February 2012
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Month February 2012

M7’s presidential jet should have a room for journalists and Kayihura should be dropped immediately

Basil Bataringaya (RIP) was a thorn in the past governments of Uganda

I noticed that Somalia and the success of AMISON/Ugandan/Burundi is hardly newsworthy in Ugandan papers. Why? The papers are full of garbage and petty stories but cannot find room in their pages for serious stories like Somalia. When history about Somalia is written AMISON /Uganda/Burundi will figure highly. The rest of the world including the Muslim world, shame on them stood by and did nothing. Now they are landing in Somali to open embassies and distribute cash. But who secured that damn country? It was the blood of Ugandans and Burundians and much later Kenyans and Ethiopians. I do not want to mice my words, the Muslim world did nothing o help Somalia.

But they were quick to go and destabilize Libya so much so that Qatar’s flag is the one flying in Tripoli. Of course Libya is in total mess, not to mention the tons of depleted uranium dumped in that country. May be it was a good thing the Muslim/Arab countries are out of Somalia given their lack of clarity on anything

Where is leadership from the Muslim world. None. Why? Egypt used to lead the Muslim/Arab world but is now on the verge of total chaos. The Muslim/Arab world has no leader anymore.

To go back to the inability to cover stories abroad, why can’t the presidential jet have room for at least pool reporters? If they were open, which they are not, they would have accommodated Ugandan journalist on every trip. May be parliament can pass such law mandating openness by including journalist,

But the media too can send a message. Stop or refuse to print the lies fed to you by Mirundi. Of course the New Vision cannot dare given that t is led by a cheer leader in the name of Robert Kabushenga.

Tell us something: why have Ugandan papers collectively under covered the Somali success story? Your papers are full of naked pictures and phone numbers of women looking for sex. Shame. In plain English the press in Ugandan is more like tabloid. Nothing serious. Again why given that Mass Communication graduates who now populate the press were among the top performers. What is the matter with the Ugandan press?

Because you have done such a terrible job, the Kenyan pres is giving their forces all the credit. How many journalists are in Somalia from Uganda? From New Vision, Bukedde or Monitor?


Yesterday , one of the UAH members posted the picture of former minister of Internal affairs, the late Basil Bataringaya (RIP) being taken by Amin’s soldiers to be killed. Kayihura should look at that picture over and over and then reflect on his actions. Ugandans including the media have treated Kayihura with kid gloves when he is the MOST dangerous man in uniform in Uganda. Kayihura has his own team of the equivalent of Amin’s Safety unit which includes the likes of Turyagumanawe who shows up to cause trouble and shoot at people everywhere including Amuru. The other members include the police officer who shot at Dr Besigye recently at Namasuba.

Kayihura may be educated but he is worse, far worse than Iddil Amin’s Kassim Obura or Ali Towilli. In fact he is the worst monster-read murderer- to ever wear a police uniform.

It is hard to believe what the so called Uganda police is doing. YKM may have promoted General Kayihura but he is doing his regime the most damage internationally. The sooner he realizes that the better.

Some fellow called Giles Muhame said without even blinking or thinking through that YKM’s plane is monitored by USA and Israel radar. Hmm. What to make of such revelation by a journalist who is supposedly friendly to the regime? In any case why reveal the obvious?

Funny thing Kayihura’s late father was progressive but the son is now worse than Towilli or Kassim Obura. That is scary.


General David Sejusa formerly David Balyejjusa Tinyefuza is an interesting personality. At least some people knew that his other name was Balyejjusa or Sejusa. YKM will keep General Sejusa for as long as he is in office because the general is one of the Generals in favor of Obugabe. The other Generals for are Salim Saleh and Elly Tumwine.

General David Sejusa is also fairly disciplined. For starters he is not a womanizer. He is happily married to his Nyakasura kyana with whom they joined Makerere together.

The Monitor journalists missed a real opportunity to tell their readers about General David Sejusa. For example, David Sejusa was an active student leader at Makerere university who scaled the ranks of hall governance. General Sejusa then joined the police.

I compare General David Sejusa to Prof Khiddu Makubuya in some aspects. They are bright people who had to play second fiddle to survive the system where there is only one Ssebagabe. I have a feeling that the YKM cabinet is anti-intellectual . He prefers yes men and women and of course crooks.

Land Evictions

How come some ‘land owners’ are allowed to evict so many people from their land and not others? I mean how come Mr Imodot get permission to evict 3000 people who have lived on that land well before the land Act came into effect? If Mr Imodot lived in Kayunga , would he have been issued with that eviction order. Yes I am talking about double standards by the NRM regime. Could Mr. Imodot be an NRM supporter?

The other interesting story is that the order is signed by the Soroti magistrate/commissioner for oaths? What is wrong with that statement by the New Vision? Could it really be true that a sitting magistrate in Soroti swore Mr Imodot in his or her capacity as commissioner for oaths? If that is true the JSC should move in and summarily dismiss that magistrate. The New Vision and those evicted should first take their case to the JSC because the order was obtained in funny ways.

Can those in Ugandan tell us” can a sitting a magistrate do what is alleged in the Newvision story? Are magistrates now also serving s commissioner for oaths? I know anything is possible in YKM’s Uganda, but that story has several strange things.

Listen to Mr Imodot that he was given 20 acres by Mr Mutaliya Asuman in 1969 and bought the rest in 1988.

Mr Denis Obbo of lands Ministry if you are reading, can you clarify for us. Why is Mr Imodot allowed to evict 3000 tenants -same with Madhavani in Amuru-on his alleged land but people in Buganda in particular cannot do the same? Does the law discriminate on the basis of location? That is if you own land in Soroti, you can do what someone who owns land in Kayunag or Siingo cannot do. What is the truth?

The evictions in Buganda are by those with connections to NRM especially senior UPDF officers who are the largest land grabbers in Uganda today. The land holders CANNOT do what Mr Imodit is doing in Soroti. He claims he went and swore an affidavit before the magistrate/commissioner for oaths. I know some people with land titles but cannot do anything about their land.


Mutebile, corrupt ministers, MPs and Bassajabalaba have a symbiotic relationship with M7


Some should warn Karoro Okurut and Margaret Muhanga (Andrew Mwenda’s sister)that once Yoweri Kaguta Museveni(YKM) is out of office they will lose all the illegally acquired land without any compensation. Title deeds will be nullified the way it has been done and is still being done in Kenya. The good thing is that land is not a movable property. And even the buyers better be aware. The excuse that they bought from Karooro or Muhanga will not fly. And if you dig deeper where those women got their chits to go and lot public land, you will find that they got them from State House. Surprise!

And estates build on stolen or illegally acquired land will be torn down the way it has been done in Kenya where mansions were destroyed. Yes it is painful but for the sake of sanity it will have to be done. And it will be done

According to Daily Monitor, “Fr Lokodo told Saturday Monitor that the position of Cabinet is that Prof Emmanuel Tumusiime Mutebile (Governor Bank of Uganda), Billy Kainamura (former Solicitor General), and Harriet Lwabi (acting Solicitor General) will be forced to resign to ensure transparency during investigations over the case and thereafter prosecuted”

Why should Ms Hariet Lwabi resign whens he came in long after the swindle? I believe she was parlimentary counsel or something like that at the time.

With all due respect to Fr Lokodo, he is engaged in window dressing and he knows it.

Basajjabalaba and his shs.169b

Ugandans are funny people. Even the chairman of PAC Hon Wadri said that he believed YKM on Basajabalaba. In the story in the DAILY MONITOR, YKM says he ordered Ms Muloni to sign the papers. In a story published in one of the papers, the journalist said he believes that Basajabalaba did not carry away all the 169 billion and that Minister Bbumba, Prof Khidu Makubuya and Governor Mutebile took some. But what about YKM? The big question is this: how much of the money paid to Basajabalaba ended up in YKM’s pockets or in the pockets of his cronies? Did PAC ask YKM to go on record on that issue? There are signs everywhere that Basajabalaba is a front for YKM. He uses him to steal public monies. Then we have PAC which says they believe in YKM. What is it they believe?

PAC is one of the most important committees of the house and members should not compromise. That is not the case with the current PAC. Why has PAC not ordered for the arrest of the crook if as YKM claims he was wrongly paid? Why can’t the state recover the monies? Can those in the press help us out here? How many billions has Basajabalaba returned since beyond what YKM called “fair”. What is fair about paying crook public money apparently for business lost for taking over markets? Think about it, markets that were meant for the peasants have turned out to be the cash cow for YKM’s sidekicks. Col Mugyenyi not sure whether he won the Nyabushozi seat is the other crook being compensated for taking over markets. And who gave them those markets in the first place. Was it not YKM?

The issue is not whether YKM knew. I was even surprised by Hon Semujju’s article in the OBSERVER. The truth of the matter is that it was President Yoweri Museveni who originated the scheme that would allow that crook scumbag to rip off the country. YKM not only knew, but he must have signed off whatever the crook presented. So Hon Semujju, stop trying to sanitize YKM’s actions. How can the president originate the scheme and not know what was going on? How can the scheme that was plotted in state House take place without YKM- the Ssebaggabe’s knowledge? Who else has the guts to plot theft of such public funds from State House? What is the matter?

I bet you YKM met with those crooks in state house not once but severally. Yes, Let Mirundi deny this. And how many times did YKM use that red/hot line to call the ministers ordering them to just pay the crooks? This issue is bigger than Watergate.

For the avoidance of doubt, President Yoweri Museveni was an active participant in the Basajabalaba schemes to defraud Ugandans public money. Whether YKM personally benefited, I live that to your judgment. But I hope UAH is not a forum for dummies.

Well, what more to say about Ugandan MPs? 28 billion as emoluments- I guess this is the money paid to MPs for sitting in endless committees. Now think about it. If you let hyenas decide how much to get paid, how many committees do you think they will attend and for how long, just to take home more money?

