As a political commisor he employwd the same trick that he wanted to use in IPC save for the forward looking Ugandans who challenged him.
    Under IPC Besigye wanted to Rob Ugandans of the gains they have made in the strugle for pluralism. We have evolved my dear people, from a dictatorial one party state to multiparty system what is left is ushering a functional multiparty democracy by allowing every body to freely participate and make choices that are likekly to influence their destiny as they like in company of whoever they want.
    If Besigye and the Abeys can not garner enough suport to oust the movement why must they hide behind other parties ?
    If they can not oust the system then that means they dont have Enough numbers to function as a democracy in a democracy the majority always win why cant we accept this simple tennet of demmocracy. It is not so abstract a value that a millitants would failed to understand.

    To him and his cadres who are actually disgruntled and power hungry
    He potrayed himself as a victim of the state and thus geting sympathy votes from Ugandans.
    He even lied to Ugandans that the army was strongly behind him unfortunately besigye never even got a single vote from those whom he claimed to haave had solid support.
    Why didn’t the army support his claim and defend the votes he so claimed was rigged.
    Nothern Uganda and tesso voted the way they did due to the prevailing circumstances.
    At least they are aware of what they dont want and will always work to make a statement about it.
    Unfortunately though forr Besigye those dreanms are over dont think you would be the lucky beneficiary this time since there are many credible people in the foray.
    Abey and his ilkswill only throuw in more confussion in order to derail Ugandans from achieving their long desired goal.
    It is ironic that a man like Besigye who has never won a single consituency in a plebicite should potray himself or be potraye d as a bastion of defense of the plebs Why should he be equated to the likes of Lukyamuzi ,Kasiano wadri,Sam Njuba or even Outrageously to Mao, Or Bidandi Sali, these are reefined and seasoned politiciabns who have had constituencies of their own and who have proven track records of their accomplishment in public life unlike besigye who publish a plagiarised dossier on the movement system plagiarised in the sense that he did not acknowledge the various contributors that included Bidandi sali.That dossier wasnt even any thing out of the ordinary it is some thing that existed in the fourth estate. I mean if you were following the popular talk show then capital gang you would think the entier content of whart Besigye claim s to be an enlightende assesment of the movement failures is actually a transcript of some of those discussions.
    Abey while you Bring in your views dont take Ugandans for granted they are not as naive and gulible as you think .The mere fact that you live abroad does not give you any due deligence to impose your views and conviction to others. we are Ugandan’s as anybody else and we as Ugandns are entitled to our place and destiny in this country .

  15. Mark Mbidde max,

    I salute you all memebers of the UAH forum ! ihave been compelled to comment on the issue of kiffee’s book.after watching her on their TV Last Nite ( come on, u all know that NMG is a mouth piece for Kifefe’s family)icouldnt stop feeling sorry for her…she was totally lost whhile reviewing the content save for the “complements “from Kamala! she recalls the 1986 events vividly as though she was part of the war..but ofcource the editor did alot of work to conceal the brother’s identity as the authour!there is nothing new in this book that her handlers like Karinaki, mwangusya ,obore ,kalyegyera’s Golobba’s havent said ON their propanga channels like KFM $Monitor! the elements above pretenciously talk about democracy,justice and Fairness but when did they last host a govt or NRM party leader on KFM Hot Seat ?The Newvison partially owned by GOVT is fairly balanced in this regard on all thier political shows! practice wht u preach..i can assure them wheather serialse this book in monitor,Besigye will not evn win my MAO!!!!!!

  16. barnet,

    so you think Besigye is the messiah ?

