The Origin of FRONASA and Museveni, according to Mbabazi’s daughter


Nina Mbabazi

I was challenged to find out the truth about Museveni’s origin and I have asked around. I will not of course lay claim to be the expert but this is what I have been told;
1. Museveni was born in Ruhaama Ntungamo in the plateau behind that Ndaija hill of Rwampara. This plateau strands Uganda – Rwanda border so sorry to burst your bubble. He is very much Ugandan and so is Amos Kaguta his father.
2. The Banyakore are nomadic in nature like the Karamajong and what one has to understand is that for such people the borders are very fluid. In fact for all of us who come from border districts (39 of them) the borders are very fluid.
3. His father’s cow settlements saw him move across, Ntungamo, Rukungiri, Kisoro, Tanzania. If you go to Kisoro, they will show you where some of Kaguta’s relatives settled in their nomadic movement period (I will get the details later)
4. The Bahima like the karamajong tend to thrive when living in a herd simply because their cows are their only livelihood so like their cows, there is comfort in baraaro numbers.
5. Museveni comes from a very backward Kinyankore family of the Basiita clan and very poor and humble background. These banyanokre did not bury their dead. In fact they believe that when someone died, you simply moved away from the “hut” where they had died because their death had come as a result of witchcraft. These people had a very strong belief in witchcraft and practiced it. It would explain why he got saved at Ntare?
6. His family was so conservative that when the Omugabe’s chiefs introduced the law of every household having latrines, Amos Kaguta’s brothers and sisters protested. They were used to open air defecation. It is the refusal to build latrines that saw many of Kaguta’s brothers seek self exile in Tanzania in Karagwe with their cows. They have since moved back and abandoned their backward ways.
7. Muhoozi is Janet’s son. He is named after Janet’s brother who disappeared/was killed/ a great mystery when they were very young. Her brother was called Kainerugaba and in memory of her brother, she named her son after him. She is after all a Mweine Rukari and very proud of it (Don’t ask me what that means, I have no clue).

This has all been narrated to me by an OB of Ntare who comes from Rwampara and knows this family very well. He was also in S1 when YKM was in the senior school so it is an outsider telling what was talked about that boy who was not as prominent as Mwesiga Brown at Ntare and appeared rather destined for an ordinary life compared to the rest of the chiefs’ sons who were well polished, intelligent and articulate.

In fact I was also told that FRONASA was not started by Museveni but it started in the 1960’s by a group of chiefs’ sons of which Mwesiga Brown was the Leader. The group did not pursue it further and in 1972 another set of Ntare boys called Yoweri Museveni and Amama Mbabazi decided to push the FRONASA forward. It is therefore not factual that he is the founder. I have not received any information from Museveni himself.

Amama Mbabazi

Muhoozi’s mother is Janet Museveni not any woman from Ntare Secondary school as Obote claimed in his memoirs. There has never been a female student at Ntare. It was an all boys’ school. Believe me, I know. My dad, my dad in law, and all the gang of NRMs that went there have been very categorical on this one. There has never been and unless Ntare becomes Co-ed in 2011, there will never be a girl from Ntare School.

I know that by 1972 FRONASA was dead, because the Main leader Mwesiga was disillusioned. If some of you got your stories from Museveni’s ‘’Sowing the Mustard Seed’’ , it gives a very wrong account of how it was revived. FRONASA was formed by Ntare boys with Martin (brown) Mwesiga as leader in the 1960s, it of course suffered from social class problems with the Mwesiga’s on a higher level (Sons of Chiefs) and the others (Museveni’s) who were just trying to be visible but could not match the level of sophistication of chiefs sons. But brown was a people magnet and people found him friendly and non-threatening.

In fact when Museveni wanted to revive FRONASA in 1972, he looked for my dad who then brought him a very vocal, noisy cantankerous leader from Makerere who was in his year. The leader was Otafiire. Museveni(M7) in his book has misrepresented the facts for reasons that are obvious. While Museveni was in the external wing then, Tanzania, Zambia he proceeded to activate more members of the group. It was a group of mostly Western Uganda boys and never expanded until it was brought to Makerere University. In the 1960s in Ntare for those who were there, the first formation of the group was like a debate club where radical views were shared.