So the big question is this: what is Uganda foregoing to pay MPs 28 billion on top of shs.103 million each for cars? That is, what can 28 billion do elsewhere in a productive way? Nodding disease needs 7 billion to fight, yet MPs and MOF are telling health to find the money from its budget. In the meantime MPs are finding money for their tumbo and petty projects. Notice that 7 billion is a mere quarter of 28 billion! If you still had doubt about the symbiotic relationship between YKM and MPs, there you have it.

Pioneer Buses

Now the news about the Buses is that they are owned by among others one Muganga who is described a son in law to Mr Sam Kutesa. Other shareholders include Mr Mathew Rukikaire, father in law to Ms Nina Mbabazi, and a few others. That tells you one thing: The buses will ply Kampala. If not, expect YKM to approve several billions for businesses lost! YKM determines and decides everything.

On that score he is like Mr Moi. I do not know how crowded YKM’s state house is, but it seems to be crowded with crooks and thieves that he favors the way Moi’s state house was. It was not unusual for the crooks to fight each other in Moi’s state house. Yes within state house!


FDC Should drop its Millitaristic approach to politics as people see no difference with NRM

It is true that the army is keeping Museveni in power but so is the Ugandan opposition. Yes that hurts but it is the truth. The Ugandan opposition is a big letdown. It is actually a major problem to good governance. Granted there are some fine people in the opposition but overall, they have performed very badly.

Let us be honest and tell them the truth. What the Ugandan opposition lacks is clarity. One of the few bright lights is yes, Ms Beti Kamya and what does she get for her clarity. Abuse. Talk of nnugu.

It is not true that because the opposition MPs are few, they cannot articulate with clarity Uganda’s problems and provide credible alternatives. They are just as greedy as NRM Mps when it comes to public money, 130 millions for cars! I have looked and looked for credible or if you will mainstream alternatives on serious national questions but wapi. Yes, give credit to YKM’s personal army for keeping him there, but also blame the opposition for doing so badly when real issues and opportunities for growth are everywhere.

Just imagine if the opposition could just focus on five issues and hammer those away. The economy is crying out for clarity. The health sectors, the education sector, agriculture/land sector, name it. Because the opposition lacks clarity the peasant has done the most logical thing: choose his or her best interests. Yes they are poor they tell us but at least they can sleep after indulging if they can afford it their beer, malwa, tonto etc. Funny we ridicule the peasants that they do not know their interests. No. they know. It is the elite opposition people who have no clue. Why should the peasants put their lives on the line for a bunch of people who have no clue what it is they want to push? What is the difference between YKM and the opposition on major policy issues?

How come I never hear of policy conferences by the opposition? Not in Uganda and nothing in the Diaspora. How do they expect to generate ideas? Without ideas how can the opposition have hope?

It is about time the journalists moved away from asking opposition people personal questions and pin them on policy questions. I watch Kenya’s Jeff Koinange on the bench I believe outside Norfolk Hotel grilling government people including ministers and those who matter in Kenya. Who will do the same thing for Uganda?. Too many FM radio stations but nothing concrete getting through. Why?

Why does the peasant prefer sleep over anything else? Is it not because the opposition has not made the case against the status quo? And the journalists too. Many are either NRM or opposition supporters. Hello! Think about it if the opposition and the journalistic community in Uganda are part of the problem, where will the solution come from?

In politics, it is better to be lucky and YKM is very lucky. Iam a vey faithful member of the opposition but we must do more. It is true that there is some kind of turmoil within major opposition parties. I wish the turmoil was ideological.

Now some people raise one area where the opposition should take notice: the militarization of politics. The ideal thing for the opposition is to do the opposite. But what have they done? Some, although not all, have tried to imitate YKM on militarization. When they do that the peasant sees no difference. I know some will take issue with me but here FDC is the number one culprit which is why many call it NRM/ B. Sure some FDC folks will respond without blinking that they just won Jinja East.! Each time they do so, they play into YKM’s hands. The opposition should shun violence of any form. They should preach peaceful change and stick to it. Non-violence takes time but is far superior.

I do not think peasants fear YKM in the villages. They fear the unknown. What has the opposition got to offer? I have said here on UAH forum that the opposition should pass the security test. The moment they sound credible to appeal to the peasant, NRM will be in trouble.

I hope you are following developments in Libya. It is bad. And will get far worse before it ever gets better. The opposition should pay attention to policy. I look forward to the day we in the Diaspora will attend a policy platform by opposition parties. We should help our parties test ideas and develop platforms that have the appeal of the majority.

Do you remember the story of Amalinze the cat, Okonkwo and Madume? What Iam asking the Ugandan opposition to do is the exact opposite of what NRM is doing. If NRM goes violent, we should do the opposite and not follow them. Let me again use FDC which is the most militarized of the opposition parties, surprise. What has it reaped? Because of their stupidity, ok, lack of judgment they always pray into YKM’s hands. He sets them up for beating and they go at him without thinking and they get whacked. Why do you think FDC members get beaten more regularly than other opposition party members? It is because of their militaristic style of trying to imitate YKM. And he loves it when they do that.

So the strategy for smart opposition anyways is to do the opposite. Shun violence and take the high moral ground and stick to issues. That is harder for FDC given that it has a sizeable number of retired military men within its ranks. As they say old habits die hard.

I claim that part of the reason the opposition is failing in rural areas is the militaristic approach which scares the peasants. If the opposition is peaceful and non-violence, they would have made progress with the masses who are fed up with violence and militarism. But see what the opposition or at least FDC does, it threatens violence and further militarization of Ugandan politics.

They should study Gandhi and Martin Luther King and how their non-violence means delivered enduring results than anything before. But they should also be identified with a few issues. They have attacked Beti Kamya for picking federalism and sticking to it. They could the same and choose a few issues and hammer away. It frustrates me to see a very erratic opposition in Uganda. I hear they have strategists, oh, boy.

The opposition squandered the biggest and in my view most important issues when they dismissed USE and UPE outright. The moment they did that they became elitist who preferred the pyramid where most kids drop out while a few proceed. How does that appeal to the peasant? They should be telling the peasant that this is what we shall do to fix UPE/USE so that the kids can become literate.

It is really a pity that with so many issues crying out for help and attention, the Ugandan opposition dos not generally give a damn.

Pray for our motherland.

UAH forumist in New York

Museveni should have resigned with both Makubuya and Bumba for the good of the country


The person who should take responsibility for all the corruption scandals in the country is President Yoweri Kaguta Miuseveni(YKM). He is the one who pushed Saida Bumba and Kiddu Makubuya to pay fraudulent bills to his sidekick Bassajabalaba. Those who care to know, they know that Bassajabala and state house are joined at the hip. They are in a symbiotic relationship. YKM approves shady bills and the supper crook feeds YKM’s interests. Some say they have a stake in that university. Basically the story goes that YKM approved all that money to the crook because it was meant to be part of his shareholding in what deals the super crook runs.

The Governor of the Bank too who Iam told is too drank all the time to know what is going on should go. Ask the media why they have not been allowed to take the picture of the Governor at any function? My Obs working there say the man is always drunk. Does anyone among the Mps believe that the ministers could have defied YKM? I know that the Governor enjoys security of tenure but he too should consider quieting. And even the PS treasury although it is the deputy PS who calls the shots. He too should go.

And if YKM is mad at the ministers-read if he is not a beneficiary of the shady deals-why is the super crook not, a) paying back the money with interests and b) facing fraudulent charges in the court? Why can’t the state machinery go after the super crook if YKM is not shading crocodile tears?

People this thing could be worse than Golde berg scandal in Kenya. The other story goes that the money paid to the crook, at least some of it ended up in NRM coffers to fund the campaign. So far the missing link is the role of security leaders. But I am sure the crook covers his bases so do not be surprised if the security agencies too benefited.

Funny thing in1980 when the military council removed the late Mr Godfrey Lukwonga Binaisa (RIP), YKM told the country that the president had turned state house into a magendo/kibanda. Well, YKM has turned statehouse into the greatest crime scene in Uganda. Folks, State House is a crime scene. If you doubt it, look at this scandal. It was hatched from state house by none other than YKM. Conclusion: YKM is the most corrupt president ever in the history of Uganda. He is also the most tribalistic which is why this thieving happened. Yes, the fish rots from the head and Uganda is rotten right from state house to God knows where.

FYI, YKM told mourners during the burial of the late canon Bikanganga (RIP) that it was okay to steal as long as those stealing did not divide the country along ethnicity. This is on record. Bottom line: YKM pretends to abhor corruption but condones it. Actually he lives and breathes corruption. Uganda is a regime of thieves. The President is the deal maker. The PM is busy stealing. Notice how it was Minister Moses Ali to tell the house because the PM, well.

Look at the Vice Chancellor (VC) of Makerere University, the man is a thief kabisa but he is in denial. I am told no one has stoles such money from the University like the current VC. And he is still standing! The Chancellor of Makerere University, Prof Kagonyera, was reappointed. The VC is on the bubble though for stealing millions of Euros and the Dutch are mad so she will soon go.

I have received some information that Dr Makubuya is not as guilty as Minister Bbumba who may have benefited from the shady deals herself. Well the person who must be on guard is the thieving PM, Amama Mbabazi. If the MPs have forced out these two, they will soon strike at YKM’s kitchen cabinet. I wonder what Minister Kategaya will say then. But it is coming soon. Keep your eyes on the PM. He will not survive the anger given his record of stealing public funds for personal use. But the buck stops with YKM. PM Mbabazi sent Hon Bukenya to Luzira but he will rue that moment. The MPs have him next and Uganda will know whether YKM cares, oh please, about corruption. Everywhere thieves are rewarded.

The MPs should demand immediate payment of the money from the super crook, Basajjabalaba, with interest. I think those minister could not have resisted YKM other than resigning which they should have considered. No one would have thought that corruption would be so rampant under YKM given his attitude towards the late Mr Binaisa (RIP). What fundamental change did they usher in?

And the former Solicitor-General who is now a judge should be asked to quit the judiciary. I pray that the JSC under Justice Ogoola Munnange goes after him and forces him to quit. I also pray that Ms. Lwabi, the current Solicitor-General, does not get caught up in the thieving. You Gayaza OGs should tell her to remain upright as per her ‘’bulokole’’ and morals.