  17. candy Ronald,

    I feel so sad that Ugandans are percieved to be that gullible but no time for sentiments.
    Abey
    You have dine a great Job to your master Besigye by using the forum so passionately coined as if it genuinely reflects the concerns of Uganda.
    If it where in George orwels book I guess you would know what pig you represent.
    However,I would request simple clarification as to why we should trust Besigye.
    1. This is a Man who ran outr of the country accusing govrnment of witchunt.
    But let Besigye stand up and be counted as a man who does not abandon his subject.He left the country to save his own skin while leaving behind those whom he eronously misled to their demise.
    Tell us how your personal assistant Opoka ended up as comander “lokile” Have you appologised to the familly of those youth who perished with him in the hand of that maniac kony?
    Olanya stephen , Kitara, Pido,Allex otim and yumbe(may his soul rest in peace) Where arested because of your boss abey . How many times did he pledge that he would go to the bush if museveniriged the election? He promised to explore other means such as resorting to court and he even stated bodly that court is not the only option what did he man he promised tsunami that never materialised and who are we to contine being fooled by a man whose onlly intent is to get back at Museveni?
    Are you not satisfied with his left over?
    Please give Ugandans a break Asa for you you can mislead those people with no party structure outside kampala.

  18. Yoga Adhola,

    Dr Kobusingye’s Question

    by Yoga Adhola

    When Museveni had just come to power, he used to talk a lot about his correct political line. Over time he stopped without any explanation. Was it because the line got discredited as incorrect? Whatever the case one of his erstwhile supporters, Dr Kobusingye in her book wondered about the line. “In Sowing The Mustard Seed and What is Africa’s Problems? and in many other writings on Uganda’s search for freedom Museveni provided a basis for hope and for the belief that peace and stability were not only possible, they had come. The expectation of many Ugandans were based on the content of these writings. In many ways they provided the guiding light to direct our steps. In the late eighties Ugandans threw into the challenging task of rebuilding their country with impressive zeal and goodwill. Many young people who would have fled the country for greener pastures decided to stay. We were going to be the generation that turned things around; we were going to make a difference. But if we were moving along a straight line, a correct line so to say, why is the landscape beginning to look so frighteningly similar to that of decades gone by?” (Kobusingye, O: 2010:202)

    In answering this question, we shall use the analogy from Dr Kobusingye’s professional field i.e. medicine. Not everybody can be a doctor; doctor’s have to undergo rigorous training. In the course of that training they are introduced to certain concepts which represent diseases as well as the procedure they put patients through. They are also taught the differences between symptoms and the real diseases the symptoms represent. If we apply this as analogy to Museveni, we shall find that Museveni was very poorly trained. Notwithstanding all his tall claims and writings, he has a poor grasp of the maladies Uganda is going through. When he first came to power, Museveni masqueraded as some towering intellectual. He used to move around behaving like a teacher. This image was swallowed by many Ugandans whose knowledge was limited and could only go by Museveni’s appearance as an intellectual. What is more he gave some very simplistic explanation of Uganda’s problems. Because of the lack of knowledge on the part of most Ugandan, these simplistic explanation were very attractive and many believed in them. To the erroneous and simplistic diagnosis he claimed to have made, he proposed cures that were equally simplistic. To many, because of their limited understanding, these simplistic answers were very appealing. They therefore, like Dr Kobusingye, embraced false hopes and lent Museveni support. Meanwhile the simplistic analysis and solutions that Museveni was supposedly providing, could not reveal the true reality of Uganda’s problems nor solve them. To use the language of medicine, Museveni was dealing with symptoms, and not the diseases. And just like a malaria patient whom the doctor is treating with aspirin which treats the fever but does not deal with the malaria parasites, Museveni’s solutions to Uganda’s problem were not even touching the problems of Uganda. In the meantime the problems, just like the malaria which was being treated with aspirin we talked about earlier, continued unabated. It is this situation which led people like Dr Kobushingye to pose the above question. This pamphlet will seek to answer Dr Kobushingye’s question.

