November 2011
Sun Mon Tue Wed Thu Fri Sat

Month November 2011

Understanding Bahororo might help solve Uganda’s political problem

Bahororo are Batutsi from Rwanda who founded a short-lived Mpororo kingdom (hence the name Bahororo that is people of Mpororo kingdom) in present-day northern Rwanda and southwest Uganda mostly in present-day Ntungamo and parts of present-day Kabale district.

The kingdom was established around 1650 in areas already settled by Bantu people. It disintegrated around 1750 or earlier because of internal disputes.

Bahinda ruling class of Bahima took over by military means parts of former Mpororo kingdom and absorbed them into Nkore kingdom. Other areas were administered mostly by agriculturalists and were later incorporated into expanded Ankole kingdom at the time of colonization.

Batutsi ruling class of Rwanda occupied former Mpororo areas in northern Rwanda. Those former Mpororo parts in Kabale became part of that mountainous area.

In Nkore Bahororo like Bantu became commoners (Bairu or slaves) under Bahinda dynasty. Bahororo who resented this inferior identification returned to Rwanda where prospects were better.

In 1800 a branch of Bahororo fled to Rujumbura with their standing army and with support of Arab slave traders they managed to defeat Bantu settlers and expand the territory.

Bahororo in Ankole and Rujumbura became Bahima, in Kabale they became Bakiga and in Rwanda they became Batutsi. Wherever Bahororo settled in Uganda and other parts, they adopted local names and local languages.

However, they remained Bahororo in everything else. To retain their Bahororoness, they decided that their men would never marry outside Bahororo group. They also harbored the idea of recreating Mpororo kingdom someday and expand it into a larger empire.

Rujumbura in Rukungiri district presents a very tricky Bahororo situation which has confused many commentators including Ugandans and even Rujumbura people. Here is the puzzle.

For colonial administrative and indirect rule convenience which required tribal units, British authorities divided Kigezi district into three artificial tribal groups namely Bakiga, Banyarwanda and Bahororo.

In Rujumbura, all indigenous Bantu people from many clans and Bahororo refugees became Bahororo administratively under Bahororo chiefs.

However, what I will call “at a political level” for lack of a better term, Bahororo were divided into Bairu and Bahima the reason being that since Bairu did not have capacity to govern they should be governed by Bahima who are “born leaders”. Thus the division was to separate Bahima from Bairu so that indirect rule uses Bahima only. This political relationship of ruler and ruled has remained virtually unchanged irrespective of education and work experience of the two groups. You need to look at key figures from Rukungiri district to confirm what is being said.

Thus, in Rukungiri Bairu are registered as Bahororo and indigenous Bahororo as Bahima although Bahima never settled in Rujumbura.

Thus Bahororo and Bairu came to be used more with reference to Bantu. To draw a distinction between them and Bakiga, Bairu call themselves Bahororo within the colonial Kigezi administration context. Bairu would not fit into that context. Some people who are unaware of this distinction continue to refer to all people of Rujumbura as Bahororo including recent Bakiga settlers. We therefore must draw a distinction between Batutsi Bahororo and Bantu/Bairu. That is why some Bairu are beginning to refer to themselves as Banyarujumbura or Banyarukungiri.

Indigenous Bahororo’s hidden interest for separateness as a distinct group surfaced during the negotiations for independence. Bahororo in Ankole long known as Bahima came out and demanded a separate (Mpororo) district. They did not succeed because Bahima would not allow it. The idea stayed alive and would be sustained by events that had taken place since the 1920s.

During economic and political hard times in Rwanda and Burundi, some Batutsi including some Bahororo who had returned to Rwanda when Mpororo kingdom disintegrated migrated to Uganda in search of work and security. As cattle people, they settled in areas where grazing is the main activity in Ankole, Buganda and Eastern and northern Uganda.

The political disturbances in Rwanda and Burundi before and after independence in 1962 drove many Batutsi and Batutsi/Bahororo into Uganda and settled in many parts of Uganda particularly in Buganda, Ankole and Toro and to a certain extent other parts of Uganda. Although they took on local names and adopted local languages in their places of refuge, they remained Batutsi or Bahororo in the sense that men do not marry outside their circles to this day in 2011.

Museveni whose political and imperial ideas began to form while he was in high school, witness his early interest in East African integration and federation, began to locate his Bahororo and Batutsi relatives in all parts of Uganda, causing some people to conclude why he has a sizeable number of history advisers.

When he started FRONASA group, a large number of members were Bahororo and Batutsi refugees. During the guerrilla war it is reported that some 25 percent of guerrilla fighters were Batutsi mercenaries and close allies to Museveni as records of commanders, intelligence and counter-intelligence officers show.

Meanwhile, Museveni researchers were identifying all Bahororo and Batutsi in Uganda and elsewhere to run the government when the guerrilla war was over. All Bahororo with Banyankole, Baganda, Bakiga, Batoro, Bateso names and languages etc have filled key positions in civil administration, business sector and security forces (military, intelligence, police and prisons).

To hide his plan, Museveni introduced the concepts of individual merit and anti-sectarianism to frustrate complaints against tribalism favoring his people.

Individual merit and anti-sectarianism instruments have enabled Museveni to fill virtually all important positions with Bahororo who pose as noted above as Baganda, Bakiga, Basoga, Bateso, Balango, Banyankole, Batoro etc. That is why it is important that when time comes Ugandans should demand family trees of leaders because this is the right thing to do in the interest of national security.

By the 1990s when Museveni felt he was in control, the words Mpororo and Bahororo surfaced in newspapers, on radio and TVs debates. The word Mpororo appeared on Uganda maps. In Rujumbura, the 1993 Odoki Commission report recorded all people there as Bahororo.

Gradually, people who had been known as Bahima or Batutsi came forward and declared themselves Bahororo. That is why Ugandans are now struggling to know who are Bahima, Batutsi and Bahororo. And some have asked me to help them solve the puzzle.

Let me begin in a roundabout way starting with their ancestry and level of civilization. There is sufficient evidence that the people we have known in Uganda as long horn cattle owners did not enter Uganda from Ethiopia but from Southern Sudan. Their ancestors were not Hamitic but Nilotic Luo-speaking people. There is no group as Hamitic or Nilo-Hamitic. These cattle people are not even descendants of Bachwezi for Bachwezi were a Bantu aristocracy. In terms of skin color, they are by and large darker than Bantu. Because of their nomadic nature and conflict over grass and water, they could not have developed and introduced civilizations including earthen works in central Uganda. Overall, they have destroyed much of what they found in areas where they have settled.