Now reflect for a moment on the drama in Uganda. The same MPs vetted these ministers and recommended them. Think about that. What vetting is that? Vetting should not be about rubber stamping, but asking serious questions in public.
Uganda is not poor. Look at the money being stolen. Billions here and there. MPs who had even no bicycle the other day now demand 103 million for cars. Where is the public service they claim to offer? And how much do doctors make? Peanuts. Take the case of Dr Nzaro-son in law to one of the tycoons-who has served his country for years. I bet you he never made 10 million a month. But now MPs many of whom are barely literate demand, I repeat, demand 103 million for cars. That too is corruption and blackmail.
How many MPs are there? Multiply their number with 103 million and you see the real opportunity cost a.k.a what Uganda is foregoing to pamper a bunch of losers. How much will they demand once Bunyoro oil is flowing?
They blackmail Ugandans because the system is rotten from the top, so they trade off. Actually MPs are in some of symbiotic relationship with YKM. The losers are Ugandans. Abbey Semuwemba should get Justice Ogoola Munnnge to become a member of UAH too.

In Kenya, Philip Moi, son of Daniel Arap Moi, is to go and serve jail term in Industrial area prison. He was rumored to be the richest of the children but he is refusing to pay Kshs 250, 000 a month to her Italian ex.

The judge in question, Justice George Benedict Maina Kariuki is a nonsense judge who was Chairman of Kenya Law Society during Mr Moi’s reign. The son claimed that the judge has something against him because his father went after him to which the judge said no.

He has the means to pay the money. The judiciary in Kenya is emboldened. Tomorrow he will probably pay the money and get out of jail.

Let me just say without going into details that Philip Moi’s action almost brought Uganda and Kenya to war in the late 80s. In the process a fine Ugandan, a mutoro man who was the regional director of IATA ended up dead.

Actually Mr Uhuru Kenyatta is reported to be the richest person in Kenya due to the prudent investments their family estate made. The Moi’s are rich and yes Gedeon is the father’s favorite but Phillip is equally rich. The eldest took her mother’s side and never got much money from the system. He rubbed his father the wrong way when he said he was for family values.


In Uganda land is a vital asset, source of wealth and symbol of prestige

We are writing these stories not because we are driven by radicalism or assertiveness as some people have suggested but because we want to save a bad situation from getting worse. For those who care to know two worrying developments are taking place in Uganda – land grabbing by foreigners and inferior education for indigenous population. These developments are reminiscent of the recently ended apartheid system in South Africa where the indigenous black population lost most of the land to the minority white population and got inferior education. It took almost one hundred years of struggle, abandoning education, loss of lives and long term prison sentences from 1912 to end this unjust system but the effects are still being felt. Let us examine the land issue as it relates to Uganda.

When we were growing up in poor families in southwest Uganda we were told again and again that our future was in education and not in tilling the land, a profession left for those who failed at school. To drive the point home we were punished at home and at school for whatever wrongdoing by doing agriculture work in school or family gardens. So Ugandans developed a dislike for agriculture and by extension land ownership. Educated people distanced themselves from rural areas and most would not even think of investing a small portion of their income in agriculture or rural development. Village life was something to be avoided.

As towns grew even those who did not do well at school abandoned the land and migrated to towns to do all sorts of things but agriculture. Fortunately because colonial policy had prevented foreign land ownership in Uganda the abandoned land remained idle. However, the neighboring countries of Rwanda, Burundi and eastern DRC had high population densities, poor economic prospects and a repressive colonial regime. People from Burundi and Rwanda in particular began to trickle into Uganda since the 1920s looking for work. Bahutu were employed in crop cultivation areas in Buganda and Busoga; Batutsi found work where herding was the main occupation in all parts of Uganda. Some returned to their home countries, others stayed, acquired land and settled permanently. Because of a sizeable male migration, Buganda at one time had a sex ratio of male exceeding female. Normally there are more women than men. At independence in 1962 over 40 percent of Buganda population was non-Baganda. The next census should disaggregate indigenous and migrant population data to determine the relative contribution of each component to population growth.

Political disturbances since the early 1960s in Burundi, DRC and Rwanda resulted in massive refugees and cattle into Uganda. Thinking that this was a temporary phenomenon the refugees were accommodated happily on humanitarian grounds and allowed to settle temporarily with relatives or drift into the country wherever there was land. In south Kigezi and parts of Ankole land was already scarce, overpopulated and overstocked when the refugees arrived. The pressure on land and poor weather forced migration of refugees and/or indigenous cattle herders to northern Kigezi, Buganda, Toro and Bunyoro and beyond ending up in all parts of Uganda. As the land frontier closed, the new arrivals began to encroach on occupied land by direct purchase sometimes in a manner that was not straightforward. They have had easier access to credit facilities than many indigenous people and have been buying land in many parts of the country. Many indigenous Ugandans have lost much land for failure to repay loans in part because they did not understand the terms of the loans including interest rates and how land would be lost as collateral.

The introduction of foreign land ownership has developed into a major challenge since NRM came to power in 1986. Land became a source of wealth as export diversification gathered speed, cattle herding that require large swathes of land received priority over crop production in some areas and urban development ate into agriculture land. The liberal immigration policy has attracted many migrants especially from neighbors who have been facilitated to acquire land. As land became short, its value rose and the rich began to see it as a profitable investment. The government began to preach that the future of Ugandans is in non-agricultural work in towns. This was followed by sale of land to start business in towns. But most of the business failed. Without land and good education to find a job in non-agricultural sectors, many Ugandans have become landless and jobless. The incorporation of Uganda into the East African community without grasping the full implications of human and livestock mobility on land tenure and use has opened Uganda gates to settlers from other members of the community especially from those areas where population densities are high that land has become the single most contentious issue in Uganda’s political economy.

Incorporating large swathes of rural land into municipal boundaries has meant that land ownership and management have shifted from former rural owners to municipal councils that are offering land for sale to the highest bidder thus kicking former peasant and functionally illiterate owners out into the cold notwithstanding the so-called compensation. There are stories subject to confirmation that land in northern Uganda is being grabbed at such a rate that those returning from internally displaced persons (IDPs) camps have found themselves without land. They have no education to find job outside agriculture. They have become landless and jobless and a potential threat to peace and security especially as most of them are young. Some land has been allocated to foreign developers in circumstances that have left many questions unanswered. Some people with connections are obtaining titles for land that belongs to others and court cases are mounting but the poor are likely to lose the case because corruption has entered the judiciary in a big way and in some cases money has trampled the truth.

As Ugandans begin to understand and appreciate the value of land as life and an asset, source of wealth and symbol of strength and prestige, they are demanding to get their land back, reduce migration and stop land grabbing. As population grows from natural and migration sources land scarcity is going to get worse and struggle for it to intensify. Already the mass media is full of complaints about powerless people losing their land to those who are powerful politically and economically. This struggle represents a time bomb waiting to go off if the situation is not addressed without further delay. Those who believe that dissent will be suppressed indefinitely through the barrel of the gun or pushing Uganda into the East African federation are very mistaken. Land has become a bread and butter issue under any circumstances that discussing it does not require vague language but straight talk to drive the point home in order to find a lasting solution. The people of Uganda are getting enlightened and will not rest until they get what they want. Those who want to take Uganda back to the medieval period of feudalism or to conditions similar to the apartheid system however disguised need to think again. Putting much money into the military and torture houses to silence political and economic dissent is likely to turn out a very bad investment. We are saying all these things with the emphasis they deserve to avert a catastrophe not to incite an armed rebellion.

The international community has recognized the importance of small holder farmers as productive, efficient and friendly socially and environmentally. Funds have been allocated to help them increase productivity and commercialize agriculture. Uganda authorities should access this money to help small scale farmers instead of replacing them with large scale cultivators and ranchers that are largely labor saving and therefore do not create jobs for the displaced peasants and their children contributing to youth unemployment in excess of 80 percent.


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NRM policies are ruining Uganda

Let me start with this statement by way of clearing the air. Some have raised questions, even written to me, about my motive for writing so much in so short a time: who is behind it, who are my research assistants and who is funding it? Some have even suggested that I am driven by a desire to unseat NRM government and President Museveni in particular; that I am too radical, too assertive, too sectarian.

Let me make it very clear and hopefully for the last time. Because I was uncomfortable with the way geography, economics, population and history were taught in senior secondary school and at the undergraduate university level – because what they taught did not match the situation on the ground where I was born and raised in southwest Uganda – I decided very early that I was going to study in a multidisciplinary fashion and do multidisciplinary research in order to understand the interconnections and correct distortions in those subjects. It is therefore not by accident that I studied geography, demography (population), economics, international law, international relations, sustainable development and world history. And because I did not want to be influenced by anybody in one way or another, I never asked for or accepted sponsorship, or mentor or research assistance. So I have worked alone to this point.

I began serious research work in the early 1970s and used my own resources to set up a library and pay for publication of my ten books. My work has focused on the Great Lakes Region because I realized that you cannot study Uganda meaningfully outside that framework. My research and writing have been of a historical nature going as far back as possible. In all my work I have tried as much as is humanly possible to be factual – or to put it slightly differently – to tell the truth. The overall motive has been and still is to share information about what I have learned, at times covering areas that are taboo with all the risks and other implications. Policy makers need to have correct information and I have tried to make a modest contribution in that regard. In this connection, I have contributed to Ugandans free of charge several hundred copies of my books. The future will take care of itself.

Let us return to the topic under consideration – why NRM is ruining Uganda. I have come to this conclusion having reflected on what was done under colonialism, during the decade of the 1960s and since 1986. From 1971 to 1985 Uganda experienced severe economic and political difficulties that resulted in drastic decline in economic growth and provision of services and infrastructure. Real GDP declined by 20 percent and GDP per capita was reduced to $170. Because of these special circumstances, this period has been left out.