    Going by her book, Dr Kobusongye’s conception of the correct line is limited to………..; yet it should encompass much more than that. It should also encompass what the NRM calls social transformation of the Ugandan society. A basic requirement for such a transformation is a proper appreciation of the society to be transformed, or to use Dr Kobusingye’s terminology, diagnosis. This in turn calls for a scientific ideology or theoretical framework. To acquire the scientific ideology calls for what the NRMs call ideological development. By ideological development they mean the ideological transformation from a non-scientific viewpoint to a scientific one. This brings us to Yoweri Museveni, the fountain of NRM ideology. While Museveni underwent some ideological development at the University of Dar es salaam, his development got stunted before he embraced a truly scientific ideology. Today he embraces an eclectic ideology. At some points he has a scientific flare and other times he embraces a non-scientific outlook. With this eclectic ideology, he is totally not capable of charting a correct political line for Uganda. His ideological development did not get him to reach the level of realizing that, as Chairman Mao taught, struggles occur in phases. That we have gone through the anti-colonial phase of the struggle and we are now at the phase of national-democratic liberation. National-democratic liberation is the struggles which ‘lead to the elimination of colonial and simi-colonial oppresion and are also latent with anti-capitalist tendency”(Brutents,K.N. 1977: 148; they also involve the “…formation of nations and the break-up of obsolete feudal and pre-feudal relations, and the elimination of national and colonial oppression..” (Brutents, K.N. 1977:152).This is the struggle UPC had been waging before Museveni came to the scene.

    In stead of continuing with the struggle for national-democratic liberation which UPC had been waging, Museveni decided to make an attempt at bringing about a Cuban type of revolution in Uganda. He was misled into this adventure by his reading of the writings of Regis Debray. Regis Debray is a French philosopher who went to Cuba in the 60s and taught Philosophy at the University of Havana. while there he got very close to the Cuban leadership, especially Che Guevara. Regis Debray embraced an erroneous concept of the Cuban revolution. He saw the revolution as beginning with the attack on the Moncada barracks on 26th July 1953. It is these erroneous misconceptions which are contained in his writings about Cuba. It is also from these erroneous readings of the Cuban revolution that Regis Debray distilled his strategies for revolution. Museveni read these books while a student at the University of Dar es salaam and then went on to base his so-called revolutionary practice on them. It is these writings which constituted the theoretical basis of Museveni’s so-called revolution or fundamental change. Given that the writings had major flaws, the political line that Museveni took for his so-called revolution, notwithstanding his labeling it the correct line, was erroneous from the very beginning.

    The very first wrong thing Museveni engaged in was to attempt to bring about a Cuban type of revolution in Uganda. For a revolution to take place, Lenin taught us there must be a revolutionary situation. “To the Marxist it is indisputable that a revolution is impossible without a revolutionary situation; furthermore, it is not every revolutionary situation that leads to revolution. What, generally speaking, are the symptoms of a revolutionary situation? We shall certainly not be mistaken if we indicate the following three major symptoms: (1) when it is impossible for the ruling classes to maintain their rule without any change; when there is a crisis, in one form or another, among the “upper classes”, a crisis in the policy of the ruling class, leading to a fissure through which the discontent and indignation of the oppressed classes burst forth. For a revolution to take place, it is usually insufficient for “the lower classes not to want” to live in the old way; it is also necessary that the upper classes should be unable to live in the old way; (2) when the suffering and want of the oppressed clases have grown more acute than usual; (3) when as a consequence of the above causes, there is a considerable increase in the activity of the masses, who uncomplainingly allow themselves to be robbed in “peace times”, but, in turbulent times, are drawn both by all the circumstances of the crisis and by the upper classes themselves into independent historical action.