As a matter of fact, while Museveni was activating the external wings, my father was activating the internal wings within Uganda. I think you will get great insight when his biography comes out. I have not engaged with my father on this. I have spent time with his OBs and the FRONASA crowd asking them these questions. I have always wanted to hear his part of the story which he doesn’t tell because he claims to be too busy.I think that when you read the ‘’Mustard Seed’’, you must read a book and see that this is the way Museveni wants you to view history. It isn’t necessarily in line with the fact.

I think that Kategaya, Museveni, Amama, Ruzindana and all of them were all in UPC because they believed in the ideology and the common man’s charter and nothing else. My father was diehard UPC because of his father who was active in Kinkiizi at that time as a political elder. They left UPC because they felt that the leadership was just giving lip service to serving country and then they formed UPM. The formation of UPM saw the likes of Rukikaire, Bidandi join them. The UPM crowd says that the FRONASA crowd was too hard-line and too communist and to form UPM, they has to make them abandon their ideologies somewhat. The UPM crowd, according to my father in law, for example, found my father’s rigid stance very difficult to deal with. They then preferred to work with Museveni who seemed to accept the middle ground. So to answer someone earlier, M7 never had any Marxist tendencies. He simply had middle ground tendencies as witnessed in the current election campaign.

When Museveni left for DP, Kategaya and the Ntare group thought he was a traitor to the cause. FRONASA has been made into such a big word in part because this is where Museveni derives his history of struggle from BUT and I repeat BUT, he is not the founder of the first FRONASA in 1960s. He was an active member of the club as was all the Ntare boys but their leader was Martin Mwesiga, you are free to dismiss this if you wish but the truth is the truth. Mwesiga was the leader until he met his death in 1973. You know he is not the founder because when Museveni, my father and Otafiire revived it in 1973, there was still that personal struggle for power between the two Mwesiga and Museveni. People still gravitated towards Mwesiga and he remained a balancing factor according to the Ntare boys.

My father was a state attorney during Iddil Amin and was arrested by Amin for taking pictures of his in-laws graduation at Makerere. My father worked as a State Attorney when he graduated from law school in 1970s so yes he served in Ministry of Justice while working in the underground movement. The expansion of other non Ntare boys into FRONASA started in earnest in 1973, not before that. The Maumbe Mukwana’s, Nambuya’s all of those are people that Museveni recruited in Mbale.

My father is actually the one who told Binaisa that he was President. Binaisa became President by only 11 votes and Amama could not have been there to encourage a life Presidency when he enjoyed the coolers courtesy Amin. Augustine Ruzindana was a member of the first group. He would like to portray his significance in the post 1973 FRONASA as significant but it has been repeatedly denied by all.

Like I said, Museveni was the most amiable of all the FRONASA people. People gravitated to him because he was persistent and yet had the qualities of someone who wishes to maintain the middle ground and make everyone happy. In forming UPM, FRONASA lost almost all its character because they compromised beyond recognition. FRONASA died the day UPM was born.

Museveni was a member of DP. His friends thought him ideologically bankrupt for moving from UPC to DP and then UPM. I think this is Kategaya’s main bone of contention with him? The members of FRONASA after 1979 wanted to form their own party, they needed members and they made many compromises in the process. It was not a well thought out political move. It was simply bringing people together for purpose of creating a party to keep FRONASA alive, but when they did eventually find the people, they mutated so much that anyone looking at the two organization now would simply say that they are not one and the same.

What was happening in Western Uganda was that the political debate and inclination was based on pastoralism. for example in Mpororo the Karegyeza group were UPC leaning and the UPC was clearly advocating for all to have land titles and settled cattle rearing. The Bahima of Mbarara mostly under the influence of the Omugabe were DP and very conservative Bahima who like I said earlier defecated in open spaces and resisted toilets. If you go to deep Kyankwanzi were baraaro are, you will find that they are still the same. They would probably not even know that Museveni was President if they didn’t have radio’s. Anyway this Bahima group were in DP primarily because DP said that to have titled land would cause them to lose their grazing land and culture. The DP group was led by Byanyiima and Omugabe and the Omugabe is very significant here as I will explain later.In Bushenyi they embraced cattle grazing as a non pastoral activity and hence the UPC support but even then, it was on idividual merit.