Notwithstanding shortcomings of colonial rule such as indirect system of governance and converting Uganda into a raw material exporting country, there are things that the administration did well and should be appreciated. In the interest of time and space, let us focus on a few areas. A decision was taken that in Uganda land belongs to the indigenous people to grow food for domestic consumption and crops for export. So Ugandans owned and used their own land. Second, the British understood the importance of food and nutrition security in human development. The administration encouraged food storage so that regular supply was maintained. Fisheries were developed to provide an affordable source of protein. Nutrition clinics were established to treat undernourished children and mothers and to teach how to prepare and serve balanced diet in a hygienic environment. Inspection teams were established to ensure compliance. Mothers Unions provided home economics lessons to women. Schools were provided with lunch to improve attendance and performance. Balanced diet, boiled drinking water and good sanitation and general hygiene including washing with soap reduced mortality and morbidity.

Although health facilities were few and far between, they provided good service. The premises were kept very clean as a model to be emulated in homes. The dispensary in my county had a staff of four people – medical assistant, midwife and two dressers. They came to work on time, in their uniforms and served everyone without favor. They charged no fee or demanded any bribes. If you chose to give one of the staff a chicken or pineapple, etc that was out of custom not because you wanted better treatment. Cases they could not handle were referred to the district hospital at the district headquarters in Kabale.

Like in health, education facilities were few and far between. But they were staffed with qualified and dedicated teachers. Schools were inspected regularly and the quality of education was good. Admission into higher classes was based on performance. Students who did well but came from poor families were assisted. That is why good students from poor families made it all the way to university and got commensurate jobs upon graduation.

Performance of Obote and his UPC party in the 1960s has been well summarized by the World Bank as follows: “GDP growth was about 6 percent a year from 1963 to 1970, and relative price stability was maintained. At independence in 1962 Uganda had one of the most vigorous and promising economies in Sub-Saharan Africa, and the years following independence amply demonstrated its economic potential. Uganda’s social indicators were comparable to, if not better than, most countries in Africa. The country’s health service had developed into one of Africa’s best. Uganda pioneered many low-cost health and nutrition programs. There was a highly organized network of vaccination centers and immunization programs reached 70 percent of the population. Although school enrolment was still low, Uganda’s education system had developed a reputation for very high quality”(World Bank 1993).

NRM under the leadership of President Museveni came to power in 1986 with a country tailored ten point program drawn up by staff with practical experience in Uganda’s history, economics, culture and diversity. It was an excellent program based on public and private partnership. However, the program was abruptly abandoned in 1987 in favor of structural adjustment program (SAP) that introduced market forces and privatization of public enterprises, foreign direct investment and liberalization of the economy as well as export diversification, balanced budget and price stability. It neglected social services to be taken care of by trickledown economics. The role of the state in the economy was virtually eliminated and employment of foreign experts was part of SAP arrangements.

In order to promote economic growth and export diversification changes that were made came to be harmful to Uganda. Promotion of cut flower cultivation and export beef production resulted in peasants losing their land and source of livelihood. Areas around Kampala and Entebbe have been converted from foodstuff into flower gardens resulting in felling trees that did not hinder peasant agriculture, using fertilizers and pesticides detrimental to the environment. Clearing large swathes of vegetation for ranches has reduced water seepage into the soil, lowered water tables; increased soil erosion due to the powerful force of wind and rainfall and disappearance of streams and shrinkage of lakes. The adverse changes in hydrological and thermal regimes have resulted in desert conditions, frequent droughts and floods that have contributed to reduced agricultural productivity and food shortages. Fisheries which had been developed and beans grown to provide a source of affordable protein to low income families have become a major source of foreign exchange earner at the expense of domestic consumption. The rigid emphasis that Uganda must diversify and export no matter what has resulted in a population that is not eating enough and faces prospects of increased neurological disabilities and outright starvation, undermining human capital development. As human development begins at the time of conception the nutrition status of pregnant women is very important. Under-nourished mothers produce underweight children with permanent physical and mental disabilities if they survive. Eating balanced diet three times a day must be taken seriously as a national security issue especially for pregnant women, lactating mothers and children.

NRM government has been arguing in favor of export policy because there isn’t sufficient domestic demand. But this has been presented only in numbers that Uganda’s population at 33 million is too small for economies of scale. What should concern the government also is the low domestic purchasing power. With the majority of 33 million Ugandans absolutely poor, unemployed and underemployed and increasingly becoming landless, there is no purchasing power. Focusing on export markets implies neglecting to boost Ugandans’ purchasing power. The government should make a concerted effort to reduce poverty and promote employment with good incomes to boost purchasing power.

The problem of skilled human power is being addressed in the wrong way at least for medium and long term purposes. While it makes sense to hire foreign skilled workers to fill vacant posts in the short run, the government has to make plans to retain trained skills already in the country and invite those living abroad and train Ugandans for medium and long term purposes. Ugandans of equal training and experience earn less than foreign experts whose salaries and other benefits are much higher in order to attract them. Human capital development is a complex business. It embraces adequate nutrition, quality education and healthcare which are deteriorating in Uganda. Although quality in and relevance of education have been discussed and written about very little has been implemented. Countries like India which are forging ahead in rapid economic growth invested heavily in education at the science and technology level in particular. The so-called ‘economic miracle’ countries of Asia have succeeded economically in part because they invested heavily in quality education at primary and secondary schools and specialized training at the tertiary level. And the trained human power has been retained or returned home whereas in Uganda the opposite is the case – skilled staff is encouraged to seek work abroad and those already abroad to stay there. This policy appears at first sight to be dictated by demands for earning foreign currency but whatever the real reason in the long term Uganda will be a net loser.

A population that is unhealthy is a liability to the nation. Sick people are expensive in terms of resources devoted to treating them and the income lost while sick and relatives abandon work to attend to them. Sick children cannot learn well and a poorly educated population has low productivity and is expensive. Deteriorating health conditions that are drifting towards a precipice and food and nutrition security that have deteriorated drastically are undermining Uganda’s human capital formation.

Let us conclude with Uganda’s ecological conditions. At the start of the 20th century Uganda was described as the “Pearl of Africa”. It had fertile soils, tropical vegetation full of wild game, perennial rivers, water bodies and wetlands, adequate rainfall in amount, timing and duration and a mild climate. These conditions allowed Uganda to grow food throughout the year, to feed its people adequately and generate surplus for export to earn foreign currency. Although de-vegetation began seriously during the Amin regime, it has accelerated under the NRM government. Ecological conditions have deteriorated to the extent that a specialized agency of the United Nations warned a few years ago that if Uganda does not move quickly and reverse environmental degeneration, the country will turn into a desert within 100 years – within, not after 100 years. Some parts are already showing signs of desertification during the dry season. Yet the government has talked but not acted. It is not lack of resources that has prevented action. It is lack of will and appropriate priority setting.

After 26 years in power, NRM government has little to show to justify its continuation. Economic growth and inflation control which were used as success stories have now become history. Uganda needs an annual growth rate of 9 to 10 percent to meet the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) by 2015 including reducing absolute poverty and hunger in half. The current annual growth is around five percent against a population growth of over 3 percent. Inflation which at one time was reduced and kept around 5 percent is now close to 30 percent. Structural adjustment that dominated Uganda’s economy since 1987 was abandoned in 2009 having failed to deliver largely because it lacked adaptation to changing circumstances. NRM trusted market forces, laissez faire capitalism and trickle down mechanism too much without state intervention to correct imperfections of the market. This was a big omission that has tarnished the NRM image and reduced it to a poor manager of state affairs. Uganda is now described as a failed state under military dictatorship. The time for change to save Uganda and her people is now. NRM so deeply divided and engulfed in corruption and sectarianism has lost the will and capacity to govern no matter what NRM friends may want us to believe. The writing is on the wall in capital letters for all to see. Relying on suppressing dissenters will not turn the situation around. The new development paradigm – different from the abandoned neo-liberal economics that NRM staff was used to – needs a new team.


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Aisha Kabanda’s Analysis of By- Elections

Let me attempt to analyze NRM’s performance in the on going by-elections using Entebbe Municipality and Jinja East Constituencies as case studies. What are the people communicating?

Snap shot Entebbe: There were all plausible reasons for NRM to lose the election. That was the time when a kilogram of sugar cost Shs.6,000=, fuel prices reached a record high. Food prices too were high. The winds of change were blowing very heavily from the Arab spring and of course given the tribal sentiments in Entebbe, the loss was understandable.

My analysis of Jinja East defeats the logic of the Entebbe scenario. The price sugar price has reduced by a half. Fuel prices have considerably reduced, food prices have gone down, and time has revealed that the wind of change in the Arab spring has not brought much good. In fact today Libya and Egypt are dangerously close to failed states. Finally, the candidate, Igeme Nabeta is from a popular family of the Nabetas’in Busoga.

This makes me believe that the presupposed reasons for NRM’s failure in Entebbe were false. What could be the problem, then? Many times a category of people condemn NRM for causing poverty in Busoga. Their argument has been that NRM sold all the factories that were offering employment to the Basoga, and now Jinja, once Uganda’s Industrial town was left bare. Far from the truth, research shows otherwise.