In some parts of Uganda they mixed thoroughly with indigenous people and formed new communities.

However, by the time new waves entered south west Uganda, Burundi and Rwanda, they had decided against intermarriage with indigenous Bantu. Instead they decided to fight, trick, dispossess, impoverish and marginalize Bantu people and turn them into slaves for perpetual domination. Staying pure would preserve their Nilotic identity and keep secrets to themselves. But they would disguise their Nilotic identity by adopting local names and languages, even adopting local institutions like the Bahutu title of Mwami or king for their king in Rwanda.

Besides adopting local names and languages, they have also taken on new names. Thus in Ankole they are Bahima, in Burundi and Rwanda Batutsi, in northern Rwanda and southwest Uganda Batutsi from Rwanda became Bahororo and Batutsi from Rwanda became Banyamulenge in eastern DRC.

They are scattered in many parts of the great lakes region. Museveni is therefore tapping into this pool of Batutsi and Batutsi/Bahororo/Banyamulenge in his efforts to create Tutsi Empire via East African federation.

To sum up, Bahororo are Batutsi from Rwanda. Banyamulenge are also Batutsi from Rwanda. Because of their common ancestry, Bahima, Batutsi, Bahororo and Banyamulenge are Nilotic cousins and are still Nilotic in identity because men do not marry outside their Nilotic ethnic group.

Because of their tradition as fighters over grazing land and watering points, Museveni and his people specialized in fighting. When they entered the great lakes region they were able to defeat settled Bantu people who did not need standing armies because there was nothing to fight about. There was enough land, enough food and enough of everything else they needed to meet their basic requirements.

In Rwanda, Bahutu were dispossessed by Batutsi who introduced a feudal system of masters and servants or slaves. This is the tradition that Batutsi later Bahororo introduced into parts that later became southwest Uganda especially in present-day Ntungamo and Rukungiri districts especially Rujumbura county. Bahororo have dominated Bantu/Bairu through dispossession, impoverishment and marginalization since around 1800 as was done to Bahutu in Rwanda.

In Ankole and Rukungiri Bantu people are still called Bairu (servants or slaves). Occasionally you hear stories of Bahororo boasting that one Muhororo (singular for Bahororo) is worth 1000 Bairu or something like that or that Bairu will be ruled indefinitely. These utterances are hurting especially to people who have worked so hard to shake off this stigma but are still kept down at gun point.

The Bahororo 50 year master plan adopted in 1992 is an attempt to extend Bairu enslavement to all parts of Uganda. That is why Museveni refuses to provide school lunches, to help ease rising food and fuel prices and to create jobs for our unemployed youth, blaming all this on external forces beyond NRM’s control.

The same model will apply when Museveni becomes the first president of East African political federation which he is pushing so hard.

Museveni has been arming himself for a fight because he knows some day Ugandans will discover what is going on. That is why talk of possible genocide is in the air and NRM determination not to allow it. That is why we are advising those who want to unseat Museveni by military means to think again. We don’t want our people to run into a lion’s den.

If opposition attacks first, Museveni will brand the attackers as terrorists to destabilize the country and overthrow an “elected” government. He will likely get support of African Union and the international community that is in no mood for war. Museveni will then take advantage of this invasion to clean up the country of undesirable elements and lay the foundation for Bahororo to rule indefinitely.

Let us not give him this chance. Let us defeat him and his NRM system by using a combination of soft and silent diplomatic means which have begun to work and internal civil disobedience to make Uganda ungovernable until NRM is forced out peacefully. This is where NRM is vulnerable. The political, economic, social and diplomatic situation is not in its favor.

Museveni has seen what happened to his late friend when he used force against unarmed people demanding their liberty, justice and dignity peacefully.

The struggle against Museveni and his regime requires political maturity, vision, coordination and bold leadership for peaceful regime change.

Eric Kashambuzi

Basajjabalaba and Sudhir are the ‘Kamlesh Patni'(Super crooks) of Uganda

Hassan Basajjabalaba


I have been wondering about Mr Caleb Alaka who used to be a partner with the Lord Mayor, Erias Lukwago. What kind of lawyer is he? Is he a principled lawyer or not? Does Mr Alaka Caleb only care about money?

Secondly, I would like Ugandans to know that super crook from Bushenyi has milked Ugandans dry. PAC should demand that Basajjabalaba pays back the money with interest. They should go after his University and all other known assets. Arresting Dr. Khidu Mukubuya will not do much. PAC should order the super crook to pay. Two crooks have really swindled Uganda. They are Sudhir and Basajjabalaba. They are the ‘Kamlesh Patnii’ of Uganda: men of very limited education but connected in high places who have milked the country.

Instead of Museveni (YKM)testifying, he should set up a Judiciary Commission of Inquiry to investigate that scum bag from Bushenyi. Let the Judicial commission weigh in.
The Governor of the Bank is too busy with his well, ‘’pombe’’ . I am told he is always sleeping on the job-it is true- because of too much ‘’pombe.’’

But the former SG who is now a high court judge-how did he get by the vetting committee-should be held accountable. The former Solicitor-General is Mr Kainamura who was appointed a high court judge. The current solicitor General -may be acting-is an old girl of Gayaza High School, a very smart Lady from Busoga by the name of Ms Lwabi. But she too is making big mistakes in her handling of the oil arbitration case. I have told her OGs at Gayaza to tell her the truth.

Businessman, Sudhir

However, MPs should tell Ugandans how they vetted the former solicitor- General and approved him to become a judge. I real feel sorry for Dr Makubuya. It is hard to believe that he is the first Ugandan/student at the faculty of law to get a first class in Law. In the 1970s it was not easy or common. But he looks and acts like a real buffoon these days. What the hell happened to you Dr Makubuya?

You also tell the young folks who were not bone when YKM and the military Commission overthrew the late Mr. Binaisa (RIP) and accused him of having turned State House into a magendo/kibanda place. It is tragic because YKM more than any other president has turned state house into a money making venture with crooks to cut personal deals. Ask yourself: how many times have super crooks and conmen such as Sudhir and Basajabalaba met YKM in state House? I bet you many times!

It is true that these crooks are proxies for YKM and apparently his family. I sometimes think back at the time when YKM used to address us while seated in his range Rover -Range Rover was also used by the late Prof Nabudere (RIP) as Minister of culture-begging for votes. YKM used to talk about self-sustaining economy. Today and I don’t want to leave any doubt in the minds of UAH readers, YKM is as rotten and corrupt as Mr. Moi when it comes to Money. Their love for money turned them into something else. It is also one common denominator that kept Uganda and Kenya from war. Mr. Moi knew YKM’s weakness and vice versa.