In Mbarara where Rushere is, these people could not be DP. There was a class struggle between the Basiita clan who were the original holders of the drum and the Omugabe who was a Muhinda (royal). The two groups could therefore not be in the same political camp. They viewed leaders on individual merit. This is why Museveni was able to listen to all views from all sides and move from all sides. He came from the individual merit background. It is this struggle that has delayed the restoration of the Kingdom. If you care to read the handsard of 1986s you will see that Amanya Mushega put President Museveni’s views out there very well. He said that they never went to the bush to return Obugabe. The drum which they have been bickering about which should be at the Ugandan museum, the Bahinda believe is being held by Museveni because as a Musiita he believes that it rightly belongs to them. This has always been a class struggle that would not allow the two to be on the same side. So again, you have raised a point that emphasizes his middle ground, non ideological approach to politics. I would like to say though; the hatred by Museveni of the Obugabe is legendary.

Museveni’s Ntare age-mates say they had all agreed to join UPC and indeed joined UPC, but were shocked when he went to DP. Considering the historic perspective of the political landscape, this could only be while FRONASA was alive and kicking which is after 1973.

Andrew Mwenda and Onyango Obbo


I again hate to burst some people’s bubble but Salim Saleh and Major Muhoozi’s visit to journalist, Andrew Mwenda, in prison acouple of years ago, was purely selfish. It had nothing to do with wishing Mwenda well. It was about how to use Mwenda to elevate his status. This is the hard reality of politics and this is why and when people figure this out, you seize to be a person but turn into a commodity to be traded for the best climb and easiest climb up the ladder. I feel sorry for Mwenda if he thought he was his friend. From the outside looking in, I can smell a fishy smell from miles away. I guess because to some, I too am nothing more than a stepping stone, a ladder, a commodity. Mwenda too has woken up and realized that Muhoozi who came to use him when he was in prison can also be used, and that is why he is supporting NRM and Museveni in these elections. Again this is all about HARD CASH!!!! No blood relative I am afraid.

Mwenda and Muhoozi are not related at all. My knowledge is based on what has been declared by Mwenda (that he is a Mutoro from Kabarole) and the people that went to school with Val Rwaheru a proper Mukiga from Kabale. How would Mwenda then have a blood relation with this Mukiga? Maybe through marriage? Maybe not?

Nina Mbabazi Rukikaire
Amama Mbabazi’s daughter

Comments

20 Comments so far. Leave a comment below.
  1. Rachel Mbabazi,

    Good reading!!!

  2. magezi,

    can’t agree – actually difficult reading with names either misspelled or confusing. Even if M7 was not the founder of FRONASA, he certainly must have been the “reviver” in 1972/73 and certainly the cause for making FRONASA what it became – a political movement elevated from a debate club. So, I’d venture to say HE was indeed the founder of the revived and changed FRONASA. Changing to another party…why not? If you do realize that “your ideals” or political goals change (and change they do), it would be only honorable to change to another party more aligned with your own ideology rather than changing the party you are in or to form your own party and seek validation of your “manifesto” by large numbers of members joining you. I trust Nina has a hidden message in there, not comprehensible by outsiders. It must be painful.

  3. Yoga Adhola,

    From The Monitor

    Kampala – Sunday, 08 February 2004 12:02 am

    Fronasa: An insider’s tale of intrigue, failure

    Talk-back

    By Yoga Adhola
    Feb 8 – 14, 2004

    The controversy over Museveni’s denunciation of Ruzindana has drawn a lot of comment. I would also like to add my version.

    I am a member of the Uganda Peoples Congress, living in exile in the United
    States but was a member of the Central Committee of Fronasa in the early
    1970s.

    For some unknown reasons, President Museveni has never named the executive committee which was leading Fronasa. I would like to name them because it is important for this article.

    Mkombe-Mpambara was the chairman, Museveni was in charge of defence, Jack Maumbe Mukhwana (moblisation), Eriya Kategaya (finance), and Yoga Adhola (information and publications).