Here are my findings. Before NRM’s privatization policy, Jinja had eleven major industries. Because of the challenges in government parastatals then, some closed down but others were privatized and are still operational in Jinja, some under different names. Only five industries including PRINT PACK, UGANDA PHARMACEUTICALS LTD, MULCO, KILEMBE MINES, ESTATS UGANDA, and BRITISH AMERICAN TOBACCO (B.A.T) closed down. However, the following factories still operate under changed names; UGANDA GRAIN MILLING COMPANY was rebranded as ENGANO MILLERS, MULBOX became EAST AFRICAN PACKAGING INDUSTRIES, NAFUCO is now MASESE FISH PACKERS, CHILLINGTON is CROCODILE TOOLS LTD, while NYTIL INDUSTRIES LTD is PICFARE INDUSTRIES. In addition, over forty new industries have imaged, to name but a few; AGRO MARINE FISH PROCESSING FACTORY, LEATHER INDUSTRIES OF UGANDA, NILE PLY WOOD INDUSTRIES, KENGROW INDUSTRIES, CROWN TILES LIMITED, BIDCO, HARD ROCKS QUARRY, WHITE NILE DIARIES, UGANDA METALS AND REFINERY, KENGROW OIL MILL, and PAPCO INDUSTRIES. This then shows that Jinja is a booming Industrial town. From this evidence, people who allege that Jinja has been made poorer by the NRM are self seeking detractors whose aim is to retard progress in the area. Let us recall that privatization was part of the economic recovery policy that affected the whole country. These facts not withstanding, what is reason for NRM’s failure to bring back their candidate. These in my view are he probably factors:

· Internal conflicts: two names have featured prominently; Magid Batambuze and Harriet Naigaga. Majid was the NRM candidate for the Mayoral elections against Kezaala. His supporters were up in arms against Nabeta accusing him of promoting Kezaala against the party candidate. Naigaga a woman councilor has been for sometime in Jinja politics as a youth leader. She claims that Nabeta always forgot about his campaigners after elections. Attempts of reconciliation were made with the top NRM District leadership but did not trickle down to the extremely polarized grass roots.

· Heavy police deployment vis-a-vis the violent opposition out fit: Heavy police deployment, necessary as it was, had the negative psychological impact on the less vigilant voters. Faced with a violent opposition out fit, a sizable number of women who are believed to be NRM supporters did not come out to vote for fear of chaos in town. Eye witness saw opposition boys in black T-shirts scaring women who had turned up, often assaulting them physically.

· Complacency: given the apparent popularity Nabeta enjoyed from the beginning of the campaign, many NRM cadres took the exercise for granted that the election would be a clear win.

· Blemish on Nabeta by the High Court ruling. When High Court ruled that Nabeta had no pre-requisite academic qualifications; this caused a heavy stain on Nabeta’s person. Further it is clear that there was no deliberate effort to explain the detail of the court ruling to the ordinary voter.

While this can not pass for a comprehensive analysis of NRM’s performance in by-elections, we ought to recall that there are 48 impending petitions in court. Four by-elections have been disposed of, out of which NRM has won 1, DP 2 and FDC 1. The issues in Jinja are not unique to Jinja alone. Let me hope we do not become the infamous French Bourbon Monarchy that learnt nothing and forgot nothing.

Aisha Kabanda Nalule


Vice Chairperson NRM National Women’s League, Central Region

Salim Saleh’s plan to address the ‘Acholi question’ and problems in Northern Uganda

General Caleb akandwanaho salim saleh oriba (res)


  1. The Acholi question is, is it food security when the fighting stops or could food security stop the fighting.

Food Security means ensuring that all people have physical and economic access to the basic food they need to work and function normally. The right to food is the second most important human right after life. But in the Acholi region, the 17 year old Lords Resistance Army / Insurgency has affected peoples livelihood hence denying them the right to food. People have been forced to live in IDPs for fear of abduction and/or killings by the rebels.

This has left them no choice but to depend on donated food as and when the donors feel it necessary. Food security therefore is no longer a community responsibility as a normal in African culture but a gift from humanitarian agencies.

  1. Being agrarian community, food security is dependant on access to land, which unfortunately has been limited by insecurity and congestion within the camps hence raising the Acholi Question.
  2. According to H. Fritschel. Peace has broken out in a number of countries recently, raising hopes for establishing food security. But restoring food security after conflict can be complicated and dangerous. Whereas there is hardly any doubt that food security cannot arise under conflict conditions, it also follows that there can hardly be peace under food insecure conditions, A HUNGRY MAN IS AN ANGRY MAN.


  1. The aim of this paper is to examine an integrated solution to support food security in conflict areas. This will in turn build a momentum towards peaceful resolution of the conflict and development in the post conflict areas.


  1. Uganda has achieved remarkable economic and social achievements in the last fifteen years and is now ranked 146 out of 177 countries. This puts it ahead of Zimbabwe, Kenya, Nigeria, Senegal and Tanzania.
  1. In spite of the above-mentioned success, there are continued disparities in human well being especially in the Acholi sub region. This region is comprised of GULU, KITGUM AND PADER DISTRICTS. The estimated population is 1,048,207.
  1. Gulu district has an estimated population of 468,407, Kitgum has about 286,122 and Pader district has 293,679 people. It has been established that up to 87% of the population are displaced. An average camp is estimated to be one square mile with as many as 15,000 to 25,000 people. These are crammed in small huts with inadequate space and facilities.
  1. The appalling food insecurity has attracted both international and national strategies aimed at addressing the crisis. At the international level, the assistance is in the form of food aid and other services not related to food such as medicine, education and community activities.
  1. However, there is an acute shortage of basic facilities. There is dire need of a solution to the food insecurity situation that is not dependant on relief food delivered by NGOs and international UN agencies.
  1. The supply of food and other aid is not guaranteed because World Food Programme and other agencies are severely limited in their delivery of food and other humanitarian assistance by the high risk of attacks on road convoys. Travel on most roads is possible with armed escorts.
  1. The assistance to the IDPs is slow, poorly organized and to a great degree inefficient. The money allocated is badly distributed. Frequently the materials provided for purposes of relief are not adapted to the requirements of the people in the local conditions.
  1. In many cases those who come to the assistance of the sufferers lack the expert knowledge of the technique of relief work. The offerings made by the governments of the countries, which are safe to those affected, are in the nature of charitable donations, which tend to embarrass the givers and humiliate the recipients.
  1. Academics, consultants and specialists, journalists including conflict resolution experts who are never neutral mainly run the relief agencies. In relation to the on-going conflict relief assistance has an impact. The mere fact of keeping people alive in an internal conflict is political and deserves to be recognized as such. Perhaps the most common subversive impact of foreign relief programmes is that they invite favorable comparison with government’s own effort thus undermining the legitimacy of the government.
  1. Any established aid programme creates a local constituency to defend it. As programmes become entrenched they tend to become more conservative and as the donor agency invests more it becomes less willing to change even in obvious cases of wrong priorities. The agency or NGO most determined to get the highest media profile obtains most funds from governments and donors. In doing so it prioritizes the requirements for fundraising. It follows the TV camera, employs young women to appear in the field with graphic and emotive shots of starving kids and helpless women. Here the definition of what the problem is becomes political and bad blood starts flowing between the government and relief agencies.
  1. More importantly according to Alex da Wadl (Famine crimes), in a prolonged aid programme, cultural shifts occur in recipient communities. Aid donors increasingly come to define the problems and solutions to the recipient country and their dominant position in major policy debates undermines the country’s possibility to conduct its own domestic debates on the issues. The danger her is that national opinion formers may get over influenced by the perceptions and prescriptions of the donors’ role of aid and the charitable approach at the expense of local policy related and political solutions.
  1. The end result is that the recipient communities come to believe that solutions lie entirely in the hands of the aid agencies and not in their own actions. This level of demoralization and dependency is perhaps the most difficult obstacle to overcome in post conflict period. Some form of support in farming and other economic activities needs to be encouraged.

All this shows that when a government assumes that NGOs can plan and implement food security programmes for the people of the Acholi sub-region, it is assuming the impossible.

That is why the government has to realize that it needs to draw up and fulfill “a Social Economic Contract” to ensure food security for the people in the Acholi sub-region in spite of the conflict.

  1. If we go by the poverty eradication plan, it is clear that the link between security, good governance and development is well addressed. For example, first and foremost in an agriculturally dependent economy like Uganda, one cannot address economic growth in a sustainable manner without modernizing agriculture.

Secondly, good governance and security are crucial to agriculture. Any other intervention to increase the abilities of the poor to raise income and improving the quality of life is definitely correct. However, PEAP remains a broad plan. It does not focus on any specific target community such as that affected by conflict.

For that matter it remains largely within the general national and local government policy and extension services that are already crippled in the context of Acholi.


  1. In the 1990 the government tried to implement special programmes like the Northern Uganda Rehabilitation Programme NURP I. This programme would have compensated the damage caused by the insurgencies and cattle rustling. The aim was to restore basic social economic infrastructure as well as revive income-generating activities after what seemed like the end of the war. This effort was undermined by sporadic insecurity.

Furthermore, centralized procedures led to poor performance, inefficiency and resource wastages especially during procurement.

  1. Lack of ownership of the programmes among the people also impeded the full implementation of the intervention. NURP II was later conceived to compliment NURP I and sought to promote a transition from conflict to peace in the Acholi sub-region and Northern Uganda as a whole. It was also supposed to consolidate the gains if any achieved under NURP I.

NURP II was also supposed to avoid mistakes that caused NURP I to fail. Unfortunately this programme never delivered the expected results. In total about 150 million dollars was spent but to date one cannot point to any outcome of this colossal sum of money. If someone is over flying the area in question, the only evidence that this programme existed is abandoned modern school buildings scattered all over the place.

  1. Currently another programme is under way at an estimated cost of 93,000,000 US dollars. It is known as Northern Uganda Social Action Fund. Among other things it is supposed to carry out restocking and capacitate the youth to generate income. The programme is also supposed to address other factors caused by the bad performance of NURP 1and NURP II. Despite these interventions and resource flows, and food insecurity and poverty in this regime remains high. The intervention undertaken and the resource spent have failed to make any significant difference in peoples’ lives. So why have these enormous interventions failed to deliver food security?
  1. There can only be two reasons for failure to achieve the set targets of the programmes already mentioned. Either the gravity of the poverty problem in Acholi land is so deep that the interventions and resources spent so far are inadequate to make any significant difference to the lives of the people or the intervention undertaken by the government and its development partners and sect oral and district level are not appropriately designed and implemented to deliver services effectively in conflict situations.
  1. I tend to agree with the latter in that as a result of inadequate understanding and appreciation of the complexities of the Acholi conflict by implementers, policy makers and development partners, insufficient attention is paid to potential solutions to the local challenges. The breakdown of governance structures, low absorptive capacity and lack of accurate information abut the most appropriate ways of delivering food security may be contributory factors that slow down implementation of the interventions.