I always ask myself the question: could Moi and Biwott have bought Kinyara Sugar works without offering YKM a share given their penchant for 30 percent? Similarly, could Moi and Biwott have set up that oil firm in Ssese-BIDCO-without offering YKM a share? Regrettably, the answer in both cases is no. Something did change hands. That is why PM Mbabazi continues to survive. He is to YKM what Biwott was to Moi in making money deals.


I suspect Sudhir, Basajabalaba and Col Mugyenyi have top politicians behind them. They also have intelligence people backing them. And of course they give NRM its 30 percent so NRM can bribe voters during elections.

But it is time for Basajabalaba to be held accountable and refund the money. one way or the other he will do it. It may take years but they should look at Kenya’s Kamlesh Patni who was sued and enriched lawyers. In the end the central Bank of Kenya had to sell his five star hotels; the one he built with the looted money. Who bought the hotel itself was controversial, but it was sold and the govt recovered something.
WB Kyijomanyi



For immediate release

Tuesday 22nd  November 2011


The International Humanitarian Organization (IHH-e.V Europe) through  , Humanitarian Efforts And Relief Uganda (HEAR UGANDA), has donated mattresses, blankets, exercise books, soap, tree seedlings and other support items to 700 school going  orphans from different parts of Uganda. This donation is aimed at supporting the orphans in easing their school and academic attendances while at the same time raise their self esteem.


IHH-e.V Europe is a European non governmental and non discriminatory organisation with its head offices in Frankfurt, Germany. It has projects and works in more than 50 less and under developed countries especially African countries and Asia.


Areas and organisations that are listed to benefit from the above donation include Lira, Lwengo, Wakiso, Lira, Butambala, Mityana, Kamuli, Sanyu babies Home, Nsambya babies Home, Lugo orphanage Centre, Larch community, etc.


Dr. Mustafa Yoldas the chairman of  IHH e.V Europe  Germany announced this last week at the end of his long week visit to Uganda recently to participate in the Eidh Adha slaughter festival where both IHH e.V and IGMG HSV from Germany donated 600 cows that were sacrificed and the meat given to disadvantaged communities in different parts of Uganda.


IHH e.V and IGMG HSV through HEAR UGANDA have continuously made donations to Uganda. Both organisations are supporting other projects is in Uganda including tree planting under the Green Top project popularised by HEAR UGANDA.


During the last Edhi season alone, HEAR UGANDA, IGMG HSV and IHH e.V planted over 15,000 trees between Sunday 6th and 9th November 2011. The Green Top Project is an initiative of HEAR UGANDA and other stake holders that targets to plant at least 2 million trees in seven years in various parts of Uganda.


IGMG HSV donated over 832 cows and ten thousand tree seedlings in the in 2010 alone. It has already committed to supporting 50 orphans in Uganda for a year with scholastic materials, clothing, tuition, beddings, etc. IGMG HSV and IHH Europe are German based NGOs that are active in other countries like Burundi, Rwanda, Kenya, Tanzania plus over 50 countries in the world.


Currently, IGMG is completing a multi million Euro school for Pakistan flood victims. A similar project is also underway in Kano State, Nigeria for under privileged students.


In Uganda, IGMG HSV and IHH e.V Europe are in the process of comprehensively supporting orphans and building a school among other projects.


Mwebe Abdu

Cordinator of the Programme (HEAR UGANDA)


0772482227/ 0707482227

Why Catholic Bishops want Mbabazi, Onek to step aside

Chris Obore is a journalist with Daily Monitor

The Catholic Episcopal Conference has come out to demand that ministers named in the alleged oil bribery should step aside. The ministers implied in clergy’s statement are Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi and Internal Affairs minister Hillary Onek.
The two ministers have defied a parliamentary resolution that asked them to take leave from parliament until investigations into the allegations against them are concluded. However, the story behind the clergy’s demand for transparency from government in regard to oil management is as interesting and dramatic as Ugandan politics can be.

The object of the clergy’s statement read by the Chairman of the Episcopal Conference, Archbishop John Baptist Odama is one man called Amama Mbabazi. And it boils down to the Mbabazi war against former VP Gilbert Bukenya.

This is how the statement was arrived at. After Bukenya got bail and left Luzira prison last month, he called President Museveni to inform him that he was going to compete for his Busiro North seat which he had lost through a court verdict.
But Bukenya was bold. He told Museveni that he was going to campaign as an Independent candidate because Mbabazi was doing all he could to fight him out of the party. Museveni was shocked by his former number two’s position to leave the party.

And knowing that the Luzira experience had earned Bukenya sympathy which would translate into victory, Museveni asked Bukenya to see him. Apparently, Museveni did not want Bukenya in parliament on an Independent ticket as that was tinker with the NRM dynamics in parliament. Bukenya would have no political obligation to agree with the government position in parliament even if he would still profess sympathy for the ruling party and Museveni, the individual.

But how tricky it would be, Mr Museveni demanded to have face to face talks with Bukenya. However, Bukenya had a better political move. He asked Museveni that he would be accompanied to the meeting by a few of his people. Museveni consented.
So, when Bukenya and his people arrived at State House, Museveni was shocked to see that the delegation included: Emmanuel Cardinal Wamala, Archbishop Cyprian Lwanga, Lugazi Diocese Bishop Mathias Ssekamaanya and the Katikiro Eng. John Baptist Walusimbi. It was a senior Catholic Church entourage and a Buganda top delegation good enough to deliver a strong political message to Museveni.

After the exchange of pleasantries, Museveni asked Bukenya not to stand as an independent. But Bukenya’s entourage delivered a political message to Museveni: that Bukenya had suffered a lot yet he was not the only if not the most corrupt high ranking government official. While they supported the fight against corruption, they were unhappy that politics other than corruption fight informed Bukenya’s prosecution.

The clergy told Museveni not humiliate Bukenya the way Mbabazi was doing through the Inspector General of Government, Raphael Baku. They were upset by the President’s inability to reign in Baku not to humiliate Bukenya.
A condition was given: If Bukenya was to stand on NRM ticket, the IGG was to withdraw charges of abuse of office against the former VP. A fly that was on the wall, says the President summoned Baku to the same meeting with immediate effect. And before the prelates, Baku was ordered to withdraw the charges against his former VP.

