May 2012

Month May 2012

M7 will stand in 2016 elections- Katerega

Sovereignty is vested in the people. So long as they vote for Museveni, he will remain until he clocks 75. So he will not be eligible in 2021. As for Rebeca Kadaga, Janet Museveni, Gilbert Bkenya ,Amama Mbabazi and others, their popularity depends on Museveni’s popularity. If he sacks or cause the fall of any of them, that may mark end of their political career.

Secondly, it is not wise, to create an empire within an empire inside NRM camp. Some people want to become “Jesus”, threw way truth and life, where nobody will reach God without passing through them. But for us Muslims, we communicate directly with God without an intermediary. l think NRM should stick to the Islamic line, in order to avoid an empire within an empire. It reminds us prior to 1966 crisis of a state within a state.

Imperial presidency stopped in Uganda on Sunday October 8th 1995 when a new constitution was promulgated. In fact, the former Prime Minister Apolo Nsibambi warned of a catastrophe of a parliamentary dictatorship in which we are. So don’t dream so much for becoming President overnight. But if the opposition is well organized it can share parliament with the ruling party next time. It can do the same with Local Government Councils, then the rest will be history.

If the opposition is less that one third now, but collaborates with the independents and the disgruntled movementists, and cause government to sneeze, how would it if it had at least a third of the parliament and local government councils? If opposition had a half of parliament and local government councils, even Besigye would have benefited from his dream of power sharing with Museveni, he should not die before realizing.

In a republican setting, there is no succession politics. They talk about the late Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere;s anointing his own successor in Tanzania in 1985. That was during a one party dictatorship which was almost a monarchy. But under a multi party democracy one cannot anoint his or her successor to the people. Uganda is a republic and it will remain a republic and the good thing with 1995 constitution, the President is directly elected not through an Electoral College, like that of United States.

How many people the President anointed during the Movement system and were rejected? They were many in Kampala and Mbarara, but the people voted otherwise. There popular participation in NRM and people should stand for offices and if they win, then they will be supported by the party. It will be wrong for the President to repeat past mistakes of showing interest in some candidates at the expense of others when they are all Movementists. We should however restore presidential term limits because Museveni was excpetional in respect of his credentials as a founding father of post independence Uganda.

From what l read in Sunday Monotor, two weeks ago (l did not watch the NTV interview), there is no doubt that President Museveni will seek another term in 2016. In the actual fact he was assuring us that after 2021, he will not seek another term since he will be above 75 and the constitution does not allow. He also said that probably there is something scientific that after 75 years of age , one should retire. Whether Speaker Rebecca Alitwala Kadaga stands as an independent, inside NRM camp and probably outside it, President Museveni is “Nyini kakomo.” Once he takes it, you just weather away politically. We saw the late Dr. Samson Kisekka. When he doubled as Vice President and Defence Minister, he gave Mmengo officials permission to hold rallies and advocate for federalism. But his IGP Cossy Odomel had declined to do so. The former NRM Second Vice Chairperson and External Coordinator, was sacked on an official trip in South Africa and that marked his political end.

Honorary Brig. Eriya Kategaya, was a defacto No. 2 in NRM , and doubled as First Deputy Premier and National Political Commissar. When he crossed to Reform Agenda, and returned, he will never be the same. You now see a man in parliament who is just after his salary, vehicle and fuel. But his contribution to the liberation struggle may be almost compared to that of Mzee Museveni since the Mwesigwas and Rwaheru died in battle.

Former Vice President Specioza Naigaga Wandira Kazibwe. She was the most powerful woman in Uganda as VP and Gender Minister and later Agriculture Minister. Kategaya and company wanted her to double as Vice Chairperson of NRM so that Al Haji Moses Kigongo is kicked out. She is no more politically.

Remember Mzee Kintu Musoke. He was a political heavyweight in Buganda and Uganda before NRM came in. Remember Paulo Muwanga’s SAPOBA Group. He lost the post of Prime Minister. Where is he? Senior Presidential Advisor, just like Mzee Kisekka. Kintu Musoke is lucky that as a founder President of UJA, he still has some role to do with media.

Then my professor, Gilbert Baalibaseka Bukenya. He is now an ordinary MP since he miscalculated by not holding his position as Buganda NRM Chairperson which was taken by Haji Abdu Nadduli. So whether it is Vice President, my fellow Munnabuddu Edward Kiwanuka Ssekandi, or Speaker Rebecca ALitwala Kadaga, or even Prime Minister John Patrick Amama Mbabazi, or any other person, the moment Museveni sacks any of them or causes his or her removal, that will mark his or her political end.

But there are those he demoted and sacked and became a problem. The most outstanding are Col Dr. Kizza Besigye, Eng. Winnie Byanyima and Maj. Gen. Mugisha Muntu. But he has been competing with them and has been defeating them.

So any person who wants to succeed Museveni whether now, 2016 or 2021, must remain loyal to the man. Museveni is not an angel. l am personally perturbed by his narrow catchment area in terms of political and other appointments. This is due to his inner circle which may be narrow minded. But even then, he remains the most popular and the most powerful person in Uganda inside and outside NRM camp and therefore “Nyini kakomo.”

l know our leaders don’t want advice that is contrary to what they want to hear, they don’t want criticism be positive and constructive or negative, but l have told them my mind, moreover l shall remain nothing but a journalist.

My friend Capt. Mike Mukula( we worked with him and with Nusura Tiperu during 2001) elections mobilizing in and around Kampala including Wakiso, and we did the same during kisanja in 2004-2005) under UJA) is a popular man inside and outside NRM. I remember his fans demonstrated in his defense over arrest for a corruption scandal. This was because he used to share with them. But Mukula is not near in line of succession. The research results
showed as Museveni, Kadaga, Janet Bukenya, Mbabazi etc… inside NRM and Mukula is aware of that. President Museveni is not only “nyini kakomo” but also the owner of “tadooba” (l know Prof. Bukenya, leads an anti-tadooba campaign). He is the one who lights and unlights it. So all those presidential ambitious men and women are like “tadooba” and the President is its owner.

Al Haji Abdu Nadduli is the Chairperson NRM Buganda Regional Chairperson, in his capacity as Vice Chaiperson NRM in charge of Central Region. Secretary is Kalule Seongo, for CM, RDC and MP. Treasurer is Rosemary Namayanja, now Minister of State in charge of Luwero Triangle. Mobiliser is Mamerito Mugerwa, Chairperson of Kira Twon Council. Research is Mutebi Kityo, former MP Mawokota South Youth is Sebina Ssekitooleko, NRM Publicity Secretary, Luwero District. There is also Haji Sulaiman Walusimbi, Poverty Alleviation Programme’s PRO, State House.

We have sub regional chaipersons; East Buganda is Ediriisa Mayanja Njuki, former Idi Amin’s Press Secretary . West Buganda is Ndawula Kaweesi, former MP South Buganda is Vincent Kityamuweesi Musubire, Deputy PPS to Vice President. South West Buganda is Ahmed Kateregga Musaazi (in acting capacity). North Buganda is Sempala Kigozi and
Central Buganda is Haji Muhammad Kabanda, former Defrnce Secretary greater RC V Mpigi. There are members of those sub regional teams including all NRM District chairpersons in Buganda apart from Kampala which is a special area.