Also centralized procedures, top-down approach and sporadic insecurity created new needs and caused delays in the execution of the planned activities.

  1. Lastly the government has never considered food security as one of the items of strategic importance. That is why it was left entirely in the hands of the relief agencies and development partners. If government could realize the relationship between food security and insurgency then appropriate means would be availed to deal with it in a more logical, consistent and planned manner.


  1. The need for food security is a challenge that requires new tools and wider partnerships. As Prof. Asenath Sigot put it, unless communities, regions and local counterparts get convinced of the validity, importance and priority of concerning themselves with food security, then no amount of pushing will give rise to authentic let alone responses that are effective.

As for the Acholi question, I want us to look at the following calculations.

a)       The amount of money used in relief operations over the years including the said interventions. This is approximately 500,000,000 US$.

b)       Amount of land available for emergency production is over 2 million acres.

c)        The number of people displaced is approximately 200,000 families.

d)       If each family had been assisted to plough, plant and harvest 3 acres of land, the entire displaced population would have needed 600,000 acres of prepared and defended land.

e)        That would have cost government approximately US$150,000,000 and you cannot compare that with the US$500,000,000 already spent.

  1. From the above-mentioned calculations, I beg to conclude that food security could stop the fighting.


  1. It is recommended that local communities should be given the opportunity to prepare their own strategies for self-sufficiency in food security. An enabling environment will allow people in the communities to express their views on the issues. They will be capable of defining their needs and aspirations and formulating a plan for sustainable food security. To attain food security is a matter of responsible, informed behavior by individuals and groups. Responsible behavior is likely only when people have full control over their lives and access to resources they require. Strengthening self-reliance communities have to be empowered to act in their own interest in order to develop a strong sense of identity, mobilization of under-utilized skills and resources to liberate the emergency of community work, innovate and diversify their livelihood. Finally efficient use of human and material resources.
  1. Government should carry out a comprehensive cross-sect oral and integrated approach to food security in the Acholi region in particular and Uganda at large. This should involve a wider range of people in and out of government to develop food security action plans. Experts should be nationals of the country charged with the task to develop a checklist of priority actions that will provide guidelines for sustainable food security.
  1. The issue of land holding should be resolved
  1. The acholi people have been traumatized but should not be blind of the fact that it is they who could develop them selves.
  1. Gulu airport should be upgraded to an international standard.

Lt gen. Caleb akandwanaho salim saleh oriba (res) is a Senior command and staff college kimaka

Dec 2005.

  1. Gulu Food Security assessment: Understanding vulnerability in the Gulu context.
  2. Emergency food needs assessment report for Kitgum, Gulu and Pader districts – October 2003.
  3. Security and production programme May 2003.
  4. Farmer assisted agricultural programme.
  5. Conflict and hunger research report – prepared by the Office of the Prime Minister.
  6. Past conflict reconstruction. Ministry of Finance. THE case of Northern Uganda.
  7. Food Security in Sub-Saharan Africa. The role of government and NGO by Prof. Assenath Sigot.
  8. Our task: The question of security and governance by George Kent.
  9. Famine Crimes by Alex de Waal.
  10. Interventions and sanctions by Sir W R Harcout in 1843.


Monday 13 February, 2012

Rt. Hon. Rebecca Kadaga,

The Speaker,

Parliament of Uganda,



 Reference is made to my petition to you dated 25 January, 2012, regarding the “Nodding disease” that has afflicted children in Northern Uganda.

I would have been overjoyed when I read in The New Vision of Friday 10 February, 2012, that the Minister of State for Health, Hon. Richard Nduhura reported to parliament that Govt had completed a Ushs 7B plan to manage the disease and that this plan had already been shared with development partners and members of the Acholi Parliamentary Group, had it not been for the following glaring contradictions:

  • The New Vision of 25 January reported Dr Antony Mbonye, the Director of Medical Services in the Ministry of Health to have said that 200 children had been reported dead from Nodding disease and 3,000 suffering from it. He was further quoted to have said that Tumangu Sub County in Kitgum District had a Nodding disease case in each household and that the disease was fast spreading to Lango. He is reported to have lamented that all this information had been reported to “those people (presumably the Ministry officials), but they are busy with other things…”. In the same newspaper report, Dr Achieng, the DMO of Kitgum District had no information that a plan to manage the disease was being put together.

Madam Speaker, is it possible that the Ministry of Health put together a Ushs 7B plan without the participation and knowledge of the Director of Medical Services & DMO? If not, then the plan started after 25 January and by 9 February, it had been long completed and even shared with development partners! Is that feasible?

  • If the disease management plan included Acholi MPs, how come Hon Beatrice Anywar, area MP of the most affected district was not aware of this, when she raised the matter in Parliament on 6 February 2012, and threatened to ferry some of the affected kids, as exhibits to Mulago Hospital?
  • How much research was carried out in order to arrive at Ushs 7B?

  • For a Ushs 7B plan, the minister’s statement was very brief, depicting a person with no information to give! We would have been happier with even scanty information about the plan than just the money. The minister’s report should have contained a general breakdown of how the money is going to be used, what so far, has been done in terms of research,  demarcation of hotspots and comfort to be given to afflicted families. We need to know whether field hospitals will be set up in the hotspots and will there be long term support for the victims/patients. We need to know when the “plan” is supposed to begin, the development partners’ initial reaction to the plan and a plan B in case they do not respond positively to the Ministry’s request. We need to know about emergency, short, mid and long-term plans.


Madam Speaker, I do not find the minister’s statement credible or convincing and the country already smells a Global Fund / GAVI-like scandal in the making, which we must not allow.

I therefore petition parliament, in the spirit of transparency, to order the Ministry of Health to immediately table before parliament, and get published in the media, the very plan that Hon. Nduhura claims to have ready – short of which, we need, immediately, a detailed , SMART (specific, measurable, achievable, realistic and time bound) work plan, complete with responsibility centers, monitoring programs, expected outputs and timelines.

I shall be grateful for your prompt attention.





Beti Olive Namisango Kamya


Uganda Federal Allaince


Cooperative Economics by General Salim Saleh

Promoting Rural Development beyond Micro Finance.

Achieving Rural development through re-establishment of Cooperatives in Uganda

General Caleb Akandwanaho salim saleh oriba (rtg)


The Potential of Cooperatives in Bona Bagagawale


Co-operatives are unique to the extent that they represent a consolidation of different activities, which extend from agriculture production to processing, distribution and marketing. Although the Unions have gone through a negative development phase, their structure, philosophy and physical presence in rural areas make them a viable entity for the modernization of agriculture in Uganda.

Establishing partnerships between Co-operatives Unions and Private sector will create the synergy required for strategic planning and marketing of agriculture products. Modern management and strict adherence to Co-operative democratic and philosophical principles will ensure that the wealth generated from modernization of agriculture will be distributed in a manner allowing poverty eradication amongst the peasant. Due to the rules of market forces, production of agriculture products will be optimized and geared towards both domestic and international markets ensuring profitability, viability and sustainability of the Agriculture sector.

By collectivizing production, combining it with modern management strengthened by information systems for monitoring and decision making processes, the Unions will prove to be cost effective, have a wide spread and penetration while at the same time ensure that the implementation of modernization of agriculture has a peasant focused approach.

Collectivizing production will also contribute to solving the intricate problem of land. As the majority of farmers in Uganda are small holders where the land cultivated on is just about an average of 2 Ha. With cooperatives, the scale of farming operations will be increased substantially by pooling of resources; in farm cooperatives that will offer facilities that otherwise would be inaccessible to peasant. The resources mentioned include distribution of high yield seed, tractor hire services, supply of agriculture chemicals and other agricultural inputs that can be procured in bulk and distributed through the society system at affordable prices.

The Co-operative Unions through their extensive network of member societies will also be able to avail facilities directly to peasants in areas that are outside the immediate sphere of agriculture, such as Micro-finance and education in modern agricultural practices, where the positive effects of modern cultivation are highlighted.

Marketing of agriculture products is another aspect of economic management where the Co-operatives can play a major role. Collectivizing marketing of the increased production will eliminate the need for middlemen and sale of bigger volumes will give greater bargaining power leading to better terms of sale for agriculture products.

A recurrent problem faced by peasant farmers is the distribution of their income throughout the year, at the time of harvest they are in need to sale of their crop expediently so as to cover credits and pay for immediate requirements, after which they need to wait for the next harvest. The unions by establishing Micro Credit facilities will assist to increasing savings and provide credit at times when it is required, this will also cover expenditure not directly linked to agriculture, such as school feed. By buffering demand for expenditure the farmers will be able to plan their lives in a meaningful manner increasing the quality of life.

The prevailing situation where the peasant is forced to sell his crop as soon as it is harvested can be solved through Union participation. A system similar to the American model where the Commodity Credit Corporation establishes a support price (that takes into consideration production costs) at which they guarantee to procure identified agriculture products or “redeem” it in cash if the market price is higher. The Unions can establish a similar scheme. Agriculture products accumulated in bulk allow more cost effective distribution that will lead to better prices realization in regional and International markets. Upon sell of the product the peasant would benefit from any additional profit by way of dividend paid out in accordance to the Co-operative principles.

Cooperatives therefore clearly have demonstrated potential for bringing about real growth among farmers.

So far in this paper, we have elaborated the plight of the agricultural sector particularly as regards the slow off take of its modernization as well as the sorry state of its mostly rural peasant population. We have also highlighted the past achievements of cooperatives, their future potential and role they could play in realizing the ambitions laid out in the PMA by accelerating modernization of agriculture and the development of the agro-processing and marketing industry.

Now we turn to how to our plan of funding cooperatives through the new Ministry of Micro Finance as the means for delivering the Bona Bagagawale promise.

But before we do that, it is important to first examine what led to the collapse of the cooperatives



Political instability

Political instability experienced in the past between 1978 and 1985 in Uganda culminated into unprecedented war losses and damages form, which the Co-operative Unions have not recovered. Vehicles were burnt or looted, buildings destroyed and machinery lost. For instance, Banyankore Kweterena Cooperative Union lost coffee stocks in 1979. The losses contributed to the decline of operations. Political turmoil could not allow for smooth operations of the Unions hence creating gradual decline in the operations, which caused reduction of income, and in effect loss of working capital.

Government interference


The decline of the Co-operatives became more visible in the mid 1970s. Government interference

In the running of the Co-operative Movement affected the operations of the unions. Government leaders gave the co-operative institutions tasks to perform, mostly of political mobilization in nature, without giving them commensurate resources. Bad governance on the part of the subsequent Governments in the late 70s and early 80s worsened the situation. The unions were encouraged to borrow heavily if some government officials benefited from the “deal”. Individuals close to Government were given lucrative employment in employment in the unions. This led to the decline in professionalism and as result incompetence in management. Adverse government policies like the declaration of “economic war’ that had a negative impact on every sector of the economy had similar impact on the unions.


The majority of the members of the unions were illiterate. The unions’ Board of Directors failed to set up machinery for proper supervision and control like setting targets, timely and appropriate submission of reports detailing their organizations’ vision and plan. Therefore the educated officials of the societies and the unions took advantage of the members’ illiteracy resulting into inadequate exercise of members’ rights and obligations. Due to embezzlement members stopped receiving their dividends. As a result the co-operative membership lost confidences in the efficacy of co-operative enterprises. It was also apparent that the traditional co-operative way of raising capital – from members – had been rarely pursued diligently and continuously. As a result member investment in co-operatives had not kept pace with their growth; in some instances it was impossible that member investment would meet the necessary capital demands. The unions experimented with their capital structure (assets) as collateral for finance. The question that inevitably resulted was continued mismanagement of new capital alternatives thus undermining membership control structures and accumulation of debts.

Liberalization of the economy


The 90’s witnessed the dramatic expansion of the market economy; traditional barriers in trade were significantly reduced and this threatened the economic framework within which the unions had functioned for decades. Take the Coffee Co-operative Unions as an example. The unions had in the past received crop finance from the Coffee Marketing Board (CMB). They were not faced with a competitive private sector since CMB determined local procurement prices for every season and solely handled the marketing and exporting of coffee in the entire nation. With the liberalization of the economy, other private companies joined the coffee trading sector. Today coffee growers sell their coffee directly to the private companies who process and export it. CMB was not able to compete favorably. UNEX was therefore created to assist the co-operative Unions in exportation of their coffee. The unions were however unable to continue operating due to lack of working capital, mismanagement, and high operating costs.

Excessive borrowing and over capitalization

Acquisition of excessive assets like machinery and vehicles led to over capitalization. Unions ventured into unviable operations and as a consequence incurred unnecessary costs. They borrowed funds to finance these declining operations and because they lacked experience and appropriate technology, big losses were incurred resulting in the failure to service the loans. Moreover they under-utilized their potential (excessive capacity in capital assets)

Cost of Capital

Interest rates on borrowed capital ranged from 25%-30%, (1996-98). This is quite high in view of the profit margins on coffee. Today the unions are indebted with minimal operations and are /were threatened to be stripped of their assets.

So what are we exactly proposing?


Two things:

i) The first thing is to improve the governance of the cooperatives in a liberalized economy so that it can be applied more relevantly.

ii) The second is to quantify the remaining assets of the unions and match them up with the current strategy of MAAIF as well as the PMA’s demarcated agricultural zones.

And then.

  • Development of a multi-sectoral plan of how to best work with the cooperative movement with the department of Micro-finance to finance the re activation of the unions and we should also examine the industrial sites formerly owned by the cooperatives and use them as transformation centers.
  • Development of guidelines for operation and law guiding the formation and operation of cooperative unions including listing of government’s recommended areas for operation and formation unions;
  • Develop and embark on a massive public sensitization awareness campaign of the ministry position, plan and strategy to work with cooperatives, how this will benefit the people and what they need to do to benefit.
  • Put up start up funding for the re-registration of old cooperatives, and the registration of new ones;
  • Fund mobilization of members and technical support to develop strategic plans, market focus, budgets and members training programme;
  • Mobilize support for training of members by lobbying relevant government agencies including funding specific services to be procured from the private sector;
  • Provide loans for start up operations and continued mobilization and provision of TA;
  • Mobilize for and develop rural financial markets;
  • Focus further funding on activities aimed at the developing of markets and the promised increased agriculture production will explode.  BOOOM.

Annexed here below for necessary reference, is an inventory and contacts of existing cooperatives assets in the country.

Annex 1 Inventory of existing Cooperative assets in Uganda


Name of the Cooperative Union


Type of Intervention Required

Contact Person

1. Uganda Co-operative Alliance Ltd. Area of operation: country wideHead Office: Plot 47/49 Nkrumah Road

Main activity:

As an apex society, to promote the interests of the cooperative movements by making representation to the government on matters of policy.

in addition, UCA performs the following activities:

  • Representation
  • Publicity and information
  • Education and training

Physical Assets:

A number of assets including a commercial building on Nkrumah road, residential houses and a printing press.

Development partners:

  • Swedish cooperative centre
  • Canadian cooperative association
  • Norwegian society for development



The union is fully compliant with the statutory provisions relating to cooperative societies good governance.

Turn over: UGX 800,000,000

Membership: thirteen unions and over 259 primary societies.


  • Continued political support for the cooperative ideals.
  • Financial resources for increased coverage of the cooperative Programmes
  • Support towards the international cooperative day
Mr. Leonard MsemakweliGeneral Secretary

Tel: 041-258898

Fax: 041-258556

Email: ucainfocen@uca.co.ug

2. The Uganda Cooperative Transport Union Area of operation:CountrywideHead office: plot no. 41 Kawempe, Bombo Road

Main activity: Haulage

Physical Assets:

Development partners:


Turn over:


  • Facilitation to replenish fleet through government guarantees
  • Relieve the VAT burden
  • Support to access grants from development partners such as the Swedish cooperative centre, the UNDP
  • Assistance to secure government haulage contracts
  • Support during the international bidding for business
  • Harmonization of border fees
  • Clarification on the status of UGX 3,017,761,325 Islamic Development Bank (IDB), Long Term Loan
Mr. Naboth NuwagiraGeneral Manager

P.O Box 5486 K’la

Tel: 567506/27

Fax: 567506

Email: uctultd@infocom.co.ug

3. The Uganda Cooperative Savings and Credit Union Area of operation:countrywideHead office: plot 2C, 2nd floor, rainbow arcade building, K’la Road

Main activity: As a specialized union for the savings and credit cooperatives it:

  1. promotes the savings and credit movement
  2. conducts education and training programs for the saving and credit cooperatives
  3. advocates for the SACCOs

Physical Assets: Building at Maganjo

Development partners: MOP, RFSP, Suffice, WOCCU, DFID/FSDU and CCA

Management: fully constituted

Turnover: > 62,000,000/=

Membership: > 300

  • Strengthening the legislation for the SACCOs
  • Enforcing of prudential  standards on the savings and credit cooperatives
  • Ensuring fair competition in the sector
  • Harmonizing the SACCO programs
  • Strengthening the internal capacity of UCSCU
  • Support to meet operational costs : rent, salaries etc
  • Support to open and run regional offices
Mr. Wilson Kabandageneral secretary

Uganda cooperative savings and credit union

P.O.Box 6203 K’la

Tel: 233601

Fax : 233598

Email : ucscu@africaonline.co.ug

4.  Nyakatonzi Growers Cooperative Union Ltd. Area of operation: Kasese DistrictHead office: Kasese town

Main activity: promotes cotton growing, value addition and marketing

Physical Assets:

Ginnery at Kasese

Two coffee factories

Oil mill

Development partners: CDO

Management: fully constituted

Turn over: > 6,659,000,000

Membership: > 60


  • Availing crop finance
Mr. Bwambale Adam0772-486575
5. Lango Cooperative Union Ltd. Area of operation:Lira, Dokoro, Apac districtHead office: Lira

Main activity: promotes cotton growing, value addition and marketing.

Export of simsim

Maize milling

Physical Assets:

A ginnery

Development partners: CDO

Management: fully constituted

Turn over: > 2,704,000,000/=

Membership: > 102


  • Support the implementation of northern Uganda Eco-organic program.
  • Streamline cotton seed distribution to the farmers
  • Availing crop finance
Mr. Patrick Oryangsecretary manager

P.O Box 59

Tel: 0437-20079



6. Bugisu Cooperative Union Area of operation:Mbale, SironkoHead office: 46 Paliisa Road, Mbale

Main activity: Arabica coffee marketing

Physical Assets:

  • Real estates
  • Gibuzaale farm
  • Coffee mill

Development partners: n.e.s

Management: fully constituted

Turnover:  n.e.s

Membership: > 157

  • Very urgent settlement of debts in order to salvage the union assets.
  • Availing crop finance


Mr. Samuel Wamuntugeneral manager

P.O Box private bag Mbale

Tel: 045-33565


Fax: 045-33565

7. Bunyoro Growers Cooperative Union Ltd. Area of operation:Masindi and Hoima districtsHead office: Masindi toen council

Main activities: promotes cotton growing , value addition and marketing

Physical Assets:

  • Ginnery at Masindi
  • Coffee factory at Hoima
  • Cattle ranch at Nyakana
  • Mavnini workshop and a garage at Masindi
  • A ranch

Development partners: n.e.s

Turnover: n.e.s

Membership: 40

  • Support the implementation of the unions ten year strategic business plan (2006-2015)
  • Promoting the cooperative movement in the region
  • Streamlining agricultural inputs distribution especially seeds/planting materials and pesticides
  • Availing crop financing
  • Supporting aloe vera production
  • Restocking and equipping the union ranch
mr. P.K Kasangakichairman

P.O Box 1 Masindi

Tel: 046520027


8.  West Acholi Cooperative Union Ltd. Area of Operation:Gulu districtHead office: Gulu municipality

Main activity: Promotes cotton growing and marketing.

In addition runs a metal fabrication workshop

Physical Assets:

  • Ginnery
  • Buildings in gulu municipality

Development partners: n.e.s

Turnover: n.e.s

Membership: 50

  • Funding the development of the farmers resource centre
  • Provision of more tractors to the union to strengthening the tractor scheme
  • Supporting the various projects of the union including the,
  • Conventional cotton production project,
  • Organic cotton project
  • Oilseed project
  • Business development
Mr. Oketch Johnson
Secretary ManagerP.O Box 225 Gulu


9. East Acholi Cooperative Union Area of operation:Kitgum and Pader DistrictsHead office: Kitgum Municipality

Main activity: Cotton marketing and ginning

physical assets:

  • Two ginneries
  • Obsolete tractors

Development partners: n.e.s

Turnover: n.e.s

Membership: 60

  • Rehabilitation of the Paranga ginnery
  • Rehabilitation of the Buruzi Mixed Farm
  • Provision of crop finance
  • Business development
Mr. Ocire GeorgeAg. secretary Manager

P.O Box 112 Kitgum

Tel: 0772-559909



10. Kigezi Growers Cooperative Union Ltd. Area of operation:Rukungiri, Kanungu and Kabale districtsHead office: Rukungiri town

Main activity: Coffee marketing Processing

Physical Assets:

Petrol station and building in Rukungiri town

Development Partners: n.e.s

Turnover: n.e.s

Membership: 30

  • Provision of working capital generally and crop finance in particular
The secretary manager, Rwamasha
11. South Bukedi Co-operative union Ltd. Area of operation: Tororo and Busia DistrictsHead office:  Tororo Town

Main activity:   Cotton Marketing and Ginning

Physical Assets:   Building

Membership:  145

Mr.Steven SwagaSecretary Manager
12. Teso Co-operative  Union Ltd. Area of operation:  Kumi, Soroti, Katakwi and Kaberamaido DistrictsHead Office: Soroti Municipality

Main Activity:  Marketing, Ginning of Cotton.

In addition: Hospitality services in Soroti Municipality

Physical Assets:  Two ginneries

Membership:  102


  • Provision of working capital generally and crop finance in particular
13. Masaba Co-operative Union Ltd Area of Operation:  Mbale and Sironko DistrictsHead office:   Mbale D=Municipality

Main Activity:  Cotton Marketing and Ginning

Physical assets:  A defunct Ginnery in Sironko, a building in Mbale municipality andland at Lwakhakha

Membership:  51


  • Provision of working capital generally and crop finance in particular
14. Sebei Elgon Co-operative Union Ltd. Area of operation:   Kapchorwa DistrictHead office:  Kapchorwa Town

Main Activity:  marketing and processing coffee.   In addition marketing and milling of maize and grows wheat

Physical Assets:  A coffee factory, maize mill, kabyoyou farm plus tractors and a combined harvester.

Membership:  30


  • Provision of working capital generally and crop finance in particular
15. North Bukedi Co-operative Union Ltd. Area of operation:  Pallisa DistrictHead office:  Kibuuku

Main Activity:  Marketing and Ginning of Cotton

Physical assets:  A building in Mbale Municipality, a ginnery at Kabole and a Lorry

Membership:  18

Mr. OkboiManager


16. Masaka Co-operative Union ltd Area of Operation:  Masaka, Ssembabule, Rakai and Kalangala Districts.Head office:  Masaka Municipality Council

Main Activity:  Previously the Marketing and processing coffee.  However has been dormant for over 5 years and now trying to revive.

Other Activities:  Tea  growing, Pineapple growing

Assets:  Coffee factories all but one was mortgaged and banks are holding on to them.

Membership:  over 200


  • Provision of working capital generally and crop finance in particular
Mr. Ssenyonga The Secretary manager
17. East mengo Growers Co-operative Union Ltd. Area of Operation:  Mukono, Kayunga and Luwero DistrictsHead Office:  Plot 658 Natete

Main Activity:  Marketing and processing coffee, marketing and Ginning Cotton, Ranch pineapples and banana Farms

Membership: 100

  • Compensation for war losses
  • Assistance in acquiring fruits processing machinery from India
  • Crop finance to kick start produces buying
Mr. Joseph Semwogerere Secretary Manager0752 612481
18. Busoga Growers Cooperative Union Area of Operation:Jinja, Kamuli, Iganga, Bujiri and Mayuge districtsHead office: Bulumba Ginnery

Main activity: Dormant

Assets: Bulumba ginnery, Kiyunga coffee factory and a few buildings in Jinja municipality

Membership: over three hundred

  • Provision of working capital generally and crop finance in particular
Mr. Fred KyandaChairman


19. West Mengo Growers Cooperative Union Ltd. Area of Operation:Wakiso and Mpigi districtsHead office: Kawempe

Main activity: Processing coffee, Kidumule and Kibibi and hires out warehouses

Assets: Coffee factories at Kawempe, a ranch and buildings at kawempe and Katwe.

Membership: 270 member societies

  • Provision of working capital generally and crop finance in particular
Mr. MuwanguziSecretary Manager


20. Wamala Growers Cooperative Union Ltd. Area of operation: Mubende districtHead office: Mityana town council

Main activity: Coffee production, processing and marketing, transport, cattle breeding and ranching.

Assets: 3 coffe factories, buildings in Mityana, training centre, a restaurant and lodge.

Membership: 35 and above member


  • War debts compensation
  • Support in cotton ginning, vegetable oil processing
  • Crop finance
Mr. Herbert Kizza KizitoGeneral Manager

P.O Box 99 Mityana

Tel: 2036/2047

21. West Nile Cooperative Union Ltd. Area of operation:Arua, Nebbi, Koboko and Moyo DistrictsHead office: Wandi town in Arua District

Main activity: Tobacco and non-traditional cash crops like maize, beans and simsim

Membership: Over 20 active members

  • Provision of working capital
Mr. John DawaSecretary

P.O Box 387

Tel: 0772-991306



22. South West Nile Cooperative Union Ltd. Area of Operation: Nebbi districtHead Office: Pakwach town council

Main activity: Formerly cotton marketing and ginnig

Assets: owns farmer’s house in pakwach

Membership: over 70 member societies

  • In need of working capital
  • Debt waiver or pardon
  • Development of a business plan
Mr. Upakrwoth PhilipSecretary manager

P.O Box 33 Pakwach

Tel: 258778

Fax: 254495


23. Buruli Cooperative Union Ltd. Area of Operation:Nakasongola DistrictHead Office: Nakasongola town

Main activity: previously cotton ginning and marketing

Assets: Ranch in Migyera and buildings in Nakasongola town

Membership: 12

  • Need working capital
C/o DCONakasongola
24. Okoro Coffee Growers Cooperative Union Ltd. Area of operation:Okoro county in Nebbi districtHead office: Paidha district

Main activity: Coffee marketing and processing

Assets: A coffee factory

Membership: Over 20

  • Securing partners for the coffee business
  • Need working capital
Mr. Victor Jawotho0772-560195
25. Madi Cooperative Union Ltd. Area of operation:Adjumani and Moyo districtsHead office: Adjumani town

Main activity: was cotton marketing and ginning

Membership: Over 30 members

  • Provision of working capital generally and crop finance in particular
The ChairmanP.O Box 52


26. Middle North Tobacco Cooperative Union Ltd. Area of Operation:Gulu, Pader, Kitgum, Lira, Adjumani and Moyo DistrictsHead office: Gulu Municipality

Main activity: Was tobacco growing and marketing

Membership: Over 30 members


  • Provision of working capital generally and crop finance in particular
The Secretary managerP.O Box 186
27. Central West Nile Cooperative Union Ltd. Area of operation:Arua and Koboko DistrictsHead office: –

Main activity: Previously cotton ginning and marketing

Membership: Over 50

  • Provision of working capital generally and crop finance in particular
the secretary managerP.O Box 33


28. Banyankole Kweterana Cooperative Union Ltd. Area of operation:Mbarara, Bushenyi and Ntungamo, Ishingiro, KiruhuraHead Office:

Main activity: Previously coffee processing and marketing

Membership: Over 400 member societies

  • War losses compensation
  • working capital
29 Kigezi Cooperative Union ltd Area of operation:Kabale and Kisoro Districts.Head office: Kabale Town

Main  activity: Vegetable growing, Irish potatoes growing

Assets: Farm supplies shop, maize mill

Membership: 20

  • Provision of crop finance
  • Assistance to recover defaulted crop finance
  • Technical assistance to prepare a strategic business plan
The secretary managerKigezi Cooperative Union Ltd.

P.O Box 195


30. Kakuniro Growers Cooperative Union Ltd. Area of Operation:Kibaale districtHead office: Kakumiro town

Mani business:  Previously for coffee and cotton processing. Maize milling for the public, milling coffee for private buyers

Physical Assets: A coffee factory and a building in Kakumiro

Membership: Over 30 societies

  • War losses compensation
  • Working capital
Mr. C. NsubugaSecretary Manager
31. South Kigulu Cooperative Savings and Credit Union Ltd. Area of Operation:Iganga, Mayuge districtsHead office: Iganga town

Main activity: Financial services

Membership: 95 active members

  • Provision of working capital generally and finance for wholesaling to SACCOS
32. Bushenyi Dairy Cooperative Union Ltd. Area of Operation:Bushenyi districtHead office: Bushenyi town council

Main activity: Dairy and dairy products

Membership: Over 10 member societies

  • Provision of working capital generally and crop finance and facilities for milk processing and packaging in particular
33. Ntungamo Dairy Cooperative Union Ltd. Area of Operation: Ntungamo districtHead office: Ntungamo town

Main activity: Dairy and dairy products

Membership: Over 10 member societies

  • Provision of working capital generally and crop finance in particular
34. Kabale Dairy Cooperative Union Ltd. Area of Operation:Kabale and Kisoro districtsHead office: Kabale town

Main activity: Dairy and dairy products

Membership: 3 member societies

  • Provision of working capital generally and crop finance in particular

The financing requirements for crop finance for these unions is approx. 30 billion shs.

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