Apparently, when Baku fidgeted trying to justify is position, Museveni reportedly asked him: “Do you want to overthrow my government?” The man from West Nile got into a panic mode. He was told he would not leave the meeting until his letter withdrawing the case was received by court. Baku rings his officials to notify court of his office’s decision to discontinue prosecution against Bukenya.

With prelates’ mission achieved, Museveni demanded his political share. He reportedly lectured the clergy about the dangers of Col. Kizza Besigye’s walk-to-work protests. In fact he asked for their support to discourage the protest. As pay back, Bishop Lwanga was the first to come out openly condemning walk-to-work protests. He has maintained that stance since.
But the prelates still want Mbabazi to pay for his insidious war against the Catholic Church hence the call for transparency in oil management and the Episcopal statement demanding all ministers named in oil bribery to step aside. That real thing is that the Catholic Church has put Mbabazi on notice. As bystanders, we can only watch


Mbabazi now owns the three ESO houses in London?

Will the Prime Minister Amama Mbabazi finally become the man to wrestle down President Museveni? Or will President Museveni finally put his new Prime Minister down to his place? These questions appear difficult to give answers especially because politics is dynamic and keeps changing. But some clear picture seems to emerge about the internal strife in the ruling NRM party and especially the role of Mr Mbabazi. Several Movementists [as they call themselves] have cried foul about the rift that Mbabazi is causing in the party but the boss, Museveni, has acted dumb.

Will he remain dumb forever given that the man he so much trusts and describes as Mr Clean seems to nurse real interest in the seat? Only time will tell but signs are that Mr Clean could soon turn out to be Mr Abominable. Here is why? Notwithstanding the cajoling of party MPs in a recent retreat at Kyankwazi, NRM faces serious questions from within.
Several anti-Mbabazi forces are coalescing. And Mbabazi is not relenting. He has told some young party MPs and his loyalists that he had dedicated himself to serving NRM and Museveni, therefore; it was only proper that he becomes President with the support of Museveni. He is maneuvering his way. Part of the maneuver is looping Museveni into his troubles.


While MPs genuinely want him like Kutesa and Onek to pay for his alleged role in the oil bribery, Mbabazi has managed to convince Museveni that the MPs were not just after him but the ultimate target was Museveni. The Prime Minister is so shrewd that he has ensured that the political intelligence information received by the President is largely from the spies sympathetic to him. And the result is that Museveni has often sided with Amama. But this has further widened the wedge between Amama and the MPs. But because the President listens to Mbabazi, the political tensions between Mbabazi and the other party leaders is likely to be extended to Museveni.

And it has begun in parliament with the demand that all ministers named in the oil bribery step aside. This position is now being fought by Mbabazi who has looped in the President. They seem to have temporarily succeeded. For how long; it’s hard to tell.

With Speaker Rebecca Kadaga appearing determined to make her own political statement, Mbabazi, who clandestinely fought her election as Speaker, might not enjoy the best of times as Leader of Government business in the House. And the MPs appear to be on her side.

While this would have been Mbabazi’s cross to carry, trouble for NRM is that Museveni has made it look like his cross as well and therefore; the party’s burden. His approach could be informed by the desire to keep the party cohesive but the consequences appear to be dramatic. Clearly, Mbabazi’s work methods show that if he fails to become President, then he goes down with Museveni.

What happens if MPs insist that Mbabazi must give way? Of course Museveni will be tempted to disregard parliament. And what would have been the message to the international community about respect and independence of different arms of government? The negative vibes will have been sent. With the new world order, no one can afford to be law unto themselves. In his defence of Mbabazi, the President has often argued that the man is not corrupt. Parliament is to probe the bribery allegations, so what will Museveni say if the probe reveals that actually Mr Clean is a big fraud? The implication will be that Mbabazi is corrupt with the knowledge of the President. Some unpalatable news to the international community again, I guess.

And questions are also being asked: How come that Mr Clean was named in the NSSF-Temangalo saga? How come he is also named in the oil saga? And why is Mbabazi named and not, for instance, ICT minister Ruhakana Rugunda?
Is President Museveni also aware that Mbabazi suffocated the computerization of the army payroll? The deal to computerize the UPDF payroll and to avoid ghost soldiers was worth US dollars 11million and up to date, nothing has been done. Who ate the money and why? Is Mr Museveni also aware that ESO bought three houses in London for its operations but the houses are now reportedly in the names of Mr Mbabazi? Sources say one time, disgraced deputy ESO boss, Emmy Allio travelled to London and wanted to stay in one of the houses to cut costs since they belonged to the organization he worked for but the man was turned away because he did not have permission from Mbabazi. The former journalist tuned spy relocated to another property but received similar treatment. Is that a man Museveni should vouch as Mr Clean? Is Museveni aware that Mbabazi’s radio station in Kanungu was reportedly meant for ESO?

If Museveni wants Mbabazi as his successor, their approach could sweep both of them out of the political scene especially if they start by antagonizing the institution of parliament. In these days, when even hardcore dictators end up hiding in culverts like Libya’s Gaddafi did, you just can never know what political mistake will mark your downfall. For Museveni, at least for now, it seems his obsession with Mbabazi against all conventional wisdom could kick up a storm that will shake his hold onto power. It should have occurred to Museveni that his word alone, these days does not convince his party. Most often, as he and Mbabazi did in Kyankwazi, money is paid out to MPs to soften their stand on contentious issues. Bogus approach if you asked me. To keep the MPs silent, more money will have to be used. Hehe… the economic crisis won’t make it sustainable. Let us watch this 9th parliament keenly. They might surprise us

written by Chris Obore

Cambridge PhD student Ssegawa Ssekintu Kiwanuka has topped a list of the UK’s most outstanding black students

Ssegawa-Ssekintu Kiwanuka with Boris Johnson, Mayor of London, and Adenike Adenitire, editor of Future Leaders magazine. Photo by Sharron Wallace

He was joined by Ayomide Awe, Ashley John-Baptiste, Claude Mahuza, Tolulope Oke and Isabella Akinseye, all of whom graduated from the University this Summer. All were ranked in the top 100 by magazine Future Leaders, a publication which aims to inspire children from Britain’s African and African-Caribbean communities to apply to university.

Ssegawa was honoured at a reception at City Hall, London, by the city’s mayor Boris Johnson. He said: “All too often our attention is drawn to the things that go wrong with our young people, and yet there is so much that we should be celebrating: the achievements and the contributions that 99 per cent of our young people are making to society.”