During Obote ll days, there were a lot of patriotic songs on Radio Uganda ( l commend Obote ll regime for that even Amn’s which excelled in propaganda, did not fare well in that area). One of them ( and l know all of them) went as:’’ l love Uganda; My county Uganda; The Pearl of Africa; Shall rise and shine again. That was the first stanza. The second stanza was calling upon people to come and build Uganda. You people, am calling you upon to come and build Uganda.’’


Where is Norbert Mao of the DP?

Where is Norbert Mao

From the outset, one is likely to think that this is an attack on Norbert Mao who is the Democratic Party (DP) leader of Uganda. However, this is far from it. But as any concerned member of the Democratic Party, I would like to express my worries over what I see as a weak leader in Norbert Mao. The party has no official complaints route for anyone like me in China to comment or express myself. Hence I have used the mainstream media.

Many Ugandans especially democrats were very excited at the election of Norbert Mao on 20/2/2010 as the president of the oldest political party in Uganda – the Democratic Party. He represented the new generation of young leaders in Uganda who were born after independence and now taking on Museveni. This added advantage meant that people like Mao do not have the political baggage and scandals of the post colonial era such as the Museveni’s of today and therefore would appeal to lots of voters/supporters. In essence, Mao’s presidency was expected to make Museveni look like a very old man that needs to retire after all he is being opposed by his grand children. Many Ugandans were excited and could not wait for the new DP to emerge. The new DP I refer to is one which is very hardworking, cohesive, consulting, communicating and articulating its aims and objectives, as well as one that is in touch with the locals on the ground. But to my surprise, Norbert has so far been a disappointment to the party already and to all the neutrals that would have probably joined the DP. Its 2 years since he was elected and there’s nothing one can show that this what Mao as a leader has archived so far.

For one to understand my concerns, one has to look at the measures used to determine whether a political party is growing or declining. I will point out that I will not divulge into figures or statistics as my ability to access credible data is limited. Therefore, I will base my arguments on my understanding of politics, assumptions as well as what we see in the media or hear from those around Mao and his rivals.

Firstly, progressive political parties build and hold onto their grassroots support. One would expect the DP under Mao to be re-building strong bases at the grass roots level but this is not happening. I have not seen or heard Mao and his executive in villages consulting and building or empowering these people but only during the elections. Yet the DP would probably find it the easiest to mobilise people since its values are very close to people’s hearts and it has no history of engaging in killings. The DP has always been fighting for people’s rights and its motto ‘Truth and Justice’ speaks for itself. In addition, the majority of its members or supporters are young people who are energetic and very disappointed by this regime yet they have many aspirations. So what reasons can Mao put forward for failing to mobilise and organise the grass roots supporters against this tired regime? If Mao was already combing the villages, surely the media in Uganda would have reported this and many of us who are now concerned would be either quiet and/or applauding him.

Secondly, progressive political parties unite under agreed values but Mao has failed to unite the DP. For the two years he has been in office, he has failed to reconcile the DP young leaders who connect very well with the voters. These are Ms Betty Nambooze, Mathius Mpuuga, Medard Ssegona and Erias Lukwago, among others. Why has Mao failed to bring these people on board yet they seem to have a lot in common such as attending the same university – not to mention being in the same age group with him? The mentioned above politicians do not have to be in Mao’s executive to rally behind him but surely he has failed to co-opt them yet they are very popular. Has this got to do with his personality? Is he very egoist and not down to earth? Or does he think those politicians have to go looking for him? Well, great leaders recruit and seek support from every where and from everyone who can be useful in advancing their vision for the party. I am sure the above mentioned leaders can help Mao and the DP entrench its support. But Mao has failed to engage and make them useful to the party. A good leader would identify and articulate the values that unite the different factions and concentrate on these as a way forward. It’s likely that the different factions will work together even if when they do not want the leadership or the personalities.

Thirdly, progressive political parties and their leaders effectively communicate the vision of their party but Mao has failed miserably to do this. To this day, many are not sure of what Mao stands for or what his party is trying to achieve? What are his party’s short term and long term aims and objectives? How are we going to measure his success or failure? The DP Mao leads has not even got an official website. Ironically, Mao has a personal website where he regularly communicates to his followers but not the entire DP membership. Mao needs to understand that there is a clear difference between Mao as a person and Mao as a DP president. One might support the DP and not support Mao. By only communicating from his website, Mao is telling us that he is DP and DP is Mao? A good leader is a good communicator and this goes beyond being able to speak 4 different languages. Even John Ssebaana Kizito seems to have been better than Mao in communicating. Ssebaana used to hold press conferences on every Monday from the DP offices where he commented on issues and articulated the DP’s position. At least I know journalists who used to go there and cover these conferences.

Fourthly, progressive parties always need funds to grow and recruit more members. But Mao has failed to fund raise and equip the party with the minimal financial muscle to run a party like the DP. To this day, the DP still has its offices at City House one of the oldest and dirtiest buildings in Kampala. The building is also popular with prostitutes at night! Surely the DP party leadership can afford to build 4 rooms somewhere in outer Kampala to house our offices in a clean and respected area. I am not expecting Mao to use his personal wealth and that’s why I am talking about fundraising not bankrolling the party. If Mao was indeed interested and capable of building the DP, he should have embarked on improving the party finances along time ago. The only time his team tried to do this was during the election yet this needs to be an ongoing campaign.

Fifth, progressive parties and successful party leaders look at the bigger picture and avoid the trivial things. Mao should stop playing the tribal card and concentrate on working to build the party. The few times I have heard him on radio stations, every time his leadership is under attack, he claims that those criticising him are tribalists. This is wrong as he should be open to constructive criticism so that he can improve as a leader. In fact, he makes it an issue by saying the same thing all time. If most of the Baganda did not want him to be the president, they would not have voted for him. Therefore he has the mandate to lead unless he is not confident enough. The Baganda are very tolerant tribe in Uganda.

Timothy Mwaka

IGP’s statement on Turinawe’s ‘Breast’ Arrest


Let me begin by welcoming you all to this press briefing intended to update the country on the investigation by the Professional Standards Unit (PSU) of the Uganda Police, (supported by the Special Investigations Unit) into the incident of arrest of Ingrid Turinawe in Nansana town, and, in particular, the allegations against the Uganda Police in relation to that incident.

The PSU have completed the investigation, and have presented to me their report which contains their findings and recommendations. At this juncture, let me ask the lead investigator, Commissioner Sam Kyomukama with his team to give you highlights of their investigation.

Uganda Police Force, and, I personally, have faced criticism for the manner in which it responded to this incident. I was, personally, accused of turning a blind eye to improper behavior by a police officer, of refusing to condemn the offending act, and of seeking to minimize the serious nature of the assault on Ingrid Turinawe and the offence to her dignity.

In fact, soon after the incident, we issued a general statement on the incdent, and, since we did not have all the facts, announced that we had set up an investigation. To do more, as some quarters demanded of me, especially to rush to a conclusion basing on one sided and distorted and selective images on NTV, (including the lie that it was a male police officer who violated the privacy of Ingrid Turinawe) would have been presumptuous, improper, and, as it has turned out, unwise,. Indeed, to do so would have been prejudicial to the investigation, and would have done injustice to all the actors involved, as well as to the truth. We refused to be stampeded into joining the chorus of condemnations, and let the joint team of the PSU and SIU, quietly, professionally carry out their task of investigating the incident. Now that we have the facts, I can authoritative and substantively comment.

First and foremost, on behalf of the Uganda Police, as well as on my own behalf, I regret, and apologise for, the action of one of my police officers, Woman Police Constable (W/PC) Irene Alinda, for improperly and unprofessionally handling Ingrid Turinawe. Although the officer is, clearly, remorseful, and is haunted by what she did, she still acted unprofessionally, and out of tune with the standards of the Uganda Police in carrying out arrests or using force. Her action was unnecessary, improper, and unacceptable, and she must be held to ccount. For that we are deeply sorry to Ingrid Turiname, her family, her friends, and indeed, all the womenfolk, and the country at large. This apology is unequivocal, unqualified and sincere. We shall, formally, and in writing, express the same to Ingrid Turinawe, directly, and personally.

This type of behavior has no place in Uganda Police Force. Indeed, notwithstanding some instances of unprofessional misconduct by some officers, as a Force we are not brutal as some propagandists want the country and the world to believe. We have a code of conduct which is part of the Police Act, and which we enforce vigorously, and rigorously. That is why we have the PSU, “the Policeman of the Police”. We emphasize people friendly methods of policing, in particular community policing (building community/police partnerships), as well as observance of human rights. In training, and in our orders, police officers are prepared to ensure that in going about their work, they should be intimate with the people, and respect the human rights of suspects. We emphasize internationally established human rights – compliant principles on use of force, namely, lawfulness, necessity, proportionality, non-discrimination, and accountability.

Secondly, in line with the recommendations of the investigation team, I have ordered that W/PC Alinda Irene be tried before the Police Headquarters Disciplinary Court on charges of Discreditable Conduct and of Behaving in a Cruel, Disgraceful and Indecent Manner, disciplinary offences established under the Police Act (Code of Conduct).

Thirdly, having said the above, however, I wish to make some comments on the incident which led to the confrontation between Ingrid Turinawe and the Police, indeed, which is what led to the incident under investigation.

Some people, political leaders included, seem to consider that they are not obliged to follow lawful instructions of a police officer. In fact, they act and behave as if they are above the law, and that is where problems begin.

In fact, from the findings, on this occasion, Ms Ingrid Turinawe’s driver obeyed the instructions of the Police , and refused Ingrid’s insistence that he ignores the Police. In fact, she took over the wheel of the vehicle precisely because her driver refused to defy the Police. Had she cooperated with the Police, as other political leaders did during the same occasion, the question of her arrest and the subsequent incident in question would not have arisen. Indeed, ngrid Turinawe defied the direction of a police officer who was managing traffic. Not only did she refuse to follow his instructions, she actually continued to drive her vehicle into him. (This is very clear on video footage which by the way NTV conveniently left out.) As my traffic officers are constantly saying, a motor vehicle can be a lethal weapon. Here Ms Turinawe drove into one of my officers repeatedly. In fact, this was a serious assault and it was therefore entirely appropriate that she be arrested.

Again, contrary to the impression created by the deliberately distorted and manipulated images of the NTV, the commander in charge, on the scene, ordered four female officers to make up the arrest team and despite being correctly informed that she was being placed under arrest, Ms Turinawe again defied police and resisted to leave the vehicle. Indeed she struggled with them, grabbing the steering wheel and hitting, and biting the officers.

Therefore, while acknowledging that W/PC Alinda Irene acted unprofessionally, we must not lose sight of the genesis and background to the incident, especially the circumstances surrounding the incident, and who had primary responsibility for its occurrence. Ingrid Turinawe sought to attend an illegal assembly, organized by an Unlawful Society. When this assembly failed to take place she refused to comply with the lawful instructions of a police officer performing traffic management duties. She used a motor vehicle to physically strike a police officer repeatedly. When informed that she was to be detained she resisted arrest. She hit and bit police officers (This is all clear on the video footage.)

These are plain facts. Indeed, while they, absolutely, do not excuse the misconduct of one police officer, these facts are none the less relevant and material. I find it interesting to observe that not one newspaper, TV or radio programme or opposition leader (who were so quick to demand Uganda Police Force take action against the officer who assaulted Ms Turinawe), have, also, called for her to face charges of assault on police officers, or disciplinary action as a political leader. While we hold the Police to high moral, and professional standards, which we should, at the same time, should we not expect our political leaders to hold themselves to equally, or even higher standards?! Ms Turinawe is an aspiring law-maker! I respectfully suggest that she should desist in being a law-breaker.

Police has never denied anyone, (including Ingrid Turinawe) to exercise their rights and freedoms. Indeed, we facilitate , as we should, people to exercise their freedoms of speech and assembly, while, at the same time, ensuring safety and security of others and the country. All we demand, as we should, is that such exercise of rights and freedoms is within the Constitution and the law. In fact, it is when we make these demands , as we should, that we clash with individuals, and groups who do not respect the Constitutional mandate of the Uganda Police.

Finally, I wish to assure the country that the Uganda Police Force aspires to maintaining the very highest professional, ethical and behavioral standards, and to respect, uphold rights of individuals and groups. Indeed, we have demonstrated this over and over in spite of propagandists who give the contrary impression,. We have and continue to protect and serve all in Uganda, including, as we should, those who criticize us, insult us , defy us and assault us. Am aware that police officers, in the course of carrying out our work of protecting life and property, ensuring law and order, and preventing and detecting crime, we are forced to deal with people who do not respect the law. However, I expect police officers because of their training to exercise professional restraint and to act in with our standard operationg procedures in managing situations. On April 20th April 2012, at Nansana, one officer failed to meet the required standards, and, consequently, she will be dealt with in the appropriate way – through a trial by a Police Disciplinary Court.

I thank you for listening.

Lt Gen Kale Kayihura
Inspector General of Police

Police’s Report On Ingrid’s Breast’ Arrest

Summary of the Report into the Arrest of Ms Ingrid Turinawe on 20Th April, 2012


1. On the 20th of April 2012, police officers arrested one Ingrid Turinawe at Nansana Township of Kampala City. Television news footage of the incident appeared to show that in the course of the arrest a police officer improperly touched Ms Turinawe’s breast.

2. The Inspector General of Police immediately ordered the Professional Standards Unit and the Special Investigations Unit to investigate the incident.

3. The objectives of the investigation were to determine the facts of the incident and to establish the offence or misconduct, if any, that was committed, the person or persons responsible, and recommend a course of action to deal with the complaint.

Sequence of Events
The investigation established the following:

4. On 19th of April, 2012, at 12.00 pm, the Commander of Kampala Metropolitan Police, Assistant Inspector-General of Police, Mr. Andrew Kaweesi, received a letter from the Mayor of Nansana, His Worship Waikama Musoke, under the letterhead of Nansana Human Rights Enlightenment, informing the Police of the intention to hold a political rally the following day, at Masitoowa area.

5. The Commander communicated with the Mayor, and expressed reservations over the timing, location and attendance of the planned rally.

6. Mr. Kaweesi, after considering the large number of persons likely to attend the meeting, and the unsuitability of the venue; and the fact that the Police had not been alerted in good time to arrange for security of the participants and the organizers, advised the organizers to reschedule the public meeting. He further asked the Mayor to cooperate with the Police to ensure that any future meetings be held in a lawful manner, in accordance with the existing procedures.

7. In spite of Mr. Kaweesi’s communication, the following day, Friday the 20th of April 2012, several persons assembled at Nansana, in preparation for a public meeting.

8. The Police officers present at the venue, led by Superintendent of Police Christopher Kasalawo, discussed with organizers and invited guests, including the Lord Mayor of Kampala and two members of Parliament, and they agreed to call off the meeting.

9. Consequently, the Police requested the assembly to disperse peacefully. The organizers and all other guests, including the Lord Mayor and the members of Parliament, complied with the advice and directions of the Police.

10. As the attendees left the area, they disrupted the flow of traffic along Nansana- Kampala Highway. SP Kasalawo intervened to direct the flow of traffic.

11. One of the motor vehicles at the scene, bearing registration number UAN 241 R, complied with SP Kasalawo’s direction to stop, in order to allow other vehicles to pass. Ms. Ingrid Turinawe was, at this time, seated in the front-passenger seat of this vehicle.

12. SP Kasalawo observed and heard Ingrid Turinawe instruct the driver of this vehicle to proceed in defiance of the Police instruction to wait. The driver refused to do so.

13. Ms. Ingrid Turinawe then took over the driver’s seat of the vehicle, and began to drive forward.

14. SP Kasalawo stood in front of the vehicle, in order to prevent Ms. Ingrid Turinawe from defying his lawful direction by forcing her way onto the road. He positioned himself in front of the vehicle, and in clear sight of the driver.

15. Ms. Ingrid Turinawe proceeded to move forward. The vehicle which she was driving repeatedly made contact with the body of SP Kasalawo.

16. The investigation team obtained video footage, taken by the Police Evidence Gathering Team, which captured these events and reviewed television news footage.

17. SP Kasalawo was placed in fear for his safety and those of other persons in the vicinity by the continuing defiance of his instructions and Ms. Turinawe’s repeatedly driving her vehicle against him.

18. SP Kasalawo made the decision to arrest Ms. Turinawe.

19. He instructed four female officers, namely, No. 39299 W/CPL Nalwoga Resty, No.40896 W/PC Apoo Jane Florence, No. 55058 W/PC Atim Stella and No. 53811 W/PC Alinda Irene, to effect the arrest of Ingrid Turinawe. Inspector Mukiibi supervised the arrest team.

20. The four female officers approached the vehicle, informed Ms. Turinawe that she was under arrest, and ordered her to exit the vehicle.

21. Ms. Turinawe refused to comply with this instruction and resisted arrest. The officers were therefore compelled to use force to remove her from the vehicle.

22. Ms. Turinawe continued to forcefully resist arrest, grabbing onto the vehicle’s steering wheel, striking and biting police officers.

23. Ms. Turinawe was finally arrested, and taken to Kawempe Police Station, and charged accordingly.

24. On reviewing the footage of the incident, the investigating team observed that, in the course of the struggle to arrest Ms. Turinawe, one officer, standing slightly behind the driver’s door, grasped Ms. Turinawe’s right breast in a forceful manner.

25. The investigation team identified this officer as No. 53811 W/PC Alinda Irene.

26. It is the action of W/PC Alinda Irene, in grasping the right breast of Ms. Turinawe, that lead to the establishment of this inquiry.

Analysis and Findings

27. In analyzing the evidence, and reviewing the facts of this incident, the investigating team considered the following points:

I. Was the decision to arrest Ms. Turinawe lawful?

II. Was it necessary to use force in the arrest of Ms. Turinawe?

III. Was the force employed in arresting Ms. Turinawe lawful, proportional, and non-discriminatory?

IV. Was there any breach of basic human rights and were the dignity and rights of Ms. Turinawe fully respected?

Was the decision to arrest Ms. Turinawe lawful?

28. When SP Kasalawo instructed the driver of Ms. Turinawe’s vehicle to stop, he complied. Ms. Turinawe loudly instructed him to disregard the Police directions, and drive on. The driver refused to do so. Ms. Turinawe then took control of the vehicle.

29. She defied the directions of Police, drove in a dangerous manner – making repeated contact with SP Kasalawo and placing him in fear for his safety.

30. In view of her continued defiance of lawful orders of the Police, and her becoming a danger and menace to persons in the vicinity, Ms. Turinawe left Police with no choice but to place her under arrest. The decision by SP Kasalawo to arrest Ms. Turinawe was, therefore, lawful and justified.

Was it necessary to use force to arrest Ms. Turinawe?

31. Ms. Turinawe was ordered, several times, to get out of the car by SP Kasalawo, and she defied the orders. When a team of four Policewomen attempted to arrest her, she forcefully resisted arrest, striking and biting them.

32. In such situations, Police officers are guided by the law on arrest, contained under Section 2 of the Criminal Procedure Code, CAP 116, Laws of Uganda, which provides: ‘In making an arrest, the police officer or other person making it shall actually touch or confine the body of the person to be arrested, unless there be a submission to the custody by word or action. If a person forcibly resists the endeavor to arrest him or her, or attempts to evade arrest, the police officer or other person making the arrest may use all means necessary to effect the arrest’.

33. From the video footage and statements of witnesses present at the scene, it is clear that Ms. Turinawe was forcefully resisting arrest. It was therefore necessary to ‘use all means necessary’, in this case, force, to effect her arrest.

Was the force used in arresting Ms. Turinawe lawful and proportional?

34. Having established that it was necessary to use force in the arrest of Ms. Turinawe, with the exception of the contact with Ms. Turinawe’s breast, the arrest team used only force which was absolutely necessary to take Ms. Turinawe into custody. The force was, therefore proportional in the circumstances. There was no evidence to suggest that Ms. Turinawe was personally targeted, from a group of persons conducting themselves in a manner similar to hers, or subjected to discriminatory force or violence.

Was there any breach of basic human rights and were the dignity and rights of Ms. Turinawe fully respected?

35. Having reviewed video evidence, considered the accounts of witnesses, as well as the statement of W/PC Alinda Irene, the investigating team found that the act, by W/PC Alinda Irene, of touching the breast of Ms Turinawe, was unnecessary, inappropriate and amounted to professional misconduct on the part of the officer.

36. While W/PC Alinda Irene stated that it was not her intention to harm, humiliate or violate the dignity of the Ms Turinawe, and that the touching of her breast was more a result of her awkward positioning and the heat of the moment, than any deliberate design to harm her, the team observed that Ms. Turinawe could still have been arrested without grasping her breast.

37. The investigation noted that W/PC Alinda Irene was positioned slightly behind Ms Turinawe, and did not have a clear line of sight of areas of the body that she attempted to grasp.

38. While this could have contributed to the blind grasping of Ms Turinawe’s breast, it still does not excuse the fact that it happened more than once, and that the officer should have given due regard to the dignity and privacy of the suspect she was arresting.


39. The investigating team recommends that W/PC Alinda Irene be tried before the Police Headquarters Disciplinary Court for either, or both, offences of Discreditable Conduct contrary to regulation 12, and for Behaving in a Cruel, Disgraceful and Indecent Manner, contrary to regulation 14(2), of the Police Disciplinary Code of Conduct, of the Police Act, CAP. 303.

40. The team further recommends that, should her services be retained subsequent to the trial, W/PC Alinda Irene should be considered for a refresher course commensurate with her rank and responsibilities, and with emphasis on the respecting of human rights.


EAJA Expels Uganda Journalists Union (UJU)

Resolution on Uganda Journalists Union (UJU)

This Extraordinary General Meeting of the Eastern Africa Journalists Association (EAJA) on 16 May 2012 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, reviewed the membership status of the Uganda Journalists Union (UJU).

Noting the decision of the Executive Committee of the International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) at its meeting in Brussels on 24-25 March 2012 to expel UJU for non-payment of membership fees;

Further noting the decision of the Steering Committee of the Federation of African Journalists (FAJ) at its meeting in Tunis on 5 May 2012 to expel UJU following its expulsion by the IFJ;

Recalling the EAJA member unions and associations’ decision on 8 January 2011 in Addis Ababa demanding that the General Secretary of UJU, Stephen Ouma Bwire, apologise for the insults and unsubstantiated allegations he made against the EAJA leadership and member organisations;

Further recalling the decision of the Executive Committee of the EAJA on 28 February 2011 that suspended the General Secretary of UJU, Stephen Ouma Bwire, from his membership of the EAJA Executive Committee and from all EAJA-related activities;

Welcoming the decision of the Steering Committee of the Federation of African Journalists on 26 March 2011 to suspend the General Secretary of UJU, Stephen Ouma Bwire, from his membership of the Steering Committee of FAJ;

Condemning in the strongest terms possible the violent attacks and wild defamatory communications authored, sent and circulated by the UJU leaders and their frontmen and women against the EAJA leadership, the journalists’ organisations in Eastern Africa, the IFJ President and IFJ Africa Director;

Welcoming the decision of the IFJ Administrative Committee on 15 May 2012 to seek “legal advice with a view to take legal action against those who have been originating these defamatory allegations” in Uganda;

Recognising that UJU and its officials have become a tool used to disturb the unity, solidarity and mutual cooperation of our unions through a vicious, negative and distractive campaign aiming to bring the IFJ and its organisations in Africa into disrepute, give a bad name to Africans as easy to manipulate and divide, which is in breach of article 3, paragraph 9, of the EAJA constitution;

The Extraordinary General Meeting therefore resolved unanimously to:

1) Expel forthwith the Uganda Journalists Union (UJU) from its membership of the EAJA in line with article 7, paragraph 1, of the EAJA constitution.

2) Empower the EAJA executive committee to carry out further appropriate actions, including legal action, against those who have been making slanderous and violent defamation and those who are encouraging them.

Kind regards,

Dr Muheldin Ahmed Idris
Eastern Africa Journalists Association (EAJA)

Night Dancing is Associated with Cannibalism not mental Illness- Ssalongo

Night dancing, generally associated with cannibalism is a form of possession where victims are possessed by an irrational spirit that makes them discard their clothes to go jogging if I may put it lightly. To the night dancer, you either do it willingly and with glee, making deliberate choice of your nightly circuit, developing a pattern of execution on how, where and for how long you will keep running around. Or, you get totally crazed and possessed against your will and you find yourself doing stuff against your will.

Others perfect the art and use the possession to haunt the neighborhood by thumping on closed doors, smearing faecal material on the doors and doorways and rubbing their backside against the walls of buildings.

Others go for agricultural plantations to include Matoke, cassava, fields of potatoes, beans and the like, allegedly to jinx the yields so that they are poor. Others still prefer to go out early and scare the lonely wayfarer into a run of their lives, chasing them with no particular purpose but to scare the wits out of them.

Stories have been told of people who after such a chase lose all power of speech, and need to be given specific herbal treatment including mushroom soup to help them regain their senses.

The story has it that if you catch a night dancer at it and you manage to get close enough, and hit any part of his body with a reed of elephant grass (Olumuli) .They would get stuck in one place until they can be found the following morning. Others talk of cassava stems or the Midriff of a Banana Leaf (Omuzingonyo)

Others still go to practitioners of the (so called) dark arts and they gt specific portions of making night dancers lose their bearings and they get caught the next morning trying to find their way back.

In Buganda, Kyaggwe is largely believed to be the home of night dancing, and the Butiko Clan is claimed to have specific rituals bordering on the art of night dancing. The Butiko Can is responsible for the Naked-Ritual dance of the Kabaka’s court known as Amaggunju. I have heard similar stories said of night dancing in areas of Bunyaruguru in western Uganda.

Night dancing of a cannibalistic nature is more reported in Buluuli county where, we were warned never to find ourselves anywhere in the cannibal areas of the place by evening because they would not wait for night fall before pouncing on you.

Night dancing of a cannibalism kind is associated with specific powers of raising the dead, giving them a temporary life and walking them back to the cannibal-night dancers home before they can be dismembered for dinner.

It is also claimed that some people get the night dancing craze into their system through association with people so afflicted. It is said that they will do a form of acupuncture… only that this time its with razor blades to make pathways into your blood stream where herbs are rubbed to make one get possessed. (Okusala Ebitambo) as it is commonly referenced is one reason why children are prohibited from getting too close and personal with neighbours, whose ways have not been clearly studied and understood.

Night dancing is a habit that can be kicked, a disease that has a cure and can be cured. Instead of ostracizing its victims, greater research needs to go into understanding the problem and finding medical and spiritual approaches that can free the victims from the bondage of such a backward and anti-social culture.

Am I beginning to sound like one? Sorry, Neddira Ffumbe and it does not happen to members of my clan. This information is not generally researched, I have been so afraid of them for a long time, that I started looking into who and what exactly they are.

Hajji Aziz Ssalongo Senoga

UAH forumist in Kampala


It has been reported in Uganda Press that the Police needs a whole shs600bn the coming financial year. This money is needed because Uganda has turned to a Police State. A lot of Tear gas is needed actually on daily basis as people are dis contented and the frustration calls for the riots. The case of the Muslim community who were moving from Kibuli is also one where the President has shown interest in a faction which faction has dined at State House more than once. The top leadership in Uganda ought to know that a Police state does not help.

There’s been a lot of talk on the key laws that Parliament passed or considered to pass prior to the 2011 general elections. Taking stock of the laws passed or brought before Parliament during the aforesaid period, you will discover that most of them reflect a deep distrust in the inherent fundamental freedoms and liberties of the people. Laws including: The NGO Registration (Amendment) Act 2006; The Access to Information Regulations 2007; The Proposed Public Order Management Bill 2009; The Press and Journalist Amendment Bill 2010; Regulation of Interception of Communications Act 2010; and The Institution of the Traditional and Cultural Leaders’ Bill 2010, are seemingly an attempt to purge critical voices. Not all the new laws are bad but their lack of efficacy seems to be very apparent.

Demonstrated by the clamp-down on Ugandans who were walking to their places of work in Kampala, one would be right to conclude that those with dissenting views or those who lie on the opposing side of the political divide are subject to extraordinarily high rates of surveillance and arrests than never before. This means our country is living under a level of surveillance that can only be characterised as a police state.

Unfortunately, in this burgeoning police state, who does and doesn’t receive justice, is determined by the ‘big man’ and his underlings. Whereas what is happening is a good learning experience to inform how we gradually define our democracy, the government ought to steer clear of elements of actions or inactions that prepone extreme domestic surveillance of its own citizens. We don’t want to be trapped in a situation similar to that of the Nazi Germany or worse still, regress to the subjugation that came along with some of the post-independence regimes in Uganda.

In Nazi Germany, the police were allowed to arrest people on suspicion that they were about to do wrong. All local police units had to draw up a list of people in their locality who might be suspected of being “Enemies of the State”. This Police had the power to do as it liked. Clearly put, anybody who was deemed to be a political threat was a candidate for the list of those to be arrested. There are specks of evidence to conclude that Uganda seems to be treading on the path where the police is the master card to subdue any sort of citizen discontent. Citizens’ common sense has been stolen. In its place there are the new laws that have overthrown the long tradition of pragmatism and replaced it with a “legalistic” approach to everything. The citizens detest a situation where cruelty substitutes for justice. Recent and ongoing rhetoric of indifference advanced by some government officials on the current unpleasant cost of living situation and the retching of the citizens’ debate on the same simply demonstrates that government doesn’t want to help its people but rather suppress them against speaking out.

Time immemorial through now, young people are generally taught a celebratory history of the civil rights movement and the politics of nonviolent resistance centred on the icons of Martin Luther King, Jr. and Rosa Parks. This is a call to government: When the good citizens start to practice the good things they have been taught by their good teachers in the good schools, they should not be ruthlessly gagged but rather listened to.


Police employed teargas to stop marching Muslims Police arrest some of the youth who were participating in the march on Namirembe Road in Kampala yesterday. The Muslims, loyal to the Kibuli-based faction led by Sheikh Zubair Kayongo, were protesting elections to the supreme council. The over 1,000 Muslims, led by the head of Imams, Sheikh Nuhu Muzaata, said they wanted to dislodge Mufti Shaban Mubajje, whose leadership they have opposed since court faulted him over the sale of Muslim Muslim property in 2009.

The protestors, who first gathered at Kibuli Mosque, were addressed by Sheikh Muzaata before they resolved to descend on UMSC headquarters. In his address, Sheikh Muzaata asked the faithful to boycott government programmes, accusing it of being responsible for the problems the Muslim community is facing. “Stop engaging in all government activities because it is intended to rob you of all the remaining household materials,” Sheikh Muzaata said, without elaborating.

When the floor was handed to the spokesperson of the Kibuli faction, Sheikh Hassan Kirya, he asked the congregation if they were not tired of the developments, in which he received a resounding “Yes!” response. His proposal that the assembly sets a date to express their anger fell on deaf ears as the group insisted that they march to the UMSC headquarters immediately. The crowd then embarked on the four-kilometre journey to Old Kampala, waving flags and shouting Allah Akbar (God is great). The number kept swelling as the procession progressed.

In down town Kampala, some wary traders rushed to close their shops as they anticipated chaos. And it did not take long because as the group approached former Pride Theatre on Namirembe Road, they were confronted by police, commanded by the Old Kampala Police Station boss Kituuma Rusoke, who asked them to halt their march. The group, which was 200 metres away from their destination (UMSC offices), however, ignored the directive, prompting the DPC to order his men to disperse them. It was at this point that hell broke loose as police lobbed tear gas canisters into the crowd and fired bullets in the air.

Sheikh Muzaata was seen jumping off a boda boda as he scampered towards Kisenyi, a city suburb. As the marchers turned athletic, the police gave chase, arresting about 36. Kampala Metropolitan Police Commander Andrew Kaweesi said those arrested will be charged with holding unlawful procession. “This has showed that the leaders who are behind this do not like peaceful means of resolving misunderstandings and we will use all legal means to end this. And all those that are behind the violence will be charged,” Mr Kaweesi said.

The protests came a day before the grassroots elections of UMSC, which the Kibuli based faction has vowed not to participate in unless the UMSC constitution is amended. “We think that this constitution has to be reviewed if we are to move forward as a community. It has ambiguous clauses and it doesn’t separate roles of officials. Holding elections now will keep us in that vicious circle of wrangles,” said Sheikh Kirya.

This is the second time Muslims are storming UMSC offices over leadership wrangles. In 1991, they stormed UMSC to dislodge the then chief Khadi (Mufti) Hussein Rajab Kakooza, an attempt that left nine police officers and two canine dogs dead.

Why the fight? Mubajje woes. A section of Muslims has since 2006 been pushing for Mubajje’s exit, accusing him of illegally disposing of community property but his strong ties with big shots in government has kept him at the helm to date. The conflict ended up in court, with Mubajje, Hassan Basajjabalaba and Dr Edrisa Kasenene facing criminal charges.

Muslims opposed to Mubajje in January 2009 named Kayongo as mufti following a disagreement with Mubajje over the sale of Muslim property in Kampala. The conflict ended up in the court, with Mubajje, city businessman Hassan Basajjabalaba and former secretary general Edris Kasenene facing criminal charges. The trio were acquitted by court. But the anti-Mubajje faction rejected the court verdict and named their own mufti. Mid this year, the Old Kampala faction split with Mubajje and the Uganda Muslim Supreme Council chairman, Hassan Basajjabalaba, with each of them purporting to sack the other. Their differences have not been resolved.



Sunday, 6th May 2012 will see all the Sub – Parishes under Lweza Catholic Church come together for the day’s Mass. It is the Parish Day and the Main Celebrant will be His Eminence Emmanuel Cardinal Wamala. There will be no mass in all the Sub – Parishes. The day is observed every year to brig together all the Sub – Parishes once a year in worship. Mass will start at 10.00am.

The look of the office block which was recently completed and in use now.

The look of the office block which was recently completed and in use now.

The Bakery at Lweza Parish Church is an enterprise by the Church Youth, and it is actually expanding
Kiwamirembe Shrine is under Lweza Parish. The place is growing more popular aNd it is visited by many for worship.

Kajjansi sign post

The junction above is deadly given the increasing volume of traffic to Kajjansi Airstrip. By copy of this, I wish to appeal to the concerned authorities in the Ministry of Works to kindly plant a STOP sign post so that those from the Airstrip observe the right of way of the other road users on the main. Thank you.


Uganda Will Terribly Miss Professor Senteza Kajubi

It is so sad the news of the death of Prof. Kajubi Professor William Senteza Kajubi is dead. Kajubi, 86, passed away at his home in Bugolobi a Kampala Suburb.

Prof. William Ssenteza Kajubi was born to the family of Yoweri Kajubi and Bulanina Namukomya in 1926. He went to Makerere University where he later became a teacher. In 1964, he was appointed director of the National Institute of Education at Makerere University. He was twice appointed as Vice Chancellor to Makerere University between 1977-1979 and 1990-1993.

In 1979, Prof. Kajubi became a professor in Higher Education and later joined Nkumba University as Vice Chancellor where he served until 2008 when he retired. Prof. Kajubi is a renowned teacher at Kings College, Buddo, he taught many people at Makerere University, a renowned writer, has served on many education committees. He was among the 19 members on Prof. E.B. Castle, a member of the Education Commission of 1970 and was among the Education Review Commission that introduced U.P.E.

As Vice Chancellor at Makerere University, Prof. Ssenteza together with Prof. Walusimbi worked tirelessly to introduce a University course in Luganda language. He was among the committee that laid out the procedure in setting EAEC examinations with the help of Joyce Mpanga, Prof. Livingstone Walusimbi and the late Solomon Mpalanyi.

He has been on the advisory council of the Kabaka for a very long period of time and a renowned advocator of a Federo system of governance for Buganda. He has served his clan and promoted his culture. As an academician, Prof. Ssenteza does not shy away from using his native language at any given setting. He has helped many young men and women in Buganda to acquire jobs and has been a great pillar to Nkobazambogo. A great politician, an academician, cultural icon, a teacher who adores his King and an advisor on development all together make him eligible to receive the award of “Ekitiibwa ky’Amafumu n’Engabo”.

Prof. Kajubi is unhappy with how UPE is currently run At 84, Prof. Ssenteza Kajubi remains very articulate, jokes quite a lot and walks about comfortably in the well knit compound of his storeyed bungalow in Bugolobi, an affluent Kampala suburb. After an illustrious academic career that spurned decades and saw him serve twice as Vice Chancellor of Makerere University (1977-79 and 1990-1993) and Nkumba University (1994-2008) and won several awards, Prof. Kajubi should be a very accomplished and content man.

But however, the celebrated academician, who retired in 2008 after 57 years of service, is not particularly happy with the current state of the Universal Primary Education (UPE) as we found out in a three-hour interview on December 11. Seventeen years ago, Prof. Kajubi wrote the White Paper as the Chairperson of the Education Policy Review Commission that recommended the UPE system. Understandably, as one of the leading brains that mooted the idea, Kajubi is disappointed by the high dropout rates under the UPE programme.

“The way we had envisaged UPE is not how it was implemented,” he remarks. He explains: “We had said let’s begin gradually by helping parents; we envisaged them also as playing some role. For instance, if a parent paid fees for his child from Primary One to Three, government would take it up and, say, pay fees for all children from Primary Four. The parents were to be encouraged to provide the buttress and Government takes over gradually.” On the contrary, Kajubi says government went all-out by starting from Primary One, and eliminating the parent’s support.” “Parents began to say ‘kakati abaana ba Museveni (Now the children belong to Museveni).

In an education system you don’t eliminate parents because they are the first teachers of the children,” says Kajubi. He notes that government went ahead and banned any other forms of fees (including lunch), further complicating the running of the programme. He argues that before NRM took over government, parents were playing a big role through the Parents and Teachers Associations (PTAs). “They supplemented teachers’ salaries, provided transport and building materials but when they were ruled out Government didn’t have enough resources to do all that,” he says. “Today, even if you call a meeting at the school, parents don’t turn up because they say: ‘What for when there’s UPE?’” Kajubi’s commission recommended that in order to expand higher education there should be cost-sharing in universities so that government puts more funds in the primary education sector.

“The financing of education had been like an inverted pyramid whereby government was putting in virtually nothing at the bottom and providing everything at the top. So, we recommended that government should provide a minimum at the apex and as much as possible at the bottom in order to democratize education,” he recalls.

Between 1977 and 1979, he chaired the first Kajubi Education Policy Review Commission. Although its recommendations were not officially adopted, they formed the basis for the national education policy until the second Kajubi Commission of 1987-92. It’s the White Paper of the second commission, which Prof. Kajubi chaired, and including Prof. Apolo Nsibambi, that mooted the UPE idea. He also reveals that his commission recommended that primary level education be extended to eight years and secondary education reduced to three years, but Government didn’t accept that recommendation.


Prof. Kajubi started his elementary education at Mackay Memorial Primary School, Nateete in Kampala (1933-1940), joined Mengo Junior SS (1941-1942) and King’s College Budo (1943-1946) for secondary and enrolled at Makerere College (now Makerere University). “To enter Makerere then was like going through the narrow path which leads to heaven because the competition was very tight,” he recalls. He recalls that only 60 students were admitted in 1947 when he joined the prestigious institution. The students came from Tanganyika, Kenya, Zanzibar, Nyasaland (now Malawi) and Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe). The total student enrollment of Makerere College was then 200! Prof. Kajubi says the tight enrollment numbers ensured quality education then. Quoting former colonial Governor, Sir Phillip Mitchell, Kajubi says the purpose of Makerere was to ‘produce an aristocracy of culture, which by nature must be very small.’ FULBRIGHT SCHOLARSHIP After Makerere in 1951, Kajubi began teaching at Kako Junior Secondary School in Masaka. After two years, he received a Fulbright Scholarship, which saw him enroll at the University of Chicago in USA. He pursued a Master of Science degree in Geography, which he completed in 1955. On return, he went to teach Geography at King’s College Budo until 1959 when he was appointed lecturer in Education at Makerere.

In 1964, he became Director National Institute of Education at Makerere University. After independence in 1962, Prof. Kajubi was named a member of Uganda’s first Education Commission, chaired by Professor Edgar Castle. The Castle Commission, Prof. Kajubi says, put particular emphasis on raising the standard of primary education by improving the quality of primary teacher education. “At that time, most of the teachers in primary schools were not qualified; many of them were vernacular teachers,” he explains. The teachers had only four years of primary education and two for teacher training. Ideally, Kajubi says, the Castle Commission concentrated on the improvement of primary education so that the country produces people for secondary extension that would ‘Ugandanise’ the civil service because the colonialists were leaving the country.