    This was worked out in September 1972 and our focal point was Dar es Salaam.After announcement of the existence of Fronasa, Museveni for reasons which are not yet known to me, worked very hard to have Paulo Muwanga lead Fronasa. To this effect, he actually made several trips to Paris to plead
    with Muwanga to accept to lead Fronasa but Muwanga declined. (Muwanga (RIP) was then Uganda’s Ambassador in France. -Ed)

    Fronasa was to get support from President Julius Nyerere and the Tanzanian
    government. The basis of this support was to be traced to Museveni’s days at Dar es Salaam University.

    To his credit, while at the University of Dar es salaam, Museveni managed to
    catch President Nyerere’s eye and then maintained some kind of contact with him.

    It is this contact which Museveni used after the 1971 coup. Museveni told
    Mwalimu that he had built a strong underground network in Uganda. That he
    had trained people in the districts of Mbarara, Masaka and Busoga to fight
    Amin and all he needed was extra material and political support.

    In 1972 Tanzania launched an invasion of Uganda that turned out to be a
    disaster. Nyerere had hoped that besides the Obote sympathisers and fighting men still in Uganda, Museveni’s trained men inside Uganda would join the attack on Amin. Of course that did not materialise and the rest is well-known.

    Later, Nyerere asked Museveni to bring his men to Tanzania so as to be sent to the Frelimo camp at Nachingweya for further military training.

    Given that the men Museveni had talked of did not actually exist, Museveni
    resorted to asking Jack Maumbe to go and recruit people. Maumbe then went on a crash programme to recruit. He recruited Bagisu who were working as houseboys etc in Nairobi and brought them.

    Maumbe Mukhwana

    Maumbe’s declaration that he will not comment on President Museveni’s
    statement on Ruzindana is very pregnant and prudent. If I were him I would
    also not comment unless I was to get involved in a lot of disinformation.
    Maumbe has a lot to say about Museveni. I will give but one example.

    At a certain point around 1974, certain forces within the Tanzania
    government (as opposed to President Nyerere) decided to put an end to
    Fronasa. They had made several attempts which because of Mwalimu’s behind the scenes support had to fail.

    They would lock up Fronasa combatants and somehow the combatants would be released. What was happening is that whenever Fronasa combatants would be locked up, we would make contact with State House and the needful would be done.

    After several frustrations, the elements in government who did not want
    Fronasa decided to get Museveni overthrown within Fronasa itself.

    In this venture they engaged the services of Jack Maumbe. The point man
    doing this on the Tanzania side was a Minister of Security whose name I
    don’t now remember.

    Nachingweya

    Jack Maumbe was secretly (i.e. without the rest of us in Fronasa knowing)
    dispatched to Nachingweya, the Frelimo camp where most of the Fronasa
    combatants were at the time. His mission was to get the combatants to pass a vote of no-confidence in Museveni.

    Maumbe was well suited for this mission because he is the one who recruited most of the combatants from Nairobi. The reader may recall that Museveni himself has said this about Maumbe.

    When Maumbe came back from Nachingweya, he came to me. I could not believe it when he told me he had been to Nachingweya. Nachingweya at the time was a highly secured and restricted place. One could only go there with the permission of top security personnel.

    I did not expect Maumbe to have the wherewithal to obtain that kind of
    permission. What however had happened is that a minister who was working on this project of killing Fronasa had helped him obtain the permission.

    As I did not know this, I doubted it when Maumbe told me he had been to
    Nachingweya. I did not disclose my doubts but Maumbe knew I had doubts.

    I will not go into the details of what he told me. What it meant to me was
    that the Tanzanians were breaking-up Fronasa. This was 1974.

    The Tanzanians had every reason to break-up Fronasa. The 1972 invasion had convinced them that Museveni’s claims were bogus. They had also seen that when asked to bring people for training, Museveni had produced virtually nothing.

    After my meeting with Maumbe, I left to go home for lunch. I used to live in
    a place called Seaview, just next to the ocean. To get home, I would board a
    bus and disembark near Palm Beach Hotel. From there, it was a short walk
    home.

    As I was walking home, I saw Museveni coming from the direction of my
    residence. He had been home and had not found me.

    When we met, he asked me if I knew where Maumbe was. Without any fuss, I
    told him I knew but would like to be given time to decide to do with what
    Maumbe had told me. He accepted this and left.

    At around 7.00 pm Museveni was at my door. I knew he had something to talk with me so we went out. It was dark.

    He pleaded with me to tell him a little bit more. I reminded him that I had
    earlier requested him to give me time to digest the information I had got
    from Maumbe. He made further pleas but I refused to yield.

    I did one thing, however. I advised him to stop giving intelligence reports
    about Maumbe to the Tanzanians. I did this because his reports were being
    given to Maumbe to read and this was making, not just Museveni, but the
    whole Fronasa look silly. As I will show later, this was not good for the
    organisation.

    This discussion occurred sometime during the week and by the weekend I had processed the information and decided what to do with it. I called Museveni and Kategaya for a meeting at Palm Beach Hotel.

    My intention was not to betray Maumbe – and I am glad Maumbe appreciates that. It was clear to me that the Tanzanians were using Maumbe to kill Fronasa. It is in this light that I gave a detailed brief to Museveni and Kategaya.

    I made it clear to them that we must stick together so as to put pressure on
    the Tanzanians to maintain us. I reminded them that whereas people like me had jobs, many combatants did not.

    In total contradiction to this spirit, Museveni on the following day went
    (in the company of Kategaya) to the Regional Intelligence Officer,
    Dar-es-Salaam and told him what I told them, slanting it to seek to show
    that he still had support within Fronasa.

    There is nothing that infuriates people in the intelligence community than
    demonstrating to them that you are better at their game than them. The Dar
    intelligence officer was furious.

    He yelled at Museveni: “Is this how you people work?” He then proceeded to
    ask for my name, phone number and residential address. To Kategaya, this was a clear indication that they might detain me.

    The man also interrogated Museveni on the phone calls he (Museveni) had been making to Nairobi.

    Museveni tried to intimidate the man by telling him that the Director of
    Intelligence, his boss who was also Nyerere’s brother-in-law and close to Museveni knew about the calls. This did not work. The man responded: “Don’t you know that even the director of intelligence can be investigated?”

    He then threw Museveni and Kategaya out of his office.

    When Kategaya left the intelligence office, he came straight to my
    residence. He feared for me. He arrived literally sweating. It was
    mid-afternoon and Dar-es-Salaam is humid.

    When I opened the door, he wasted no time: “This man has told the Tanzanians what you told us,” he said with disgust. He looked me straight into the eye. I read fear for me in his eyes. “Eriya, it is ok,” I responded to his unspoken communication. By these words, I meant I was ready for any
    consequences.

    Kategaya left and I also left to go back to work. Somewhere on the way, I
    saw Museveni coming in front of me. I crossed to the other side of the road,
    hoping that he had not seen me and so that I could avoid him. After a short
    while he also crossed and we had to meet.

    He began recounting to me what had happened.I thought the matter was very serious and decided that, however late I was for afternoon work, I should give it proper hearing. I therefore requested him that we should sit.

    As we were going to sit, I reminded myself that this was very important and
    I should marshal all the patience I could and listen to Museveni.

    Contempt

    However, soon after sitting down, when he began his account, I felt
    revulsion seize me. I got up as I was saying: “Did you have to tell them?”
    and I left. From then, I have held Museveni in deepest contempt. I just
    loathe him.

    And he has not outgrown this behaviour. Not only has he declared that
    Ruzindana contributed nothing to his (Museveni’s) struggle, he has recently
    said similar things about Kategaya too.

    From what I have recounted so far, it should be clear that the Tanzanians
    killed Fronasa in 1974. From that time on there was literally no Fronasa.
    Museveni should not deceive anybody.

    Museveni knows this and for him to claim that Ruzindana abandoned the
    struggle in 1974 is total falsehood. I am glad Ruzindana has refused to
    degrade himself by debating Museveni on this.

    An honourable man should do exactly what Ruzindana has done – ignore
    Museveni’s claims.

    By refusing to debate this issue with Museveni, Ruzindana is also showing
    greater concern for the NRM than Museveni.

    1976 Lusaka Meeting

    If what I am saying that Fronansa was killed in 1974 is not true, let
    Museveni tell us whether he told the meeting that formed the Uganda National Movement (UNM) under the leadership of John Barigye in Lusaka in 1976 that he represented Fronasa.

    He went there, as an individual and that is why they appointed him to be in
    charge of defence for UNM.

    It is also curious that Museveni makes the claims that he used to go to
    Nairobi and then Kisumu to consult with people like Amama Mbabazi and
    Kahinda Otafiire. If this is true, where was Museveni’s loyalty? Was he
    serving UNM or a different organisation i.e. Fronasa?

    If he was serving UNM, did he report any of these activities of his to the
    leadership of UNM?

    When he returned to Dar-es-Salaam from the UNM meeting, Museveni came to me to sell the idea of UNM.

    He did not tell me he went there as a representative of Fronasa of which
    both of us had been members of the Central Committee. His report had the
    assumption that he went there as an individual.

    It is possible that what I am saying here can be treated as one man’s word
    against another. Should that be the case, let me disclose what I did to
    Museveni.

    I told Museveni that his ideas from Lusaka were very good and so the best
    thing for him to do was call a meeting and brief us as a group. This was
    empty tactics, which I did not take seriously at all.

    To appreciate this, it is important to take into account that I never took
    the Lusaka meeting seriously. There were free plane tickets to go to Lusaka,
    floating around town, but I saw no use in going to Lusaka.

    In my view, the thing was so badly organised that Idi Amin, against whom the
    meeting was being organised, would also have representatives. I kept off the
    Lusaka meeting out of principle.

    After meeting me, Museveni went and talked to Ruzindana. Ruzindana then came and told me Museveni had gone to see him.

    “What did he tell you?” I asked Ruzindana.

    “He told me you were enthused,” Ruzindana answered with cynicism.
    Of course, I was never enthusiastic but Museveni had gotten that impression
    when he met me.

    We later met in Ruzindana’s house in Chang’ombe, a suburb of Dar-es-salaam and gave Museveni a hearing. Some of the people who were there included Dr Mushambi, Prof. Mahmood Mamdani, Charles Beisa, of course Ruzindana, etc.

    It is also significant to note that when Museveni went to sell the same
    ideas at the University of Dar-es-Salaam, Prof. Dani Wadada Nabudere just
    could not stand him. He simply threw Museveni out of his office.

    Nairobi meeting

    Further to that, around 1975 at the initiative of Eriya Kategaya, we met in
    Nairobi in the house of Charles Kalumya, a lawyer who was then working for
    UNHCR to explore anything we could do to continue with the struggle.

    The meeting had been arranged with the strong feeling that Museveni should
    not be there. There were some people such as the late Nyombi from Uganda. Somehow, however, Museveni attended the meeting. While his presence was unwelcome at the time, it is very useful now.

    The late George Ssekasi chaired the meeting. Present were three members of the Central Committee of Fronasa; Yoweri Museveni, Eriya Kategaya and Yoga Adhola. Three out of five should be a majority.

    The curious thing is that despite this majority, no mention was made of
    Fronasa. The assumption was that Fronasa was very dead!! Instead, we went on to form a new organisation, which was called Peoples Liberation Party (PRP) with a military wing called Peoples Liberation Army.

    I still have the minutes of the meeting somewhere in Uganda.

    My argument here is: what was the necessity of forming PRP when there was a thriving organisation called Fronasa? Can Museveni answer that question?

    Rait Omon’gin

    Something else to note happened at this meeting. At the end of the meeting,
    the chairman called for the customary any other business (AOB). Museveni who was seated just next to me, on my left, raised his hand to speak.

    “There is this question of the death of Rait Omon’gin.” Museveni said.
    “People say I killed Rait Omon’gin. Yoga here cannot defend me on this
    issue………” “No. I cannot,” I interrupted him

    I had known Rait Omongin while in Uganda. He had been the leader of the UPC Youth League for sometime before the league was disbanded. When the NRM came to power Museveni posthumously awarded him some military rank.

    As to who actually killed him may never be known.

    There were a lot of allegations that I could not verify. At the same time, I
    could not dismiss them. To date I am not sure what to believe.

    Commissioner Kategaya

    After a short discussion, the Nairobi meeting resolved that a Commission of
    Inquiry should be set up. It was a one-man Commission of Inquiry and the
    Commissioner was none other than Eriya Kategaya. With due respect to my
    friend Kategaya, we have never read his report.

    What I have said so far should indicate that Fronansa died in 1974, the year
    Museveni claims Ruzindana’s contribution ended.

    Sometime after that, Kategaya and his family left for Zambia. Ruzindana got
    a job with the government. Museveni too went to teach at the Cooperative
    College in Moshi.

    Later when Amin invaded Tanzania, Museveni dusted the name Fronasa and put up something. This is the basis of his claims to liberation in 1979.

    Secondly, to beef up the credentials of Museveni, his hirelings have often
    claimed that Fronasa fought in the Mozambican war of liberation. But logic
    should tell us that an “army” which had been dispersed could not exist to
    fight wars; whether in Uganda or Mozambique.

    Bayaye

    In his attack on Ruzindana, President Museveni alleged that Ruzindana failed
    to control the combatants at Nachingweya. While in these attacks he is
    seeking to blame Ruzindana for the failure of the Nachingweya project,
    Museveni forgets that he has himself given, and in writing, another
    explanation of what happened in Nachingweya.

    On page 85 of “The Sowing of the Mustard Seed”, President Museveni writes:
    “We recruited 54 boys, mostly from Bugisu, and started training them at
    Nachingweya.

    Unfortunately, once again, these boys had not been well selected. They had
    mostly been working in towns such as Nairobi and had a kiyaye (lumpen
    proletariat) culture.

    They began misbehaving in the Frelimo camp and soon after their training,
    the Tanzania government dispersed them.”

    I would like to ask the reader: which version should we believe?

    I would also like to advance another reason for the conduct of the
    combatants. Some of them had been recruited with promises of money, clothing etc. Others had been given promises of jobs.

    Instead of these rosy promises they found themselves sent to prepare for
    war.

    In conclusion, I would like to apologise to the reader for whetting his/her
    appetite. There is a lot more to be said which I could not give in the brevity of newspaper articles. I have desire to write a full-length book on the NRM,
    treating it as an infantile disorder.

    It is my hope to have a chapter on Fronasa. Let us hope I somehow manage to live up to that desire.

    © 2004 The Monitor Publications

  4. Peter Lukenge,

    Stop lying us about Museveni’s Origins. You should check out this link and hit me back : http://antimuseveni.wordpress.com/ .

  5. Aaron Magezi,

    Interesting and well articulated !

  6. Godwin,

    I wish you NINA were a Manand you stand to be counted. Unfortunately, culture and traditional norms in Ug and African setting are differnrt from Asian and Pacific countries. Wish you sould put ya brains to more than writting. But thx for the pieces / Articles. Itwe, we get what is best for us and history.
    Thx Nina

  7. Moses,

    These are all lies I’m afraid! A copy and paste stuff… Possibly this false story written by her father Amama Mbabazi and reproduced by her daughter, can’t believe this crap!

  8. But The Rt Hon Mbabazi clashed with you on that matter when he was hosted on Capital FM’s Desert Island show. Amama rubbished that talk saying Museveni founded FRONASA

  9. Steve Kabagambe,

    This piece is clearly poorly written. Lots of grammatical errors and misuses of some idioms, such as “bursting people’s bubbles.” She misused that idiom on more than one occasion..That in itself was a distraction and made her argument hard to follow. I’m sorry, but this is poorly written!

  10. geoffrey kasangaki,

    i agree with you on the fact that he museveni is not the founder of fronasa however on muhoozi you got it wrong he may have been named after janets deceased brother as alleged but the lineage relationship with mwenda cant be underweighed so i highly doubt janet being a biological mother of muhoozi as you are still in contact with other people i recomend that you dont miss the muhangas family and was there relationship like with museveni at the time. i believe obote had a point to pass as there cant be smok

  11. Jack Ripper,

    A lot of disorganized noise being made by the Author. No quite sure whether the idea behind he story was to;
    A,Share her ‘self importance’ backed by a show off of who she knows
    B, To remind every one that she is Chief Thief’s (a.k.a Prime minister) daughter and daughter in law to some other thief
    C) Just an ego thing
    D) just a show off stunt….
    Anyway I would suggest u write objectively and with some class. No one really wants to know your racist/ ethnic prejudice about the Bahima. You rounding up all balalo as low class and primitive is testament that a goat can only give birth to a goat. Your arrogance is soon superseding your dad’s…. You are our of torch with normal human behavior. I suppose your Dad will share the stories of him feasting on ‘sausages’ while the other slept rough in the bush war and while u are at it please enlighten us on the temangalo saga plus the money that missing from your DaD’s office.

  12. Simeo Nsubuga,

    “The Bahima of Mbarara mostly under the influence of the Omugabe were DP and very conservative Bahima who like I said earlier defecated in open spaces and resisted toilets. If you go to deep Kyankwanzi were baraaro are, you will find that they are still the same. They would probably not even know that Museveni was President if they didn’t have radio’s” Looking at the above quotes from Nina’s article to me it qualifies to be hate speech, attacking Bahima/Balaalo in such derogatory manner is uncalled for, you may have your views on them but going one extra mile to belittle them to such a level, I don’t think is polite way of presenting your case in civilized manner. This mentality of derogating or belittling people because of their tribes, ethnic groups or other social groupings is very bad and should be condemned in the strongest terms possible. Me being a teacher of history I know this very well before the outbreak of the second world war. the Jews were derogated and belittled in almost in the whole of Europe and more especially in Germany even recently in Rwanda during the 1994 genocide in Rwanda the Tutsi were being undermined, belittled and derogated by the Hutus and the outcomes were not good almost one million were massacred because they were Tutsis. To me her utterances should be condemned in the strongest terms possible.

  13. Bumbaya Jash,

    guys! you didn’t mention the hero Maj Gen Fred Gisa Rwigyema among the founder of fronasa

  14. Sam Henry,

    There’s class/tribal hatred in her article. It’s probably the “inferiority complex”.

  15. Dominic,

    Most of the facts presented are wrong;
    1. Museven is Kagutas son- Not true
    2. Muhozi is Janet’s son- not true
    Etc. Go and get the trueth.

  16. Bernard URAYENEZA,

    One thing comes out clearly, criminal incitement against an ethnic group. Nina MBABAZI and her family have partaken of the fruits of the struggle at the appropriate high level given her father’s early entry into the dangerous world of anti-Amin/Obote politics. The leadership positions and wealth accumulation her parents, other relatives and sycophants have enjoyed cannot be begrudged them for this reason. However, to enter into this realm of angry, tribal/class politics because of the current fallout is to open herself to possible legal or other action. She cannot be allowed to use her petulant, childish reactions to whip up tribal/class incitement against any group. She must be stopped now.

  17. Tom Wine,

    Disappointing!!.I did not see the point of it all,other than the hatred for Bahiima and M7.I do not care who started Fronasa or finished it.All I care about is what have you got for us Nina in future?!.Just a pack of lies?.Janet Kataaha has never been a Mweine Rukari by clan.She is a Muyombo(Mugahe)from Kigiro in Shema,migrated to Ntungamo and not Rwampara.

  18. Mwongyera Frankline,

    FRANK MWONGYERA, OCTOBER 13,2014 at 9:20 AM
    Rate This,
    Iam a Resident of Rwakitura where the president comes from, I won’t dwell much on the Fronasa or Museveni of the 1970s but allow me put emphasis on Jannet being the biological Mother of Muhoozi. I have a question for Nina and her admirers, what is Nina trying to potray in her explanation about Museveni not being the founder of Fronasa few days after her father was dismissed from PMship? Give credit where its due, the legacy Mr. Museveni has built speaks louder than words. Nina, What about other people’s parents who contributed like Amama did or more, but never benefited like Amama? Think about them!!!!!

  19. Basan Nathaniel,

    Am more concerned about Nina’s way of expressing her ideas to public. This is just hatred & much of it is Racism, why? Yet our country is multilingual? Girl, you may end up failing to get a friend in this world & to me, once you are empowered, none apart from your tribemates will rejoice but wrangles. Secondly, Muhoozi will never ever become a biological son to Janet.

  20. But ‘Nina’ you better be stopped soon coz of your tribal hatred towards Balalo-Bahima race and false biography of Muhoozi pliz Nina ‘go’ back and manupulate acorrect information

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