Ssegawa grew up in Catford, south east London, and went to school in Croydon. He took a first degree in Chemical Engineering at the University of Cambridge and is now studying for a PhD in the same subject. He has won a number of academic awards, including the North Carolina State University Prize.

He said: “This was a surprise and great honour, not just for me personally, but also for the University, as I have been here since I was an undergraduate.

“I’ve been fortunate enough to have achieved a lot, but I have also had people along the way who have seen something in me and taken a chance.

“It is true that certain groups have historically been under-represented, but this should not be confused with undervalued. I was black when I was offered a place at Cambridge six years ago, I was black when I was given the opportunity of a PhD by my Masters supervisor and unsurprisingly still black and proud to be at Cambridge. I really hope more people from all types of backgrounds apply and see what the number one university in the world has to offer them.”

Students on the list were chosen by Nick Basden, who sits on the selection board for UK entrants to Havard University, Ama Afrifa-Kyei, Employee Engagement Adviser at Deloitte, and Yashica Olden, Europen Head of Diversity at Barclays.

The University of Cambridge welcomes applications from the best and brightest students, regardless of their background.

For more information about events for Black, Asian and Minority Ethnicity students, visit

According to Frank Mujabi, ”This young man is about 29 years. Born in Catford but went to boarding secondary school in Surrey , so you were unlikely to meet him in the market, or Catford High street….If you went to Buddo you may perhaps know his father and his mother went to Gayaza. Believe me he is real.”

”Ssegawa’s grandfather on his Dad’s side used to work in Lubiri and he was arrested after the fall of Mengo in 1966
and sent to Luzira. Incredibly he was in Luzira prison with Ssegawa’s other grandfather (his mum’s dad)
who had been imprisoned for being the doctor on duty at Mulago when Obote was shot at near Lugogo stadium.

”Ssegawa like a lot of others, by the way speaks fluent Luganda, but does not consider himself Ugandan, but a Muganda.
He stresses the difference, and note the lack of mention of Uganda in his biography.The decision to be a Muganda and not a Ugandan is applauded and shared by a lot of other Baganda.The young man was taught the proper history of Uganda and was told about the plight of his family on both sides.”

”I don’t see what version of Uganda’s history you would tell him to make him think that Uganda is of any benefit to him. Uganda is like a bullying husband with 4 wives, where wife number one wants a divorce, but her 3 co-wives detain her and force her to stay married to the bully husband.”

Rwanda: The Corruption Free Zone of Africa

“You are Nigerian? Aaaah you will love it more in my country than here” my Ugandan co-worker enthusiastically advised upon my arrival in Rwanda, to work on a donor funded project.

I was intrigued by his comment, so I prodded.

“Really? Why so?”

“I have worked in your country and the system is very much similar to what we have in Uganda. Things work as they should. There are no bottlenecks; you get what you want, how and when you want it.”

Is he talking of another Nigeria, or the very land of my birth and nurture? He must be implying the opposite in a subtle manner, I concluded.

“You are very funny,” I courteously offered in response.

Hurt at the fun being made of my admittedly beleaguered pedigree, I was eager to change the topic to the project we were both hired to work on.

“My sister,” he continued before I could interject; “I have been here in Rwanda for 2 years, and I cannot tell you how much I want to return to my country. I am tired of all the processes, rules and regulations that abound here. It is too much. Are we not in Africa?”

“Are you really serious?” I asked. Something is being said in sincerity here.

“In Uganda, you have your money, you get what you want exactly the way you want it and at the exact time you need it. I am used to that life. Here, no matter how much you have or even who you know, you must follow some annoying rules and unnecessary regulations. The system is too rigid. I don’t know how they survive here.” He complained bitterly, throwing both hands open in visible agitation.

“Since this is a long term project, I would have moved my family here, but I cannot endure this kind of regimentation for long. Uganda is my country, any time, any day,” he said, as smiles of endearment brightened his countenance.

I was only a few days old in Rwanda and did not really understand him. Now, I have stayed long enough, and traversed the system deeply enough for my colleague’s words to make sense.

You cannot bribe or influence your way through any system, organization or institution in Rwanda. It is that plain and simple.

My first shock, apart from the extreme cleanliness and orderliness of the city of Kigali, (see my article A Tale of Two Black Cities – was when I had cause to visit the immigration office to clear some outstanding documentation issues.

I must shamefully admit that coming from the background of my beloved country Nigeria, I prepared myself well for the journey. I pre-packaged enough cash in my bag – neatly folded in a way to conveniently change hands discreetly – not because there was anything illegal about my business, not at all. It is common knowledge in several sub-Saharan African countries that even the most legitimate transaction has a high probability of being stalled by an official who smiles at you, expecting you to return the smile in cash.

I informed my office that I was going to the immigration office for the day. The last time I renewed my passport in Abuja, Nigeria (2009), it was a whole day’s work. I had to wait outside with several others for several hours, while people who came much later, but knew how to play the system were quickly attended to.

I arrived the immigration office at Kacyiru, Kigali and could not believe my sight. First, the electronic customer service at the entrance gave me a tally that showed I was number 5 in line. Incredible. I got up and went to the very polite, lone and unarmed security officer at the door. I must be in the wrong office; where is the queue? Where are the customs officers loitering around the area soliciting for “customers” to assist in processing their immigration documents? Where are the touts, the peddlers of passport holders, passport photos and even visas? Where are the numerous roadside hawkers making brisk sales of soda, bread and sundry “gourmet” appetizers, entrees, and desserts to frustrated and fatigued patrons? Where is everybody?

“You are in the right office, madam” the officer assured me with a smile.

It was my turn already. I sat down to be attended by an amiable young lady who took her time to listen to my challenges, taking notes, entering data into the computer in front of her, engaging me in the most respectful conversation about my stay, so far, in Rwanda. In less than ten minutes after my arrival, I was handed a sheet of paper with clearly spelt out instructions on how to address my situation.

“Thank you very much, madam. Please do not hesitate to contact this office should you encounter problems following the instructions given.”

I was stunned. The last time I received such impeccable service from a public institution was earlier in the year when I had to register an organization in Washington D.C. Has the immigration office in Rwanda been privatized? I could not help but inquire of my Rwandan colleagues. Privatize the immigrations office of a country? They asked, their faces showing signs of reassessing their initial valuation of my intelligence. Forgive me for asking, but unusual sights birth unusual questions. What is going on in this part of Africa?