    Without these objective changes, which are independent of the will, not only of individual groups and parties but even of individual classes, a revolution, as a general rule, is impossible. The totality of all these objective changes is called a revolutionary situation. Such a situation existed in 1905 in Russia, and in all revolutionary periods in the West; it also existed in Germany in the sixties of the last century, and in Russia in 1859-61 and 1879-80, although no revolution occurred in these instances. Why was that? It was because it is not every revolutionary situation that gives rise to a revolution; revolution arises only out of a situation in which the above-mentioned objective changes are accompanied by a subjective change, namely, the ability of the revolutionary class to take revolutionary mass action strong enough to break (or dislocate) the old government, which never, not even in a period of crisis, “falls”, if it is not toppled over.” (Lenin, V.I chapter 2; also see Woddis, J. 189)

    Had Museveni grasped what Lenin is talking about, he would have realised that the situation obtaining in Uganda at the time he launched his so-called liberation war was not ripe for the Cuban type of revolution that they sought to bring about in Uganda. (2) In such a situation what needed to be done is preparatory work that the renown revolutionary Engels once recommended. “The whole thing in Germany will depend on the possibility of backing (preceding) the proletarian by some second edition of the Peasant War.’ (Marx & Engels ) It is this type of revolutionary work that the founding fathers of modern revolutions from time to time recommended as necessary to prepare ground for further struggles. (Engels,F. 1853; also quoted in Draper, 1978) In the Communist Manifesto, for instance, Marx and Engels first noted that the bourgeois revolution in Germany would proceed under conditions of more developed capitalism and with much better prepared proletariat than the British bourgeois revolution of the 17th and the French revolution of the 18th century; and then went on to draw the conclusion that “bourgeois revolution in Germany would be but a prelude to an immediately following proletarian revolution”. (Marx & Engels ) Writing to Weydemeyer, Engels talked of: “The preliminaries of the proletarian revolution, the measures that prepare the battleground and clear the way for us, such as a single indivisible republic …..”
    (Engels, F April 12 1853) Later in 1856, Marx voiced the view that it was necessary to work out a combination of the proletarian revolution with a peasant democratic movement: “The whole thing in Germany will depend on the possibility of backing (preceding) the proletarian by some second edition of the Peasant War.’ (Marx & Engels ) In these analyses of the founding fathers of Marxism, Lenin did discern the germ of new revolutionary tactics appropriate to the new situation engendered by the debut of imperialism. In the era of imperialism, Lenin anlaysed, it was no longer possible as Marx and Engels had said that capitalism would ruin the middle strata to the point where the proletariat would constitute the majority of the population and thereby create the ripe conditions for revolution. This process, Marx and Engels had said, would go on under the superintendence of the bourgeoisie, then a progressive class seeking to bring about the eradication of feudalism and other pre-capitalist modes of production and social formations. This historic mission, Lenin was to argue, could no longer be performed by the bourgeoisie. The bourgeoisie was now locked-up in fierce struggles with the proletariat and is increasingly finding it in its interest to lean on survivals of the pre-capitalist order. It therefore becomes the historic mission of the proletariat to clear-off the pre-capitalist encumbrances to the revolution. For the Russian revolution, this was done through the bourgeois-democratic revolution of 1905. For a peripheral capitalist country like Uganda, this will have to be done through a national-democratic revolution. National-democratic liberation, as we have already indicated, is what UPC has been prosecuting since its inception.

    Without a revolutionary situation in Uganda, and totally ignoring the history of the Cuban revolution which he was imitating, Museveni launched what he thought was a revolution by attacking Kabamaba barracks in total imitation of the attack on Moncada barracks in Cuba… 1981. When Museveni launched his so-called armed struggle for revolution, the situation which was obtaining in Buganda, the area which he made his war theatre, was the exact opposite of what obtained in Cuba in the 1950s when Fidel Castro and his comrades launched their struggle. Buganda political situation was informed by two factors. One the Baganda were angry at the consequences of the national-democratic revolution of 1966. They wanted to reverse the situation to that which was obtaining pre-1966. Secondly, the kingdom of Buganda, where Luwero (the theatre of the war) is found, was at the historical moment which Professor Hobsbawn, the famous student of social banditry, has described as being pregnant with social banditry. According to Hobsbawn, “social banditry is unusually prevalent at two moments in historical evolution: that at which primitive and communally organized society gives way to class-and-state society, and that at which the traditional rural peasant society gives way to the modern economy. At such times, the desire to defend the old and stable society against subversion of its values, the urge to restore its old, threatened, disintegrating norms becomes unusually strong.” (Hobsbawm, E. 1969: 13) It is at such moments in history, Hobsbawn contends, that social banditry emerges. Such was the case in Luwero in the early 80’s, when Museveni launched his so-called guerrilla war. In the short-run, the situation was very favorable to Museveni. While the government – and a UPC government at that – considered Museveni’s operatives criminals, the overwhelming majority of the peasantry in Buganda viewed them as heroes. For as Hobsbawn has pointed out: in the perception of the peasant “the social bandit is a hero, a champion, a man whose enemies are the same as the peasants’, whose activities correct injustice, control oppression and exploitation, and perhaps even maintain alive the ideal of emancipation and independence.” (Hobsbawn)