In response, government tasked Prof. Kajubi as Director National Institute of Education to improve teacher education. “Our role as an institute was to take the university nearer to the teachers and to bring the teachers nearer to the university,” he says. The task involved retraining Grade One vernacular teachers to upgrade to Two and others in grades Three, Four and Five to teach in junior secondary schools. Teachers who excelled would be recommended for either diplomas in Education or sent to university for bachelor’s degrees. However, teachers who had gone through the upgrading system to get university admission faced a lot of difficulty mixing with students from high school (A-level).

It is against this background that Prof. Kajubi, as Principal of Kyambogo Institute of Teacher Education (1986-89), proposed a two-year Bachelor of Education degree for Grade Five teachers. Prof. Kajubi argues that through this system all the teachers’ experience from primary education could be evaluated. Unfortunately, his proposal was greatly opposed by Makerere University. He laid the ground for Kyambogo’s gradual transformation from a teacher training college to an institution offering degree courses. And in 1990 when he returned to Makerere as Vice Chancellor for the second time, he pushed for Grade Five teachers to qualify for a Bachelor of Education degree. “I think teachers who were Grade Five before and have got Bachelor of Education degree supply the bulk of teaching in our secondary school today,” Prof. Kajubi proudly points out.


“I sat down and looked through what I had ciphered during the night hours. I worked on those ideas till midday.” The next day he travelled to Kampala to meet Kajubi. He advised him to train a choir, and then record the song on a magnetic tape. Kakoma said he consulted his friend, Peter Wingard, then a lecturer at Makerere Institute of Education. They analyzed and discussed the music, and agreed on the beat. “There was nothing to change in as far as the music transcription was concerned in all the four stanzas of harmony. The next step was to visit King’s College Budo choir. When all this was accomplished, I rushed to the chairman and handed him the required recording,” Kakoma recalled. “Kakoza’s tune was good but long. Kakoma’s had one advantage, it was short and easy to learn,” said Prof. Kajubi. “Some members thought it was too short, so we sent the two anthems to the Cabinet. Kakoma’s was selected as the national anthem.” Kakoma’s tune was just one of the many entries. Other composers included the late Canon Polycarp Kakooza and Prof. Mbabi Katana. In July 1962, Kakoma was declared the winner. It was too good to be true.


Universities should recruit and train manpower that is relevant to the country, and avoid the orthodoxy of blocking eager entrants who have low or inadequate academic qualifications, veteran educationist Prof. Ssenteza Kajubi has said. Kajubi argues in an interview with Observer School in Bugolobi, Kampala on December 10, that, instead, universities should be tasked to train and graduate quality people, relevant to society’s needs.


Kajubi, who chaired the commission that wrote the White Paper on educational reform in Uganda, says they called for the formation of the National Council for Higher Education (UNCHE) to oversee the expansion of higher education. Prof. Kajubi says they encouraged government to let private universities admit students who afford to pay for the education. “Private universities should have the leeway to admit students whom they think have the capacity of gaining from higher education. While public universities would put emphasis on excellence, private universities can also put emphasis on adequacy; producing the people who are adequate to serve the nation in an adequate way.” Prof. Kajubi says he took this philosophy to Nkumba University and it worked. “We admitted people who had the capacity to gain from higher education,” he said, adding that, “NCHE has strict regulations but I think they should be educated because even American universities today are abandoning the idea of admitting students merely on academic grade.” He explained that many private US universities consider other qualities such as people who are public-spirited, have working experience or for affirmative action.

“The NCHE is essential to make sure that those who aspire to give higher education really give something worthwhile; not like those churches springing up everywhere; somebody puts up a kiwempe [carpet structure] and with untrained priests they begin, expecting people to be just excited and give them money! We don’t want higher education to be like that: there must be quality. I say the NCHE should be there to nurture quality higher education but not to torture universities like [by] way of closing them,” he submitted.

“In my view the NCHE should be concerned with the final product rather than with the entry product.” “A person is going to graduate or a member of parliament comes to a university takes a course; sits examinations, passes them and gets an Upper Second degree; then somebody raises a question: ‘Did he pass PLE, UCE or UACE?’ Why frustrate him when he has satisfied all the requirements to get a First Class? Such questions are irrelevant because you find many people in history that did not have those lower qualifications but they were able and adequate,” he said. “Many people who are denied entry to university actually have the capacity to serve the nation in an adequate way.

The NCHE should be concerned with the end product; they should say, for example, now when Nkumba University awards an Upper Second degree, does it meet the standard?” DIPLOMA CANCER Kajubi says Makerere University’s current administrative wrangles, financial hardships and declining standards are a general problem in the sector. “The problem is not Makerere alone. The number of people it used to admit was very small and we cannot continue with that Ivory Tower mindset. Makerere and, in fact, all other universities in Uganda, believe in a kind of qualification worship, what I may call the ‘diploma disease.’ There is a ‘diploma cancer’ in this country. People worship pieces of paper rather than the knowledge which those pieces of paper should signify,” he charges.

Kajubi is saddened that the diploma disease has infected the entire society. “People want to find out what qualifications one has but not what he can do. Many people nowadays go to school in order to acquire a certificate rather than the knowledge and values which schools should be providing.” Parents, Kajubi notes, take their children to good primary schools to gain entry into good secondary schools and on to Makerere University to get degrees regardless of what type of degree! He said the awkward expectations of parents and society force students into professions they don’t love just for the sake of getting a degree. “In the process, values are lost. That’s how we train doctors who will demand money before carrying out an operation, and the patient can die before they receive the money underneath the table,” he states. “Parents want their children to go to Makerere. If you told students to go Nkozi where the numbers are small and well managed, they won’t because they are very anxious to get a Makerere piece of paper. Such desperate moves have forced some students to resort to specialized groups of people in Wandegeya who produce theses and some papers for them at a high cost. This is quite a disease!” says Kajubi.

He also notes that the Makerere University administration has tried to raise revenue from private students but their hands are tied. “They can’t develop a fees structure of their own for the private students because government has to come in, too. Then when the academic staff, under their umbrella body, MUASA, strikes over welfare issues the public and government blames them instead.”


Kajubi retired last year as Vice Chancellor of Nkumba University, having held that post since 1994. He says he is proud of the legacy he left at Nkumba. He points out that Nkumba stands for not only academic qualifications but also instills the key moral values of living and serving society into their graduates. Kajubi prides in the philosophy of recognizing people not by academic qualifications only but also by awarding honorary degrees to citizens who have contributed to the development of Uganda.

People awarded honorary degrees by Nkumba University include local entrepreneurs James Mulwana and Wavamunno; former Chairman Civil Service Commission John Bikangaga, former Chief Justice Wako Wambuzi, former Governor Bank of Uganda Charles Kikonyogo and renowned scholar Prof. Mazrui.

Fact File:
Kajubi was born 1947-1950: Studied at Makerere University 1964-1977: Director of National Institute of Education, Makerere University 1979: Prof. of Higher Education 1977-1979 Vice-Chancellor, Makerere University 1986: Principal of Kyambogo Institute of Teacher Education 1990: Re-appointed Vice-chancellor, Makerere University 1994: Vice Chancellor, Nkumba University until retirement in 2008.


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