I was soon to get used to Rwanda. The country where things work as they should, where you are informed of the rules and regulations and it works for you if you follow it. The country where you can register your business online within 24 hours (, without having to engage the expensive services of an attorney who will take weeks, sometimes months to travel to Abuja (in the case of Nigeria) to bribe his way through the corporate affairs office to get you registered. Stories abound of lawyers who collect money from clients without fulfilling their own side of the bargain. Such appalling scenario is impossible in Rwanda.

Rwanda. The country with steady supply of electricity – admittedly for the electrified areas as there are still challenges with electrifying the mountainous rural parts. For over three months of my stay, I cannot recollect more than three incidences of power failure, with none lasting longer than five minutes.

Electricity is cheaply available and easily accessible in Rwanda. With “Cashpower” equivalent of $15USD procured by sending a text message to your preferred vendor, a family of six need not worry about electricity for a whole month. There is no cheating or bribing of electricity corporation officials; there is no need for that.

During my last visit to Lagos (two months ago), I had opportunity to visit with a household where I was gleefully informed that electricity bills had not been paid in the past four years.

“We are very lucky to have a guy on our street who works with the Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN). We give him small money to keep us connected through the backdoor.” The head of the household informed me triumphantly.

“What is the need paying all the money when you do not even get to have light?” He continued. “I would rather use the money to keep my generator serviced than give it to some thieves.” He pointed out, stabbing the air with his fingers in a self righteously emphatic manner.

Working with civil servants on a project in Rwanda was another eye-opening experience for me. Having worked with civil servants in other parts of Africa, I must confess that the commitment of Rwandans is exceptional. 7:00 a.m. is resumption time for all civil servants and the work day ends at 5:00 p.m. Lateness is rare and frowned upon by all. Never for once did the people I had to work with miss out on work for one day, for any reason. There were no staff coming in to the office to sign-in and leave for home. People are motivated, interested in their work, forthcoming with ideas, excited about their job, dedicated, and willing to help.

In the Ministry where I worked, I was very much involved in the contract awarding process. The transparency of that process and the unconcerned attitude of the officers involved, in trying to influence the outcome were new to me. With my experience working with civil servants in other parts of Africa, I have learnt to become quite eagle-eyed about contract awarding processes, which most often than not, devolves into life and death confrontations between vested interests; it is not unusual for threats of witchcraft, voodoo, poisonings and assassinations, to be made openly. But I did not need to worry in this instance; the established system ensures that the most qualified company always gets awarded the contract in Rwanda.

No country in the world is corrupt free, but Rwanda ought to be ranked among the most “developed” countries in the corruption perceptions index, if there is any sincerity in that exercise. Whatever the case, the fact is that doing business, living and working in Rwanda could be one of the most validating experiences an African can have about the optimistic future of the continent and its people.

Dr. Chika Ezeanya blogs at

UK FDC PUBLIC Debate- Paper delivered by UUPF on the day


Uganda United Pro-democracy Forum (UUPF) is of the view that Ugandan citizens and its well- wishers cannot effectively discuss what is good for the country today and have it implemented under the current regime because of the following reasons;

1. Criticising government policy is becoming illegal in Uganda.

2. Peaceful demonstrations are interpreted as treason

3. Gov’t is trying to enact a law where political discussions have to be authorised by the police

4. An effective discussion for the country would include all stakeholders i.e. the ruled and the ruler. But today we have a rogue regime with whom we cannot hold such discussions

5. Resources are so highly misappropriated and unequally distributed such that some of our people have totally lost hope and meaning to life. One cannot engage such a people for meaningful discussions, little wonder many are accepting bribes from the regime as a way of survival.

6. Potential gov’t sabotage, harassment and intimidation cannot provide a conducive atmosphere for open free discussions on the way forward.

7. Lack of national independence. We need to regain our country from these foreign rulers before embarking on a conclusive discussion on the way forward for Uganda.

Although the list above is not exhaustive, one can conclude that the only option Ugandans have today is to strive and achieve a levelled ground through regime change in order to facilitate meaningful plans and discussions for the way forward for our Nation. The question is how?

By getting rid of not only Museveni but the whole rotten regime.

How are we to achieve this?

By recognising the following?

1. The regime is extensively weakened today and it is only thriving on intimidation, bribing the people, coercion and a divided army/force.

2. Any divisions within the opposition strengthen the incumbent

3. Foreign perception of Uganda has changed Museveni is no longer that golden boy in the eyes of the international community.

4. Today the whole country at large apart from those linked to the regime is feeling the hitch. People are fed up to such an extent that damage or pain inflicted on the public by gov’t agents be it accidental or otherwise will spark off a people riot. We heard what happened in Tororo where a police car knocked a boda boda man dead and the whole town erupted into riots.

How can we capitalise on the current situation

UUPF- Still believes that Uganda can be liberated from the current regime through a non-violent Revolution. We commend the efforts done by the opposition including A4C in trying to achieve the above.

In our view in order for progress to be made on this front certain changes need to be embraced.

1. We need to recognise that this is no time for political party, tribal, religious or regional politics. We need a national cause for all citizens to rally behind it. This cause must be inciting, of substance, burning and imminent in nature.

2. There should be no identifiable leader of the revolution in the initial stages otherwise the gov’t will easily curtail the revolution by capturing the leader. A few examples are available from the recent incidents.

3. The organisers must be a fluid group without an office or proper identity i.e. tasks should be allocated to individuals/groups without permanence but on merit.

4. Top mobilisers and role prayers should be individuals/groups without high political offices e.g. MPs and other political party leaders should be followers other than visible organisers because their movements can easily be monitored by the government and thereby restrained.

5. The revolution can be started by mobilising through other non-political but social-economic groups for example boda bodas Assoc, teacher’s assoc, Traders assoc, tax operators etc. However the number of groups should be kept to a minimal for easy of execution and dialogue simplicity.

In light of the above we believe that A4C may be part of the revolution but refrain from leading the mobilisation for reasons mentioned above. An ideal situation would be a day when a demonstration starts but Dr Besigye stays at home because by coming out to physically participate in the initial days will stifle the revolution when he ends up being out rightly arrested yet by staying home and mobilise his followers to participate could achieve the required persistence. For progress to be made we need the demonstration to persist for some time which in effect will help to overcome the fear factor within the potential participants hence more people physically joining the cause.

Dealing with hindrances to potential revolution participants

1. On several occasions we have heard people talking about not being able to work or transact business whenever demonstrations are held.