    There is another reason why had Museveni been a revolutionary, he should not have launched his so-called armed struggle. The period was immediately after elections. And Museveni even used the elections as an excuse for the war. This is clearly the kind of context about which Che Guevarra had warned: “Where a government has come into power through some form of popular vote fraudulent or not, and maintains at least an appearance of constitutional legality, guerrilla outbreak cannot be promoted since the possibility of peaceful struggle have not yet been exhausted.” (Woddis, J. 1972: 249-250) In total disregard of this caution Museveni launched his so-called war of liberation soon after the 1980 elections and even gave election malpractices as the reason for the war.

    Initially Museveni and his NRA were a serious nuisance to the government. However, when the government set up a Special Brigade led by Colonel Ogole, an officer specifically trained in counter-insurgency to fight the war, things dramatically changed. By 1985 when the coup took place, the insurgency was over. On the eve of the coup, some 400 NRA insurgents had surrendered to the Zairean authorities and they had been disarmed. The Zairean Foreign Minister had come to Uganda to report this to government. Museveni himself had returned to exile in Sweden.The junta that took power had no capacity to contain Museveni. Museveni regrouped his shattered NRA and within six months had removed the junta and placed himself in power. Museveni described his ascendancy to power as a fundamental change meaning revolution. It is his brother Salim Salleh who gave the ascendancy even a more colourful description: In The Monitor of Wednesday, 29th November, 2006 he clearly stated and I quote: “A small group of fighters, with 27 guns, without external assistance for much of the time and without a rear base in any neighbouring country, defeating a government that had a force of almost 60,000 soldiers in a record time of five years, is almost un-paralleled in the history of revolutionary warfare. The only similar case in the world is that of Fidel Castro in Cuba. After the initial setback of losing most of his fighters to the Batista Airforce, he gathered 12 survivors with whom he headed to the Sierra Maestra Mountains from where he, eventually, defeated the dictatorship.”

    The problem is that without a revolutionary situation in Uganda of the time, the NRM ascendancy to power was no more than what Engels long ago described: “The worst things that can befall a leader of an extreme party is to be compelled to take over government in an epoch when the movement is not yet ripe for the domination of the class which he represents and for the realisation of the measures which that domination would imply.What he can do depends not upon his will but upon the sharpness of the clash of interests between the various classes, and upon the degree of development of material means of existence, the relations of production and means of communication upon which clash of interests of classes is based every time. What he ought to do, what his party demands of him, again depends not upon him, or upon the degree of development of the class struggle and its conditions. He is bound to his doctrines and the demands hitherto propounded which do not emanate from the interrelations of the social classes at a given moment, or from the more or less accidental level of relations of production and means of communication, but from his more or less penetrating insight into the general result of the social and political movement. Thus he necessarily finds himself in a dilemma. What he can he do is in contrast to all his actions as hitherto practised, to all his principles and to the present interests of his party; what he ought to do cannot be achieved. In a word, he do is in contrast to all his actions as hitherto practised, to all his principles and to the present interests of his party; what he ought to do cannot be achieved. In a word he is compelled to represent not his party or his class, but the class for whom conditions are ripe for domination. In the interests of the movement itself, he is compelled to defend the interests of an alien class, and to feed his own class with phrases and promises, with the assertion that the interests of that alien class are their own interests. Whoever puts himself in this awkward position is irrevocably lost. We have seen examples of this in recent times. We need only be reminded of the position taken in the last French provisional government by the representatives of the proletariat, though they represented only a very low level of proletarian development. Whoever can still look forward to official positions after having become familiar with the experiences of the February government — not to speak of our own noble German provisional governments and imperial regencies — is either foolish beyond measure, or at best pays only lip service to the extreme revolutionary party. ” (Engels, F. chapter 6)

    In light of what we have written so far, it is possible for us to make an attempt to answer Dr Kobushegye’s question: “But if we were moving along a straight line, a correct line so to say, why is the landscape beginning to look so frighteningly similar to that of decades gone by?” We have tried to show that Museveni the chief ideologist of the NRM doe snot have the requisite theoretical framework to enable him come up with a correct strategy. We have also shown that the strategy he came up with of carrying out a Cuban type of revolution in Uganda was wrong. Uganda was and is not ready for that kind of revolution. That being the case, the so-called armed struggle the NRA is supposed to have waged amounted to no more than an adventure. It produced no revolution. It simply amounted to what Mamdani has characterise as the fire which did not produce ash.(Mamdani,M: 1995) M. Notwithstanding all the ado about waging a revolutionary struggle in Luwero, as well as the much publicised correct line, the Ugandan situation remained unaffected by the so-called revolution or fundamental change. This is why things are looking similar to what was several decades ago. Today the NRM is a hollow vessel. It is just a pipe dream for patronage, very much in the guise of Mobutu party. It is just a passing cloud which will eventually clear and Uganda will remain totally unaffected by it.

    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    brutents, K.N. “National liberation Revolutions Today,” Moscow,1977

    Engels, F: “The Peasant war in Germany,”

    Hobsbawm, Eric. “Primitive Rebels and Social Bandits,” Manchester: University of Manchester Press, 1959.

    Hobsbawm, Eric. “Bandits,” New York: Delcorte Press, 1969.

    Kobushingye, O: “The Correct Line? Uganda Under Museveni,” Author House, UK. 2010.

    Mamdani, M: “And Fire Does Not Always Beget Ash,” Monitor Publications, Kampala, 1995.

    Woddis, J. “New theories of revolution: a commentary on the views of Frantz Fanon, Régis Debray and Herbert Marcuse.” London, Lawrence and Wishart, 1972.

  19. MILTON KAMANYIRE,

    It’s good.People have given their views.Mine are just simple.Iam not very much learned so my comments should be graded along such lines.In all that i do i’ve been guided by my concense which i have developed through experiance.I wholeheartedily know that even if Dr.Besigye had not started this cause, someone else would start it. I view it as coinsidence for Besigye to have emanated from the same rigion as Museveni. All Ugandans are not fools and non can fool them whatsoever.Even if Besigye becomes president —-as he is likely to be, can’t fool us. Dr. Besigye knows this and that’s why i like him –President Museveni also knows it even though he has kept a deaf ear. Im reluctant to go much political as am an Art/Design graduand just like my friend Elly T. We artists can spend a whole day admiring a potted flower or a nuded female—Doctors go further than this–they disect ,study and diagonise before they priscribe.Fortunately for us Dr. Olive has done this on Museveni free of charge. Now imagine, if i can develop headache if you overturn my potted flower any wonder then to be furious when my people are totured or killed!!!!!!.

  20. Muwanga,

    Dear Ugandans if you still love your country and you still have it at heart! embrace the spirit of peace by voting wisely and to exhibit the best form of discipline by not using abusive language of hate, this will be appreciated. May God bless you.

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