Although it is true that everyone must chip in or be ready to sacrifice, we must come up with a universal rule to help this cause. One of the ways this can be achieved is by declaring that during the period of demonstrations all commercial or residential landlords will have to forego their rental income hence no one will be expected to pay rent. Organisations like umeme must be treated likewise.

2. Medical facilities: Some element of communal service to this effect needs to be set up in various regions.

3. Provision of water is paramount not only for drinking but also to be used to minimise the tear gas effects.

4. Channels of communication both locally and internationally need to be addressed.

5. Diaspora operation branch for logistical and other purposes would be crucial given the chaotic nature of the demonstration environment which may hinder execution of certain tasks locally.

In summary we suggest that a non-violent revolution is the way forward. In our view a focal, nationalistic rallying point today is the struggle for Uganda’s independence.

Why: Although previous regimes have been corrupt but the current regime’s corruption is unimaginable and we attribute the extent to lack of national interest by the regime, which is not surprising anyway from a foreigner. Uganda has been torn to pieces and evidence can be seen through degradation of schools, hospitals, abolition of cooperatives, our coffee export is now history.

Little wonder recently when Ugandan schools/teachers where craving for funding, they were told that the government had no money yet just in a few days thereafter , the Rwandan National who also doubles to be the Ugandan President donated millions to a school in Rwanda.

Ron Paul in his book The Revolution a Manifesto said “Dictatorial governments encourage racial thinking and undermines individualism because its very existence encourages people to organize along racial lines in order to lobby for benefits for their group. That lobbying, in turn creates animosity and suspicion among all groups, each of which believes that it is getting less of its fair share than the others. When this happens society gets divided hence empowering the regime in power due to lack of a united opposition”.

Fellow Ugandans let us join together to liberate and regain Uganda’s independence until then will we be able to seat as Ugandans and effectively discuss the best way forward of this project Uganda.

Moses Kiwanuka



Prostitution is as old as Makerere University

The story posted on UAH about the Campus Journal reporter who posed as a prostitute to unearth university students who moonlight in the vice, is not new. Prostitution is as old as Makerere University. What has changed these days is that the traders are now bolder since hardships can no longer be hidden. So, let the writer know that there is really nothing surprising about the business in question except for the recklessness involved i.e. the brothel atmosphere she graphically describes.

The amateurish report on Prostitution at Makerere is really not an issue of morals as many of us want to regard it. There are many reasons why people do what they do. Sometimes you will be surprised to find out that everybody around them i.e. family members are even aware of it. In all institutions of learning the world over, those activities take place and depending on the level, sometimes, the authorities reign in to promote “morals”.

I was in an elementary school which was partly day and partly boarding. Those early days in the 1960s, one would have classmates who are 5 or more years their seniors. With that type of mix, I witnessed a lot in as far as boy/girl relationships were concerned. Every one weekend in a month, the school authorities would surprise us when they invite the girls from the school opposite our fence and start reading “love letters” that some of us had written to our dear ones. Perchance if your letter was that confiscated, they had their known standard way of disciplining the culprits. They would call the boy and girl in question in front of the whole gang and make them thrash each other by way of the cane and swearing never to”love”each other again.

So, if at elementary school level such was happening what about at the Ivory tower (such as Makerere University)? Never mind that some of the rules for Makerere that was written in 1922 did spell out having no female visitors in the halls of residence after 6:00 pm. Moreover the said female guest was supposed to be entertained in the Student common room and the hall warden would have been informed.

15 years ago, when I arrived at my present domicle, a colleague I was with in Makerere took me to a strip joint, what surprised me was not the stripping but the reasons for it. One white lady came to our table and was asking whether we wanted her to go and strip herself for us. The reason for her doing that was that she is raising funds for a child she was sponsoring in Kenya. I really lost interest in ever encouraging people I know asking for sponsorship from some of these countries but you know, money is money, one never knows how it was obtained. That is why one time I asked one of my cousins a catholic priest whether they accept money from thieves or sex workers and he was at a loss to answer. So, let humans do what they want. I am only pleased if at all the brothel story is true, that the people involved try to engage in protected sex by way of using a condom.

Is a quid pro quo arrangement regarded as exploitation? When two individuals engage in an activity where one peddles software for the gratification of another who in return pays for the “fun” should we really categorize that as exploitation?

One arrangement which I will shout on the mountain tops about and call it exploitation is what my German friends used to especially for African women mainly from Kenya.
These fellows would go to Kenya, identify a woman they then claim to be in “love” with them and arrange some marriage of sorts. They take them back to Germany and after they feel the sexual excitement is over, they rent them an apartment across the street and advertise the services of a sex worker (their former so called wife).All they do is tell the lady in question what the price rate is and the man watches for the human traffic to the apartment.
At the end of the day,they go and get the cash accrued and the cycle continues. There was a story of one woman who could not stand the exploitation so she reported the man to the police. Eventually she was given due compensation but she chose to get the hell out of Germany.

I think she penned her story in the one of the nations ‘publications some years back.
That to me is what I would call exploitation because it is not a willing seller-willing buyer scenario and besides manipulation is not involved.

On other scenarios, it is usually a choice we make. Remember there was a story of one white family in the US where the lady of the house chose to go for commercial sex work because their combined income would not enable them live comfortably. So, every morning she would leave the hubby home and hit the road for her workplace. She claimed the sex was purely “physical” and she used protection all the time.

For customers wanting non protected sex and willing to pay a premium, she would accept but douch herself immediately. The family was able to make $10,000 monthly and afford the luxuries they wanted.

Dr. Owor Kipenji
Attached below is the story from Campus Journal:

The Campus Journal reporter poses as a prostitute to unearth university students who moonlight in the vice.

This is probably the hardest thing I ever had to do — acting as a prostitute. The memories of these two adventurous nights on Wandegeya’s Junju lane are still so vivid in my mind. My motive was to confirm rumours that campus girls prostitute to make money.

As the women went on with their very bold stands of pulling male passers-by and luring them into being their customers for the night, I nervously stood across them in the freezing cold night dressed in my long silver leggings and a dress top (guess I was not appropriately dressed since most prostitutes were in skimpy attires).

When cars passed by, I couldn’t help burring my face in my hands, full of shame because the lights could easily show my face to whoever cared to know. Aggressively, the women rushed to the windows of these cars and did their business purchases.

The incident that finally made me leave the street that night was a saloon car that stopped just right in front of me and the three men in it asked me, “Nyabo gwe ogabila ku meka (at how much do you sell yours)?” The question sent chills down my spine! I felt disgraced and I rudely answered, “Ate ku byaaki (About what business)?” I had forgotten I was practically a prostitute that night!

Then I apologetically answered back, “Munsonyiwe bambi, mujjakola emitwalo ebiri buli ommu (sorry about that, you will give me 20,000 each).” Happily, the driver asked, “Is it for the whole night, nga oli expensive nnyo?” I had no idea about how much was charged per service and I decided to go back home because I was feeling bad already.

When I came back the second night, I was more confident. This night a male friend was going to be my ‘customer’ in order to take me where the real business takes place. When my customer for the night finally arrived, we stood and ‘bargained’ for several minutes. (Dear reader, don’t ask me how much I was bought because I also don’t know.)

The lady next to me got suspicious because my negotiation took longer than usual that she loudly asked her colleagues, “Ono naye malaya (Is she also a prostitute)?” But before she could get an answer from them, she walked right up to us and said, “Mumale male mugende eri emabega muloogi mweekole, mutuyisako ba customer (Be quick with your negotiations and go in the lounge behind to do your thing, you are blocking customers from noticing us)!”

After settling our ‘deal’, I pretended to be a good service provider by holding ‘my customer’ in the waist and we set off for the lounge.

The brothel is a house-like structure that is located behind some saloons on the lane and if not carefully noted, one can easily mistake it for another saloon. At the entrance, I paid shillings 1,000 as entrance fee and I was given a pair of condoms. We entered the lounge.

The ‘service room’ had no lights so it was a bit dark and you could not make out the faces of the various couples in it. As we entered, my ‘customer’ guides in since he is familiar with the place.

He walks straight to the corner that has the only bed in the room and he uses his hand to make out whether there is a couple on the bed. “Ffe tuliwanno (we are occupying this bed),” a lady whispers. So we settle for the edge of the bed as we wait for them to finish. It’s a pretty busy environment.

Although there are no lights, there is some little light from the adjoining room that allows one to make out a few things; there are five couples in different corners having sex .There are four couples on mattresses on the floor and one couple occupies the bed on which we are seated, pretending to be the next ones to occupy it for business.

The sight to me was at first embarrassing and later on traumatising. Three basins were in the middle of the room, used condoms are discarded in them. When I looked at these women being used, I couldn’t help associating them to dogs! Is this real or am I dreaming? God what’s happening to society? I wondered.

Different couples have different arguments and conversations while having sex. Couple X is not agreeing on the time and payments. “Naye sebbo oludewo…Ka short ka dakiiika ntono nnyo naye gwe ogaanye okumala, nyongeramu enkumi biri (you have delayed sir, a short round takes very few minutes but you are not finishing. You will add me shillings 2000),” the woman on the bed tells her customer.

After another couple finishing their business, the customer starts complaining about his missing mobile phone. “Mpa essimu yange oba tojjafuluma muno ng’oli mulamu (Give me my phone or else you will not get out of here alive)!” he shouts.

As they go on with their quarrel about the missing phone, a campus girl I know from the Faculty of Social Sciences walks in with a man. Thanks to my customer who strategically led me to the corner so she cannot make out my face but I can recognise hers. She is a good example of what I am looking for – campus prostitutes. She occupies the mattress adjacent to our bed and they begin their business, just after a couple that has just finished.

As ‘my customer’ excuses himself and gets out(it was according to our plan), I use this chance to interact with one of these girls as we ‘freshened up’ in the room connected to this sex gallery. I pretended to express my disappointment of my customer ‘who had refused to pay me’ just to get a few facts about the business and that is when I got to know of kashort, ’loongo’ and CNN live as terms used in the business. Campus prostitutes call the kashort a quickie, she told me.

As I listened to nonstop vulgar exchange of words between different couples, I finally decided to leave this disgusting hell of a world. After all, my story was done.

The Campus Journal (Sept—Oct 2011)

Besigye Meeting in UK , activist chase NRM Robert Egwea like a rat.

UPC was represented by youth Leader and Okello Lucima. NRM representative, Egwea, who had been cajoled and nearly ripped apart by boos and hisses. UFA was represented by Akim disagreed with the theme “Uganda at cross road”, instead he argued that Uganda is in a cul e sac. Effectively, it had already, gone past too many crossed roads. He also said M7 is not a hero to all Uganda and his motive from day one was war, to which he had the chances to talk on two occasions but resorted to war, Akim also said Byesigye, though was like M7, he had exonerated himself by rejecting M7.

Federalism was the word uttered most and in principle, the keynote speaker, Dr Byesigye; weighed down by flu agreed with federalism, but contends that it’s not, on its own, the solution.

He said Uganda was a conglomerated and until we break down these tribes and renegotiate our co existence, will always be problems.
He rejected in part, the use of force, arguing that the use of the gun to remove a warmonger like M7 could only mean that, one gun replacing another.

Lukwago, the breakaway DP leader, was brilliant, he spoke eloquently and showed it. Dressed in a grey suit, he did not mince his words, he clearly wants M7 out by any means there is. He called upon Ugandans to unite and go for it. He did not mention Mao.

Dr Obonyo, said, federalism is the only solution to Ugandan’s problem. He urged Ugandans to go back to history when people of Buganda and the Madi-Acoli had demanded for federal status as it had been suggested, at the London conference, pre independence. He said without which Uganda will never heal.

Colonel Monday, well received by the audience, he said M7 is a tyrant that needs removing, he also endorsed federalism, albeit agreeing with Byesigye that it’s not a panacea, but a viable option.

There was also a group of people, mainly Baganda, who have decided that war was the only solution and that they were ready for action and all they are waiting for, is Byesigye’s orders. A tired looking Byesigye did not look impressed. London based Ugandan Political activist Mego Apira, asked what Ugandans were still waiting for? Said Ugandans should prepare for war, without which M7 will not leave power. She sighted the wrong doing in the north and overstaying as justification.

The audience also decried the political leaders in Uganda for their disunity. They said, it was what cost Ugandans the election. They called upon the leaders to unite. International community are fed of disunity among Ugandans to unseat NRM government they have demanded for unity.

Federalism was endorsed by the major opinion leaders and effectively, putting it at the core of the debate.
Its no longer a fringe topic.

The only drama is that political activist made it clear to NRM representative, Robert Egwea; who was booed and eventually forced out of the hall. He nearly got beaten outside the door as I am made to know. Otherwise, the debate was a success; the turn over was brilliant and the general consensus was that Uganda needed an overhaul!

The debate yesterday set the tone for future political debates and the attendance clearly showed that the appetite for change is unquenchable.

%d bloggers like this: