May 2013
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Day May 20, 2013


MONITORMembers of the Uganda Police Force this morning cordoned off the premises of the Nation Media Group in Namuwongo and Pepper Publications in Namanve. The FM radio stations – KFM and Dembe FM were taken off-air.

This is to reassure Ugandans that the government is not interfering with press freedom.

The search of the above premises comes on the heels of the utterances made by Gen. David Sejusa, aka Tinyefuza which have caused undue excitement. This is being treated as a matter of national security.

However the police is working within the parameters of the law, specifically, section 37 of the Penal Code which bars the publication of information prejudicial to national security.

The Police went through the due legal process and secured a court order – which was issued by a court of competent jurisdiction (Nakawa Chief Magistrates Court).

There is therefore nothing untoward or surprising about the procedures used, as great care has been taken to follow the law to the letter. For the time being the premises in question are being treated as crime scenes.

As soon as investigations are over – which will be very soon as police is under instructions to handle the matter expeditiously – the premises will be duly handed back to the owners.

About social media

This is also to quash rumours going round that Social Media has been banned or that the platforms are about to be closed. This is not true. There is no plan to switch off or disconnect Social Media platforms such as Twitter and Facebook.

Hon. Mary Karooro Okurut (Mrs)

Minister of Information and National Guidance

A Ugandan Colonel (whether Acholi, Langi or Munyankore) earns about the equivalent of $ 6,000 per year where as his British counterpart earns $150,000

Below are the groups that make up the UPDF. An alphabetic listing of the UPDF would probably show that, about 40% of the surnames start with letter ‘O’, and not because they are Otafiire, Owoyesigire, Owakubariho Omulyannaka, Omutego-kweguli or Owobusingye. It is the ‘Okellos’, again! Infact the single name ‘Okello’ may be anything up to 10%.

It may not be advisable to assume that 80% of the force is from one ethnic group. I would suggest that you get yourself acquainted as quickly as you can,to the reality that, the rank and file of the Ugandan military is an amalgam of at least two dozen pliticomilitary groups that have graced the country in the last three or so decades, and not those Tutsis and Rwandese as many of you here like to refer to them. The NRA is just one out those many groups that make up the UPDF, and the original NRA soldier is now a very, very, very rare commodity. And by the way, that is not to imply that, yeah, good riddance.

One time, James Kazini, the disgraced former head of the UPDF boasted that there were about 6,000 UPDFs from Nyabushozi county only. I do not think he really knew what he was talking about.

Here are the groups:

1. National Resistance Army (NRA)

2. Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA)

3. Uganda People’s Democratic Army (UPDM/A)

4. Uganda People’s Army (UPA)

5. Ruwenzururu Kingdom Freedom Movement

6. Uganda Freedom Movement (UFM)

7. Uganda Mujahdeen Movement (UMM)

8. Ninth October Movement/Army (NOM/A)

9. Allied Democratic Front/Force (ADF)

10. Force Obote Back Army (FOBA),

11. Federal Democratic Movement (Fedemo)

12. West Nile Bank Front (WNBF) I &II

13. Uganda National Democratic Alliance (UNDA)

14. National Army for the Liberation of Uganda (NALU)

15. Uganda National Rescue Front (UNRF) I &II

16. Holy Spirit Movement/Holy Spirit Mobile Forces (HSM) I & II

17. Citizen Army for Multiparty Politics (CAMP),

18. Action Restore Justice (ARJ)

19. Former Uganda National Army (FUNA),

20. Anti-Referendum Army (ARA),

21. Peoples’ Redemption Army (PRA)

22. Uganda Salvation Force/Army (USF/A)

23. Lord’s Army

24. Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA)

Many of the UPDF riflemen were born after 1986…may be 90% of the young boys in UPDF battalions. The UPC many of them know is the group that in the 2006 elections polled 0.82% of the votes, behind a young independent man that polled 0.95%. That is all they know!

Many are from the groups I have listed for you above. They joined the UPDF to earn a living, they work under severe hardships, when their bosses are busy stealing their pay and procuring for them substandard equipment. Several were integrated into the UPDF from anti-NRM insurgency groupings which they were gangpressed into joining, through grissly initiations like murdering their own parents and siblings.

The great majority of those boys are yearning for a change that can make their situation better than it is now. 100% of those boys who joined the UPDF through regular recruitment did not receive pay as recruits because Uganda is the only country in the world that does not pay its recruit during the first nine or more months of initial training. This is the situation in the UPDF, and ironically, that was the situation in the UNLA…..

Just as an example, A Ugandan Colonel (whether Acholi, Langi or Munyankore) earns about the equivalent of $ 6,000 per year where as his British counterpart earns $150,000. That UPDF Colonel needs to hear voices that promise to alleviate his plight, and not those like yours, that are bent on demonising him. A future government that holds childish views about the hard-pressed UPDF soldier definitely alienates itself in advance.

For those of you who keep referring to the UPDF as ‘Tutsi/Rwandese’, you cannot imagine what anger you cause for young boys who are living under serious hardships. Somehow, you end up politicising them, and poisoning them against your own interests.

We are all sympathetic with the conditions of our civil servants and soldiers serve in due to their numerical strength; police, army, teachers, nurses. Our economy can not make make for them havens. Unlike UA and UNLA, this is a people’s army which has successfully transformed from a guerilla force to a professional army. They are political but not partisan, so they know from where we have come from, where we have reached and where we are going. Some of you seem not confortable with the name NRA. But let me remind you that when DP wanted to change UNLA name to UA,. UPC led by Defence Minister Paulo Muwanga refused. Fortunately UPDF was a consensus in Constituent Assembly since the army was NRA, the draft recommended for UAF and they all agreed with UPDF. Initially Sebaana Kizito was not confirtable with it because of the word people which, he said would reminding him of UPC and its atrocities. The army and the media are so crucial in the politics of Uganda and else where and those who are hostile to them will never see the gates of State House.

One of the stupid things President George Bush was to dismantle the Iraqi army, one million strong. It has taught him and his occupiers a lesson. A similar mistake was made by Tanzanians in 1979 when they banded Uganda Armed Forces as Idi Amin’s personal army. They regrouped in the Sudan and DR Congo and almost went with Obote and Okello Lutwa’s heads in Koboko in 1980. Ask Barig.Robert Rwenhururu.They became a prey for Isaac Lumago, Moses Ali, Faruq Minawa, Lutakome Kayiira and Yoweri Museveni’s recruitment against Obote ll regime. Brig.Kasirye Gwanga has been giving testimonies to that effect. Therefore any politician abusing UPDF will never step into power even for a day.

L/Cpl (rtd) Otto Patrick
and Ahmed Katerega

The Common Man’s Charter – Luganda version

Ekiwandiiko The Common Man’s Charter

Akatabo ka The Common Man’s Charter, mu Luganda aba UPC kyebavvuunula nti Okununulibwa kw’omuntu owabulijjo, mu bufuunze kaali kefanaanyirizaako bwe kati:

Kaalimu obuwendo oba ebitundu ebyawuliddwamu 44 nga bikubiddwa ku mpapula 18. Ku lupapula olusooka munda, kwaliko ekifaananyi ky’Obote n’ennyanjula gyeyali awandiise ng’omukulembeze w’ekibiina. Ku lupapula olwokubiri, kwaliko enkola y’ekibiina kya UPC. Olwokuba nti ekibiina kino kye kyali mu buyinza, enkola eno yali eraga nga bwe kyali kyezizza enkiiko za disitulikiti, ez’ebibuga era n’enkolagana eyaliwo wakati w’ensi za East Africa. Wano nno mbu kye kyava kisalawo okuwagira Charter mbu olwo ebyagendererwa mu kwefuga biryoke bissibwe mu nkola nga tugoberera enkola eya Nnaakalyako-ani (Socialism).

Akawendo akokubiri, ku lupapula lwe lumu, Obote yannyonnyola nga UPC bwe kyali kigenda okumalawo okutya kwonna n’oluvannyuma wabeerewo obwenkanya, okwenkanankana, eddembe n’okwesiima eri abaana ba Uganda ab’omu mirembe egiribeerawo nga bayita mu kutambulira ku kkono.

Akawendo akokusatu, Obote yategeeza nga bwe bakkiririza mu nfuga eya Republic (awatali bwakabaka) era nga kino kyekyali ekinyusi mu kusalawo okutandika okutambulira ku kkono basobole okuziyiza omuntu yenna oba akabiina konna okusajjalaatira ku bantu abalala n’okubafuga bonna oba ekitundu ekimu ekya Uganda, nga bwe gwali mu mirembe ng’Obwakabaka bukyaliwo. Bo aba UPC baali baagala abantu ba Uganda be baba beramulira ebintu byabwe ebibakwatako!

Akawendo akokuna, Obote yategeeza nga ye n’ekibiina kye bwe besammulira ddala mu birowoozo ne mu bikolwa, Uganda oba ekintundu kyayo ekimu okubeera ettwale ly’omuntu omu; okusikira ebifo olw’obuzaale bw’omuntu nga bwe kiri mu b’olulyo olulangira; obwabifekeera oba obunyunyuunsi nabyo nga muziro! Abagwira okujja mu Uganda ne babeera n’ebintu byabwe ebikusike oba okugezaako okuwugula abantu b’ensi eno, ogwo nagwo nga muziro. Ebintu ebikolebwa okuvaamu amagoba agagenda okugasa abantu abatono nga nakyo muziro.

Akawendo akokutaano, Obote yategeeza nga UPC bwetakkiririza mu kitundu ekimu ekya Uganda okwesalako okuva ku Uganda oba yadde Uganda okweyawula ku nsi eziri mu mukago gw’obuvanyubwa bw’Africa (East African Community) okutwalira awamu.

Akawendo akomukaaga kaali kagamba nga bbo aba UPC okuviira ddala ku ntandikwa bwe baali bakkiririza mu buyinza bw’abantu (empowerment of the masses) era nga balagirwa nti buli kintu kyonna ekikolebwa mu Uganda kiba kirina kukolebwa ku lwa bulungi bw’abantu bonna era n’olw’ensonga eyo kye bava bakakasa bino wammanga:

i) Okuzimba Uganda ng’ensi emu erimu abantu bamu, olukiiko lumu ne gavumenti emu nga ya Republic;

ii) Okutaasa obwetwaze bwa Uganda n’okukuuma eddembe n’obutebenkevu wamu n’Entegeka y’obufuzi eya 1967;

iii) Okutereeza ekibiina kya UPC abantu bannansi basobole okubaako kye bakola ku ebyo ebikwata ku nsi yabooffe;

iv) Okulwanira ddala obutassa ngabo mu kugoba Obwavu, Obutamanya, Endwadde (Poverty, Ignorance and Disease) wamu n’obufuzi bw’amatwale obw’obumbula obutakubwa ku mukono n’okusosola okwa langi;

v) Okukulaakulanya eby’enfuna ya Uganda nga gavumenti yeyamba amakampuni gaayo, ebibiina eby’obwegassi, amakampuni g’abantu ge betandikira ku bwabwe, amakolero, abasuubuzi n’abalimi;

vi) Okutaasa buli muntu ali mu Uganda kasita abeeramu mu mateeka, awatali kusosola mu langi, eddiini oba olulyo lwe; asobole okweyagalira mu Uganda;

vii) Okukakasiza ddala nga tewaba muntu yenna munnayuganda aweebwa buyinza obukusike, oba embeera, oba ekitiibwa okusinziira ku buzaale bwe oba olulyo lwe mw’asibuka;

viii) Okulabira ddala nga mpaawo muntu ayinza kwekiika mu maaso g’emigaso gy’eggwanga, oba eddembe ly’omulala;

ix) Okuwagira ebibiina oba amawanga ebirina ebigenderwa oba ebiruubirirwa ebifaanana n’ebya UPC;

x) Okukolanga ebintu ebirala ebiringa ebyo UPC bye kigenderera okukola.

Akawendo akomusanvu kakkaatiriza nga Uganda bwe yamala edda okufuuka Republic okuva ku nfuga eya Federo era n’ey’ensikirano ey’obwakabaka. Obote yaggumiza ng’okulwanirira n’okukuuma obwetwaze bwe bitaali byakukoma, era ng’olutalo luno lwatandika nga 09/10/62. Yagamba nti olunaku olwo kyali kikyamu okulufuula kkome-kkome ng’ekkubo ly’e Bubebbere (end of the road) abantu webagabanira ebintu okusinziira ku ndowooza zaabwe.

Akawendo akomunaana kaali kanyweza ebigendererwa bya UPC okwewala enkola n’endowooza ey’obufuzi bw’amatwale n’okulekera awo okulowoolereza mu mawanga, okusuula ebbala endowooza y’okubeera n’ebintu ebikusike ebitakwatibwako.

Akawendo akomwenda, Obote yasojjasojja abafuzi ab’ensikirano mu lugezigezi bwe yagamba nti yali talaba nsonga yali ebobbesa bantu mitwe ng’ebiseera eby’okwefuga bisembera. Yagamba nti ebintu ebyayogerwangako ennyo nga bino:

a) Uganda bw’erimala okwefuga, tulifuna gavumenti ya ngeri ki?

b) Ani alibeera omutwe gw’eggwanga nga tumaze okwefuga?

Obote yagamba nti ebintu ebyo byazimbulukusibwa nnyo ne bituuka okulabika ng’ebikulu ennyo eri eggwanga. Wano Obote weyagambira nti amagezi ag’okuvvuunuka ebizibu ebyo bwe gaazuuka si ge gaali ag’okulongoosa embera y’omuntu owa bulijjo; naye olw’okuba ng’abo abaali abanyuunyuunsi (abafuzi ab’ensikirano) baali ng’abantu babalina mu ngalo, baalaba ng’okwefuga kyali kijja kuba kya kabi eri ebifo byabwe ebikusike. Awo nno mbu abafuzi bano kwe kusala amagezi ebifo byabwe babifuulire ddala eby’omugaso eri omuntu owa bulijjo, kwe kugamba nti ng’okwogera ku bifo byabwe ebyo nga kitegeeza kugendana n’omutindo gw’omuntu owa bulijjo. Obote mu kawendo kano yagamba nga bwe wataali kubuusabuusa nti ebifo by’abanyuunyuunsi bano byali bitangira omuntu owa bulijjo okwenyigira mu by’obufuzi bwa Uganda eyali yeefuga nga 09/10/62 kubanga abanyuunyuunsi (bakabaka) baayagala okwongera okufuga nga bwe baakolanga edda ng’Omungereza tannajja, ne bataagala omuntu owabulijjo okubaako ky’agamba mu kutereeza embeera ya Uganda eyeefuga. Kyokka kati embeera eyo mbu yali eggyiddwawo era ng’omuntu owabulijjo wa ddembe okwesalirawo ku mbeera ye n’atabeera muddu wa muntu munne. Abantu kati baddembe okwogera kaati kyonna ekibaluma kasita bakikola nga bayita mu mateeka g’ensi agatakolebwa mu nkiiko njawufu, wabula mu lukiiko olumu; National Assembly, abantu mwe balina eddoboozi erimu nga bayita mu babaka baabwe.

Akawendo akekkumi, Obote yagamba nga okufuulibwa kwa Uganda okuba Repabulika bwe kyali kigisembezza okumpi ne ggoolo ey’okwefuga okujjuvu era n’okwetakkuluza ku Bamwanawaani okuva mu 1966. Abantu abo bwe baali nga bakyali mu by’obufuzi n’eby’enfuna bya Uganda, kyali kizibu obutabafaako. Kisaana kimanyibwe nti abantu abalina enkola eya mwanawaani mu by’obufuzi n’eby’enfuna tebalema kusigala mabega mu bintu ebikwata ku nsi yaabwe n’ensi z’ebweru. Kati nno nga tumaze okuggyawo enkola eya mwanawaani mu by’obufuzi n’eby’enfuna tuteekwa okukola ebintu bibiri:

1. Okukkiriza ebifo ebyalimu bamwanawaani ab’edda okuddamu bamwanawaani abapya;

2. Okwewala okuleetawo bamwanawaani abapya abalina endowooza ya mwanawaani.

Akawendo akekkumi n’akamu; Obote yagamba nti okugoberera enkola ya Nnaakalyako ani kwe kutandikawo endowooza y’eby’obufuzi empya n’embeera empya etegeeza nti bannayuganda bonna awamu, ebintu ebikwata ku by’obulungi bwabwe ne ku ddoboozi lyabwe mu gavumenti y’eggwanga lyabwe ne ku bukiiko obulala obw’ebitundu nga byonna babitwala nga bikulu ddala. Enkola ya Nnaakalyako Ani ewakanya enkola eya Mwanawaani.

Akawendo akekkumi n’obubiri; Obote yajjukiza nga mu 1968 ekibiina kya UPC bwe kyayima mu lukiiko lwabwe ne kiyisa ekiteeso ekiggyawo enkola ezimba eggwanga erimu n’enkola ya Mwanawaani okusobola okussaawo enkola eya Repabulika. UPC kyasiima nnyo abakulembeze ba gavumenti olw’okutandikawo enkola empya eyali egenda okukyusa ku by’enfuna n’okuleetawo obwenkanya mu by’obufuzi n’embeera z’abantu ababulijjo. Ekibiina kya UPC kyasalawo abantu n’ebintu bissibwe ku mulimu gw’okuzimba eggwanga era ne kiragira olukiiko lwakyo olwa ttabamiruka (National Council) okwetegereza amakubo n’amagezi ag’okussa ebibiina byonna ebya gavumenti n’ebitali bya gavumenti okukolera awamu ne UPC mu kuzimba eggwanga.

Akawendo akekkumi n’obusatu; Obote yagamba nti baali bakimanyi bulungi nga bwe waaliwo abantu bangi abaali tebamanyi bulungi oba abaali bawubisibwawubisibwa ku mulimu gw’okuzimba eggwanga n’okutegeera obukulu bwagwo. Wano kwe kugamba nti kyali kibakakatako bbo ng’ekibiina okubuulirira abo abaali balimbibwalimbibwa n’okubatangaaza nga bwe kyali kisaanidde ebibiina byonna okukolera awamu n’abantu bonna mu kuweereza eggwanga.

Akawendo akekkumi n’obuna; Obote yagamba nti UPC bwe kiba ne kyekiteekateeka okukola olw’obulungi bw’abantu, kiba kitegeeza Abantu bamu, mu nsi emu, abalina gavumenti emu. Yagamba nti mu myaka omusanvu gye baali bamaze mu kwefuga UPC kyali kifubye nnyo okunnyonnyola nti omuntu okuba ow’ekika gundi, oba akawanga gundi, oba okwogera olulimi gundi, oba okusoma eddiini gundi, tekirina kye kimwongerako. Naye okuba munnayuganda kyo kirina kye kyongerera ddala ku muntu kubanga kimufunyisa byonna byateekwa okufuna n’asobola okukolera ab’ekika kye, akawanga ke, eddiini ye, ekitundu kye by’ateekwa okubakolera kasita biba nga tebiziyizibwa mateeka agayisibwa mu lukiiko lw’eggwanga.

Akawendo akekkumi n’obutaano; Obote yagamba nti mu myaka omusaavu bukya bannayuganda bafuna bwetwaze, UPC yali erabye nga bannayuganda bakwasi b’amateeka era abantu abaagala ennyo abantu b’omu maka gaabwe n’emiriraano ne Uganda yonna awamu okubaamu eddembe. Yayongera n’agamba nti bannayuganda era baali bategeera bulungi nga bwe kyali kisaanidde okugaziya eby’enfuna n’okusitula omulembe ogw’omuntu owabulijjo. Baali beegomba nnyo okusitula embeera z’obulamu bwabwe nga beetabira mu bibiina bya gavumenti era nga babirinamu eddoboozi erimala. Kyokka UPC yali erabyewo akabi akaali mu kirungi ekyo; ab’amawanga ag’ebweru okutulondera abakulembeze n’okweyingiza mu by’obufuzi bwa Uganda ng’ekigendererwa kwe kufunyisa amawanga gaabwe ebirungi kyokka nga beeyambisa bannayuganda okutuuka ku bye baagala. Tekyali mu nkola ya Uganda okugumiikiriza empisa ey’okwonoona ebirowoozo by’abantu n’okubaterebula mu byetaago byabwe.

Akawendo akekkumi nomukaaga; Obote yagamba nti UPC kati kyali kiraba ng’ekimu ku bintu Uganda bye yali eyolekedde okulowoozaako nga bye biseera by’abavubuka eby’omu maaso. Kino okusobola okukifumiitiriza obulungi, omuntu yali asaana okutunuulira omuwendo gw’abavubuka abali mu Yunivasite, amasomero ga ssekendule, aga pulayimale ne mu matendekero agatali gamu kyokka okwo ng’abaana abatudde obutuuzi eka tobagasseeko. Mukutunuulira emiwendo gy’abaana abo omuntu yali asobola okumanya ng’abo be bannayuganda abateekebwateekebwa okwetikka obuvunaanyizibwa obw’okwongera okunyweza obwetwaze bwaffe n’okuggula amakubo amalala agalituusa bannayuganda ku kwefuga kwennyini mu by’enfuna n’embeera z’abantu.

Akawendo akekkumi nomusaanvu; Obote yagamba nti singa abavubuka batendekebwa kukolera mu gavumenti za buwanga bwabwe zokka (wano yali akoona Bwakabaka – Omuwandiisi) e mu nkiiko zaabwe mu mpisa zaabwe; ng’ebintu ebyo byeyambisibwa okwesalaasalamu obutundu n’ebibiina; olwo UPC yandibadde terina ky’eyambye ku mulimu gw’okukyusa Africa era n’abavubuka abo bandibadde tebaweereddwa ekyo ekibagwanira okutunuulira Uganda yonna mu kifo ky’okulowoolereza mu katundu akamu kokka. Uganda yali teyinza kukolera bavubuka baayo ttima lyenkana awo.

Akawendo akekkumi nomunaana; Obote yagamba nti UPC teyalina kulowooza ku bavubuka bokka, naye n’abakulu nabo baali ba muwendo ng’abavubuka. Yagamba nti abakadde n’abajenjebu nabo baali batekwa okulowoozebwako kubanga obuwanga (tribe) bwabwe bwokka ku bwabwo bwali tebukyasobola kubawa byetaago byabwe eby’omulembe guno oba n’okukuuma obulamu bwabwe n’ebintu byabwe oba okubayisa ng’abantu mu nsi yaabwe eyeefuga.

Akawendo akekkumi nomwenda; Obote yagamba nti akiddamu lunye nti olutalo lw’okwefuga terwalwanibwa kawanga kamu era terwali lwa bantu ba ddiini emu. Yagamba nti abafuzi Abangereza baawulira enduulu nga ziva mu nsonda za Uganda zonna. Olutalo terwalwanibwa okuzza ebitundu bya Uganda ebimu mu nnyombo z’obuwanga ez’edda (kirabika wano yali akoona Buganda ku masaza g’e Buyaga ne Bugangaizi – Omuwandiisi) ne mu butatabagana era n’entalo, wabula lwalwanibwa okuleetawo embeera empya abantu ba Uganda bonna mwe bali obumu, mu nsi emu era n’okweddiza ekitiibwa kyabwe bayisibwenga ng’abantu.

Akawendo akaabiri; Obote yagamba nti kyali kimanyiddwa bulungi nti Uganda yali nsi ekyakul era nti mu kukkiriza entegeka ey’enkola ya Nnaakalyako Ani UPC yali esoose kwetegereza nnyo ebintu nga bwe byali mu kiseera ekyo. Yagamba nti emyaka enkaaga mu omwenda (1894 – 1962) egy’enfuga y’abazungu bannayuganda gye baamala nga bayigirizibwa okumanya era n’okunywereza ddala enkola y’ekingereza gyali giviiriddemu abantu baffe okukulira mu ndowooza eyo era nga n’ebikolebwa bikolebwa mu ngeri eyo. Ebintu ebyaleetebwa Abangereza mu bbanga ery’obukuumi bwa Bungereza (British Protectorate), bannayuganda baabitwala nga byebisingira ddala obulungi mu kukulaakulanya eby’obugagga bwaffe ne mu nkolagana n’abantu. Bwe kityo ne kibeera nti mu bufuge ne mu kwefuga abantu baasigala mu mbeera y’obulamu eyaleetebwa abagwira. (Bannange kambuuze, olwo lwaki Obote yali takkiriza Buganda okwetakkuluza ku nfuga ey’ekipooli eyaleetebwa Abangereza? – Muwandiisi)

Akawendo akaabiri mu akamu; Obote yagamba nti UPC yali teyinza kukkiriza mawanga abiri okukulaakulanira mu Uganda; kwe kugamba erimu nga ggagga, liyigirize, ly’Afrika mu ndabika naye nga mu ndowooza ggwira (wano yali ategeeza Baganda – Omuwandiisi); ate eddala nga lye lirimu n’abantu abasingira ddala obungi kyokka lyo nga lyavu era n’okusoma nga terisomyeko. Yagamba nti bo aba UPC baali tebalowooza nti byonna eby’obuwangwa bwaffe obw’eky’Afrika kati bikkirizibwa ng’ebigoberera enkola ya Nnaakalyako Ani (wano yali ku bwakabaka n’empisa z’Abaganda); gamba UPC tekkiriza nti abakulembeze b’obuwanga bandibadde n’ebbeetu okukozesa abantu b’obuwanga obwo byonna bye baagala olw’obulungi bwabwe bo ng’abakulembeze. Obote yayongera okugamba nti mu ngeri y’emu baali tebakkiriza ng’enkola eya Mwanawaani (obwami n’obulangira – omuwandiisi) newandibadde nga enkola eno yali ebadde mu Uganda n’emu Afrika okumala emyaka mingi nnyo yali esaana esigale bwetyo. (Wano Obote yeerabira nti buli ggwanga n’ebyalyo. Ova otya e Lango gye basuusuuta akalo n’ojja e Buganda okubagamba nga amatooke bwe gataliimu? – omuwandiisi). Obote wano kwe kugamba nti Uganda yalina okulondawo ekimu ku bibiri: okusigala ku nkola eyasangibwawo ng’abafuzi b’amatwale bazze era netuyigirizibwa okugoberera eby’abagwira ebitalina musingi gutegeerekeka; oba okugoberera entegeka eya Nnaakalyako Ani egendera ku bintu nga bwe biri mu nsi yaffe. Bbo nga UPC baali basazeewo okugoberera enkola eya Nnaakalyako Ani.

Akawendo akaabiri mu obubiri; Obote yagamba nti bbo aba UPC baali tebakkiriza ekigambo ky’okubaawo akabinja akasoolooba ku balala era n’akabinja ako okukozesa obuyinza bwa Mwanawaani. Obote ne banne era baali bakkiriza nti okuva okuva mu byafaayo byaffe, si ntegeka ya bya njigiriza yaffe yokka ye yagoberera omusingi ogwaliwo nga tetunneefuga naye n’eby’obusuubuzi, n’amakolero n’abantu bennyini abaali mu gavumenti oba ebweru waayo; byonna byagenda biteekawo enjawulo wakati w’abaggagga n’abantu abalala abasinga obungi. Enkola ya Nnaakalyako Ani ye yokka eyali egenda okumalawo enjawulo eyo.

Akawendo akaabiri mu obusatu; Obote yagamba nti baali balabawo engeri bbiri eziyinza okuyamba n’okukuza ekitundu ky’abantu abamu ne baba n’enkizo ku balala:

1. Entegeka y’eby’enjigiriza egenderera okuteekawo abantu abalowooza nti olw’obuyigirize bwabwe bo be bafuga abo abatali bayigirize era n’okubalowoozaako ng’abaweereza baabwe.

2. Abayigirize, ate nga be batono, be basinga okuba n’emikisa egy’okufuna emirimu egy’okwekozesa bokka mu by’obusuubuzi n’eby’amakolero era n’okuweebwa emirimu mu gavumenti n’awalala. Kyokka abantu bano mu kifo ky’okukola kyonna ekisoboka okuyamba abo abataayigirizibwa okusobola okubenkana, badda mu kuyamba ba ηηaanda zaabwe. Enkola eno eviiramu ddala obuteesigwa mu by’emirimu era n’okukozesa obubi obuvunaanyizibwa.

Akawendo akaabiri mu obuna; Obote yagamba nti munnayuganda owabulijjo okukula kw’ensi yali akulowooleza mu kweyongera kufuna nsimbi mu nsawo ye. Ssente ezo ayinza okuba nga yali aziggya mu bibye bye yeekolera oba mu kukozesebwa. Wabula omuntu owabulijjo ky’asinga okulowoozaako ng’ekikulu ye gavumenti okumuteerawo ebintu eby’obwereere ensimbi ze zireme okugenda kw’ebyo bye yeetaga mu bulamu bwe naye zidde mu nsawo ye asobole okwekolera ebibye by’ayagala. Akabi akali mu kino kali nti omuntu oyo yeerabira nti mu kukulaakulanya ensi, gavumenti eba erina ebintu ebirala bisatu by’eteekwa okufaako era nga bye bino:


Proposals for document No. 1 on “THE MOVE TO THE LEFT” by DR. A MILTON OBOTE

President of the Uganda Peoples Congress to the Annual Delegates’ Conference



In June, 1968 the Annual Delegates’ Conference of the Uganda People’s Congress passed a number of far-reaching Resolutions. The National Council, the Central Executive Committee and the officials of the Party, were directed by the Conference to implement those resolutions.

As President of the Party I have made a detailed study of the implications behind the Resolutions passed in the June, 1968 Conference and the methods of carrying them out. As a result, officials of the Party and I have produced a document – Proposals for National Service (Document No. 2 on “The Move to the Left”) to implement some aspects of the Conference Resolutions.

It is my sincere belief that in June, 1968 the Party Conference clearly indicated that the Party and Uganda as a whole must take initial steps, as early as possible, to move ideologically and practically to the Left. The practical steps for and the degree of commitment by Party members to such a move were not defined at the Conference. It has been my responsibility as the President of the Party to codify all that the Party stands for and the principles which have been basic characteristics of the Party since its foundation. In this exercise officials of the Party, members of the Party and other persons have been of the greatest assistance in enabling me to interpret the Party Resolutions.

I hereby present to the Central Executive Committee, to the National Council and to the Annual Delegates’ Conference, these same principles and the strategy for the implementation of the June, 1968 Resolutions. Similarly, I commend this document to the people of Uganda and to all our well-wishers.



Uganda People’s Congress



1. We the members of the Annual Delegates’ Conference of the Uganda People’s Congress, assembled on this Twenty-Fourth Day of October, 1969, in an Emergency Meeting in Kampala; being the body charged under the Constitution of the Uganda People’s Congress with the responsibility “to lay down the broad basic policy of the Party” and being conscious of our responsibility and of the fact that the Government of the Republic of Uganda, District Administrations and Urban Authorities are currently run by our Party and on policies and programmes adopted by our Party and recognising our responsibility to the people of Uganda as a whole and to the association of Uganda, Tanzania and Kenya in the East African Community and to Uganda’s Membership of the Organisation of African Unity, do hereby adopt this Charter for the realisation of the real meaning of Independence, namely, that the resources of the country, material and human, be exploited for the benefit of all the people of Uganda in accordance with the principles of Socialism.

2. We hereby commit ourselves to create in Uganda conditions of full security, justice, equality, liberty and welfare for all sons and daughters of the Republic of Uganda and for the realisation of those goals we have adopted the Move to the Left Strategy herein laid as initial steps.

3. We subscribe fully to Uganda always being a Republic and have adopted this Charter so that the implementation of this Strategy prevents effectively any one person or group of persons from being masters of all or a section of the people of Uganda, and ensure that all citizens of Uganda become truly masters of their own destiny.

4. We reject, both in theory and in practice, that Uganda as a whole or any part of it should be the domain of any person, of feudalism, of Capitalism, of vested interests of one kind or another, of foreign influence or of foreigners. We further reject exploitation of material and human resources for the benefit of a few.

5. We reject, both in theory and in practice, isolationism in regard to one part of Uganda towards another, or in regard to Uganda as a whole to the East African Community in particular, and Africa in general.

6. Recognising that the roots of the U.P.C. have always been in the people right from its formation, and realising that the Party has always commanded us that whatever is done in Uganda must be done for the benefit of all, we hereby re-affirm our acceptance of the aims and objectives of the U.P.C., which we set out below in full:

(i) To build the Republic of Uganda as one country with one people, one Parliament and one Government.

(ii) To defend the Independence and Sovereignty of Uganda and maintain peace and tranquillity, and to preserve the republican Constitution of Uganda.

(iii) To organise the Party to enable the people to participate in framing the destiny of our country;

(iv) To fight relentlessly against Poverty, Ignorance, Disease, Colonialism, Neo-Colonialism, Imperialism and Apartheid;

(v) To plan Uganda’s Economic Development in such a way that the Government, through Parastatal Bodies, the Co-operative Movements, Private Companies, Individuals in Industry, Commerce and Agriculture, will effectively contribute to increased production to raise the standard of living in the Country;

(vi) To protect without discrimination based on race, colour, sect or religion every person lawfully living in Uganda and enable him to enjoy the fundamental rights and freedom of the individual, that is to say:

Life, Liberty, Security of the person and Protection of the Law; Freedom of Conscience, of expression and association; Protection of Privacy of his home, property and from deprivation of property without compensation.

(vii) To ensure that no citizen of Uganda will enjoy any special privilege, status or title by virtue of birth, descent or heredity;

(viii) To ensure that in the enjoyment of the rights and freedoms no person shall be allowed to prejudice the rights and freedoms of others and the interests of the State;

(ix) To support organisations, whether international or otherwise, whose aims, objects and aspirations are consistent with those of the Party;

(x) To do such other things that are necessary for the achievement of the aims, objects and aspirations of the Party.”

7. Republicanism in Uganda, just like the political Independence of Uganda, is now a reality, but the demand and struggle for Uhuru has no end. This is part of life and part of the inalienable right of man. It is also the cornerstone of progress and of the liberty of the individual, the basis of his prosperity and the hallmark of his full and effective participation in the affairs of his country. October 9, 1962, therefore, was the beginning of a much greater struggle of many dimensions along the road of full Uhuru. During the last seven years the U.P.C., by action and exhortation, has shown to the people of Uganda that it is wrong and deceitful to treat and regard the 9th October, 1962, as the end of the road; or the day on which the people of Uganda as a whole reached a stage in their development when all that remained was to divide the spoils on the principle of the survival of the fittest; or that the well-to-do, the educated and the feudal lords must and should be allowed to keep what they have, and get more if they can, without let or hindrance.

The Party has always made it clear to the people that the only acceptable and practical meaning of October 9th, 1962, is that the people of Uganda must move away from the ways and mental attitudes of the colonial past, move away from the hold of tribal and other forms of factionalism and the power of vested interests, and accept that the problems of poverty, development and nation-building can and must be tackled on the basis of one Country and one People. The Strategy laid down in this Charter aims at strengthening the fundamental objective of the Party. We do not believe that any citizen of Uganda, once freed of the mental attitudes of the colonial past, freed of the hold of tribal and other forms of factionalism, and freed of the power of vested interests, will find himself or herself at a disadvantage. On the contrary, it is our firm belief that such a citizen will gain that part of his/her freedom which has so far been in the hands of others, and which enabled those others to exploit for their own benefit not only the wealth of the country, but also the energy of our people, thereby arresting the mental development of our people.

8. Less than ten years ago the most prominent and explosive political issues which faced the people of Uganda had in reality, and in practical terms, nothing to do with the people as such. The issues were “The form of government suitable for an independent Uganda” and “Who was to be the Head of State on the achievement of Independence?” These issues were made to appear as of national importance, not because when solutions were found they would advance the lot of the common man, but because the feudalists, on account of their hold on the people, saw Independence as a threat to their then privileged positions and sought to make these positions synonymous with the interests of the common man. It cannot be denied that the then privileged positions of he feudalists were a barrier to the full and effective participation of the common man in the Government of Independent Uganda. The feudalists wanted to continue to rule as they used to before the coming of the British and they did not want the common man to have a say in the shaping of the destiny of an independent Uganda. That situation, however, is no longer with us Uganda is now a Republic. We hold it as the inalienable right of the people that they must be masters of their own destiny and not servants of this or that man; that they must, as citizens of an Independent Republic, express their views as freely as possible within the laws of their country, made, not in separate Parliaments, but in one Parliament in which the people as a whole have an equal say through their representatives.

9. The Republican status, therefore, has taken Uganda further towards the goal of full Uhuru. It must not be accepted, however, that our new status by itself is sufficient, or that it has removed exploitation and has brought full Uhuru. We realise that it is, by itself, an advance towards the goal of full Uhuru, but because we are also convinced that more has yet to be done, this Charter has been adopted, and its strategy is in our view a logical development from the fact that we have been moving away from the hold of feudal power since 1966. For so long as that feudal power was a factor in the politics and economy of Uganda it could not be disregarded. Thus the reason for this Charter. It must also be noted that in a society in which feudalism is an important and major political and economic factor, that society cannot escape being Rightist in its internal and external policies. With the removal of the feudal factor from our political and economic life, we need to do two things. First we must not allow the previous position of the feudalists to be filled by neo-feudalists. Secondly, we must move away from circumstances which may give birth to neo-feudalism or generate feudalistic mentality.

The move to the Left is the creation of a new political culture and a new way of life, whereby the people of Uganda as a whole – their welfare and their voice in the National Government and in other local authorities – are paramount. It is, therefore, both anti-feudalism and anti-capitalism.

10. In 1968, the U.P.C. Delegates’ Conference passed the following resolution on the important matter of nation-building:

(a) “NOTE with deep satisfaction the liquidation of anti-national and feudal forces, and the introduction of the Republican Constitution;

(b) THANK the leaders of the Party and the Government on initiating the revolution for economic, social and political justice;

(c) RECOGNISE that the most important task confronting the Party and the Government today is that of nation-building;

(d) RESOLVE that its entire human and material resources be committed in that task of nation-building;

(e) DIRECT that the National Council of the Party do examine ways and means for active involvement of all institutions, State and private, in joint endeavour with the Party to achieve and serve a nation united and one.”

11. We have no doubt whatsoever about the high priority which must be given to nation-building, and we are fully aware that there may be many people in this country who are either uninformed or misguided, who have not yet come to appreciate the importance of nation-building. We, therefore, consider it our responsibility to inform the uninformed, and to guide the misguided. It is also our responsibility to enlighten the people about the necessity of all the institutions in this country and the people as a whole being actively involved in the joint endeavour to serve the Nation.

12. When the U.P.C. proposes a policy or programme on behalf and for the benefit of the people of Uganda, the meaning of the phrase “people of Uganda” is always clear and definite. It is, One People under One Government in One Country. Accordingly, over the seven years of Independence the Party has indicated more than sufficiently that to belong to a clan, a tribe, a linguistic group, a region or a religion, is neither an advantage nor a disadvantage to any citizen of Uganda. The fact of being a citizen of Uganda, however, is a decided advantage which gives him fundamental rights and freedoms, and affords him full opportunity to exercise his social duties and obligations to his clan, tribe, region or religion, save as forbidden by laws passed by Parliament. These laws, as it is clearly stated in Principle 6 of the U.P.C. Aims and Objects, and in the Republican Constitution, are desirable so as to enable all citizens to enjoy their fundamental rights and freedoms without infringing upon the rights and freedoms of any other citizens to do the same.

13. In seven years of Independence we have experienced that the mass of our people are law-abiding citizens, who believe in the security of their families, stable conditions around their homes and throughout Uganda; who appreciate the need for expanding economic and social services, and who are desirous to work hard to improve their conditions of living and participate fully in political control of governmental institutions. This experience is in contrast to another, namely, the desire of foreign powers and institutions to choose leaders for us, to influence the policies of the Government of Uganda to the benefit of foreign interests, and to use the sons and daughters of Uganda to advance these interests. In our experience we have not found a single instance where foreign interests have sought to use the masses of the people to serve the interests of foreigners. We have, however, had abundant instances where the well-to-do, the educated and the feudal elements have been bought to serve the interests of foreigners. This kind of corruption of the intentions and frustrations of the wishes of the people may be tolerated in countries where nationhood has been firmly established, illiteracy is almost unknown and other factional issues do not play any important part in elections or in the formulation of Government policies. Uganda has not yet reached that stage of development; but even when we eventually reach that stage we will not tolerate, on principle, the corruption of the intentions and the frustration of the wishes of the people.

14. One of the most important considerations facing the people of Uganda, in the view of the U.P.C., is the future of the youth. We have only to look at the figures of all the young men and women in the Universities, in the Secondary Schools, in other institutes of learning and in the Primary Schools, to speak nothing of those who are at home, to realise that these are citizens of Uganda who are being prepared to shoulder responsibilities of consolidating further the political independence we now have, and to open more and more avenues which will lead the people of Uganda to real economic and social independence.

15. If, here in Uganda, we adopt the policy of developing our country and preparing our youth within the confines of tribal Governments, tribal Parliaments and traditions, and as tools of sectionalism and factionalism of any kind, we would neither be making a contribution to the African Revolution, nor would we be giving these young people what is within our power to give them – that is, the broadening of their horizon to look at the whole of Uganda and not just a part of it as the centre and platform of their operations. It is our duty and responsibility to accept these young people irrespective of the corner of Uganda which may be their birthplace. The whole of Uganda is their inheritance and we must not deny either all of them or a majority of them or even a minority of them, their heritage. They are growing in a different world – a world very different from the world in which those who faced the British when they first imposed colonial rule in Uganda lived. Young people are growing in a world which is becoming smaller and smaller, and for us to make that world even smaller by inducing them, directly or indirectly, to become exponents of tribal Herrenvolk principles, religious bigotry and fanaticism and feudalistic selfishness, and capitalistic rapacities would be to do a disservice that Africa will never forget, and a disservice that will certainly reduce the mental capacities of our young men and women. Uganda cannot afford to be so heartless to her youth.

16. It is not only the youth whom we must think about. Those who are grown up are equally important. Even the old and the infirm are important. The tribal confines and security are no longer strong enough to give them the requirements of modern times, or to protect their lives and property or to give that important recognition of human dignity and citizenship of a sovereign state.

17. We reiterate the fact that the struggle for Independence was not a struggle confined to people professing one religion. The colonial power heard voices from all corners of Uganda. The struggle, however, was not that different parts of Uganda should return to the days of tribal quarrels, disunity and wars but to move to the new era wherein all people of Uganda are one and the country is one, and to regain our dignity as human beings.

18. We recognise that ours is a society in transition. We want to bring out our considered assessment of the present situation as the starting point for our adoption of the move to the Left Strategy set out in this Charter. Uganda is a country which is already independent politically. It is that status that makes it the responsibility of the people of Uganda to shape their destiny. Before the 9th October, 1962, the people of Uganda did not have that responsibility or power. The sixty-nine years of colonial rule, during which an alien way of life was not only planted but also took root, resulted in the phenomenon of developing our human and material resources to bear the imprint of this factor in our society. What was planted in Uganda during the era of British protectorate appeared in the eyes and minds of our people as the final word in perfection regarding the development of our material resources and human relationship. Consequently, both before and after Independence, our people have been living in a society in which an alien way of life has been embedded. The result has been that most of our people do not look in to the country for ideas to make life better in Uganda, but always look elsewhere to import ideas which may be perfectly suitable in some other society but certainly unfitting in a society like ours. The more we pursue that course, the more we artificially organise out society, our material resources and human relationship, and the more we perpetuate a foreign way of life in our country.

19. We cannot afford to build two nations within the territorial boundaries of Uganda: one rich, educated, African in appearance but mentally foreign, and the other, which constitutes the majority of the population, poor and illiterate. We do not consider that all aspects of the African traditional life are acceptable as socialistic now. We do not, for instance, accept that belonging to a tribe should make a citizen a tool to be exploited by and used for the benefit of tribal leaders. Similarly, we do not accept that feudalism, though not inherently something peculiar to Africa or to Uganda, is a way of life which must not be disturbed because it has been in practice for centuries. With this background, we are convinced that Uganda has to choose between two alternatives. We either perpetuate what we inherited, in which case we will build on a most irrational system of production and distribution of wealth based on alien methods, or we adopt a programme of action based on realities of our country. The choice adopted in this Charter is the latter.. We must move away from the ways of the past to the avenues of reality, and reject travelling along a road where the signpost reads: “Right of admittance is belief in the survival of the fittest.” To us, every citizen of Uganda must survive and we are convinced that Uganda has to move to the Left as a unit. Conditions must be created to enable the fruits of Independence to reach each and every citizen without some citizens enjoying privileged positions or living on the sweat of their fellow citizens.

20. The emergence and growth of a privileged group in our society, together with the open possibilities of the group assuming the powers of the feudal elements, are not matters of theory and cannot be disregarded with a waive of the hand. Nor should the same be looked at from a doctrinaire approach. It is for this reason that in this Charter we do not intend to play with words, even if those words have meanings, such as “Capitalism” or “Communism”. We are convinced that from the standpoint of our history, not only our educational system inherited from pre-Independence days, but also the attitudes to modern commerce and industry and the position of a person in authority, in or outside Government are creating a gap between the well-to-do on the one hand and the mass of people on the other. As the years go by, this gap will become wider and wider. The move to the Left Strategy of this Charter aims at bridging the gap and arresting this development.

21. We identify two circumstances in which the emergence of a privileged class can find comfort and growth. First, there is our education system which aims at producing citizens whose attitude to the uneducated and to their way of life leads them to think of themselves as the masters and the uneducated as their servants. Secondly, the opportunities for self-employment in modern commerce and industry and to gain employment in Government and in other sectors of the economy are mainly open to the educated few; but instead of these educated few doing everything possible within their powers for the less educated, a tendency is developing where whoever is in business or in Government looks to his immediate family and not to the country as a whole in opening these opportunities. The existence of these circumstances could lead to actual situations of corruption, nepotism and abuse of responsibility. It is unrealistic for anyone to believe that the answer to such situations lies in the strict application of the laws. Much as the laws might assist in preventing such crimes being committed against the nation, it is our view that the answer lies in tackling the roots of the problems, namely to generate a new attitude to life and to wealth, and new attitudes in exercising responsibilities. Our country is fortunate in that these problems have not taken deep roots and the crimes which they generate and the crimes which they generate are universally condemned by the society. If we do not take initial effective measures to change the course of events at this stage of our history, it may be too late to avoid violence in future years. It is because we are convinced that this is the right moment to re-orientate our course that we have adopted the measures set out in the move to the Left Strategy of this Charter.

22. The ordinary citizen of Uganda associates economic development of this country with a rise in his own private real income. This income may accrue to him from self-employment, i.e., farming, fishing, cattle-keeping, or paid employment. What is of crucial importance to the ordinary citizen is that Government should provide him with certain social services free and that his income should rise faster than the cost of living, so that he can afford more goods and services for his own use. But there are also three other major dimensions of economic development which must concern our Government. These are the distribution of the national income, the structure of the economy and the creation of institutions conducive to further development and consistent with the Socialist Strategy outlined in this Charter.

23. Let us begin with the examination of the distribution of income in our country. It is obvious that for development to take place there should be a rise in the average income per head (per capita income). This can only occur if the rate of growth of national income exceeds the rate of population growth. For this reason our Government must always place great emphasis on the fast rate of growth of the economy and the national income. Indeed, increased production and wealth is one of the three major goals of the current Plan (“Work for Progress”) 1966-71. We are fully convinced that this emphasis is not misplaced, since raising the standard of living of the Common Man in Uganda must be the major aim of our Government. It is possible, however, for the overall rate of growth to rise without affecting large masses of the population. This is a danger that we must guard against. We must not either because of inertia, corruption or academic love for the principle of the theory of free enterprise, fail to take bold corrective measures against this danger.

24. There is also the danger that economic development could be unevenly distributed as between regions of the country. The fact is that there is no automatic mechanism within our economic system to ensure an equitable distribution of the national income among persons, groups of persons or regions. We need only to stretch our eyes not to the distant future but to the years immediately ahead of us, taking into account the fact of our present expanding economy, to recognise that if no new strategy is adopted now, inequalities in the distribution of income will change dramatically the status of millions of our people, and might result in our having two nations – one fabulously rich and living on the sweat of the other, and the other living in abject poverty – both living in one country. In such a situation political power will be in the hands of the rich and the maximum the Government will do for the poor will be paternalism, where the lot of the masses will be not only to serve the well-to-do, but to be thankful on their knees when opportunity arises to eat the crumbs from the high table.

25. The nature of our economy today is such that the resources are not allocated by a central authority. The reality of the situation is that allocation of resources in Uganda today is directly proportionate to the distribution of income. The practical fact which emerges from this can be illustrated in this way. If 5 per cent. of the population receive, say, 50 per cent. of the national income among them, this small minority possesses the power to command at least half of the productive resources of the country. With so much wealth at their disposal their consumption habits will affect the whole economy. As it happens, these habits will be characterised by the consumption of luxurious goods not produced in the country but imported from outside, or produced in the country at extremely high cost. If the goods have to be imported then the bulk of the population must produce for export in order to pay for the import of such luxurious goods. Our argument for a change to make it impossible for such a situation to develop as a feature of Uganda, is that the consumption habits of the very rich not only impinge directly on the disposal of one of the very important resources of the country, namely foreign exchange, but also constitute a negation of the real meaning of our Independence. The crucial point here is that inequitable distribution of income leads directly to non-development of resources which could cater for the consumption needs of the poor, since the masses cannot afford to pay for the goods which would be produced, and instead the economy becomes dependent on exports of primary commodities in order to pay for imports of luxurious goods for the rich. The end result is a constant problem of unfavourable balance of payments and external debts, and a neglect of the welfare of the Common Man.

26. We must examine the argument in another way. A redistribution of income which puts more purchasing power in the hands of the Common Man, who constitutes the greatest proportion of the population, would give an impetus to the development of local industries. This is because the needs of the masses are unlikely to be of the luxurious type. As the mass of the people of Uganda begin to acquire higher and higher incomes, they would in all probability acquire more and more goods produced in their country; but to open the door only to the rich to buy at high prices any quantity of imported goods and locally produced goods at high costs, which put them beyond the means of the Common Man, is to disregard the existence of the mass of the population or to acknowledge their servitude to the rich.

27. The heart of the Move to the Left can be simply stated. It is both political and economic. It is the basic belief of the Uganda Peoples’ Congress that political power must be vested in the majority of the people and not the minority. It is also the fundamental belief of the Uganda Peoples’ Congress that economic power should be vested in the majority and not in the minority, as is the case at present. It is therefore, our firm resolution that political and economic power must be vested in the majority.

28. The structure of Uganda’s economy is characterised by: an excessive dependence on agriculture as a source of income, employment and foreign exchange; a heavy dependence on exports based on two major export crops; heavy dependence on imports, particularly of manufactured products; and the limited participation of Ugandans in the modern industrial and commercial sectors of the economy. It has therefore been the policy of the Party to diversify the economy to make it less dependent of foreign trade, to promote the participation of citizens in all sectors of the economy, and the Move to the Left is intended to intensify these efforts through collective ownership, viz. Co-operatives and state enterprises.

29. Economic development demands, among other things, capital (money). We recognise that a country cannot depend upon capital from outside because this, apart from being unpredictable, is subject to variation by various factors and has always got strings attached to it. We are convinced from experience that this country is capable of generating sufficient capital out of the savings of all the citizens. We therefore propose that a suitable means where savings of the citizens can be effectively tapped and correctly channelled into further economic development should be introduced.

30. To this effect we propose that the system be based on the present basis of calculation upon which wage-earners pay contribution of a fraction of their earnings into the Social Security Fund. The basis of the calculation of that part of the income of the wage-earners that goes into contributions to the National Social Security Scheme should apply proportionately to the income earned by all other persons, either by way of salary or other method of determinable income. With the exception of the wage-earner who is already required by law to make contributions to the National Social Security Scheme, all other persons will either pa direct or have it deducted and paid into an approved scheme.

31. The present banking institutions cater mainly for the needs of commerce and industry. It is not possible for the peasants, who constitute the majority of our population, to advance their lot through financial assistance in the form of loans from these commercial banks. Even if they were to do so, they would spend a substantial part of it, if not their entire income, in paying back these loans. It is, therefore, imperative that a new banking system, to be known as the Co-operative Bank, be established to cater solely for the peasants who are members of the Co-operative Unions. The policy of such a Bank should include a provision to the effect that the Co-operative Union of the person applying for a loan from the Bank gives a guarantee and takes over administration of the repayment of the loan, and that the loan in the majority of cases should be given in relation to what the applicant is already doing.

32. We reiterate the fact that there can be no investment unless somebody first makes a corresponding saving. This applies equally to local and overseas investment.

(a) With regard to local investment we have now proposed a scheme for compulsory saving in a number of schemes, and the establishment of Co-operative Banks.

(b) With regard to foreign investment we fully realise that foreign investors want guarantees, and we consider that the Foreign Investment (Protection) Act covers this adequately and generously. Much as we appreciate the need to attract foreign investment, we are fully convinced that the economic future of this country depends on local capital formation and local savings and investment.

33. In future we would wish to see foreign investments coming into Uganda under the Foreign Investment (Protection) Act, engaging in priority projects and not projects decided solely on the basis of profitability. Similarly, local investments should be controlled in such a way that they are made in priority projects determined by the needs of the economic development of the country.

34. In our Move to the Left Strategy, we affirm that the guiding economic principle will be that the means of production and distribution must be in the hands of the people as a whole. The fulfilment of this principle may involve nationalisation of enterprises privately owned.

35. The issue of nationalisation has already been determined and therefore it is a settled matter. It was in the 1962 Constitution, as it is in the republican Constitution of 1967. Therefore no citizen or person in private enterprise should entertain the idea that the Government of Uganda cannot, whenever it is desirable in the interests of the people, nationalise any or all privately owned enterprises, mailo and freehold land and all productive assets or property, at any time, for the benefit of the people. The Party therefore directs the Government to work along these lines.

36. In this Charter we lay emphasis first on the people being given massive education in operating and establishing institutions controlled, not by individuals, but by the people collectively. This massive education should aim at re-orientating the attitudes of the people towards co-operation in the management of economic institutions, and away from individual and private enrichment. We therefore direct the Government to give education to the people to acquire new attitudes in the management of our economy where collective exploitation of our resources to the benefit of all will take the place of individual and private enterprise aimed at enriching a few.

37. We must move in accordance with the principles of democracy. That is the way that brings human progress. Ideas must be generated and sifted, and citizens – educated or not – must be able to think for themselves, learn to work together, and to participate in the processes of governing themselves.

38. The Move to the Left involves government by discussion. This Charter and the principles enunciated herein should be widely disseminated through mass media of communication, and discussed by study groups and individuals all over the country.

39. Principles are a good thing but they are no substitute for hard work. The success of the Charter demands full commitment of leaders to its realisation, acceptance by the mass of the population, and hard work by all.

40. The adoption of the Charter provides an opportunity to the Common Man for the realisation of the full fruits of his labour and of social justice.

Sir Edward was not only a British trained military officer, but was an instructor himself in the Grenadier Guards

On 30th Nov 1953, when the Governor Sir Andrew Cohen surmoned Sir Edward Muteesa to Government House in Entebbe, after Sir Edward refused to budge from the numerous threats made towards him, Sir Cohen handed him the deportation order. Without looking at it, Sir Edward passed it over to his Katikkiro, Owek. Paulo Kavuma, and kept on staring at the Governor. He (Sir Edward) just calmly asked them, “Does this mean that I am under arrest?” The Governor hissed out, “Yes”. Two white constables then walked in to take away the Kabaka. He then allowed them to walk him out of the office. Upon reaching outside, his deputy ADC, Robert Ntambi (RIP) being concerned over the safety of his Kabaka asked him, “Ssebo, nkube?”, meaning “Sir, should I shoot the bastards?” Sir Edward being the Royal and British trained military personnel he was, replied calmly with wisdom and guidance, “Tokuba, baleke” meaning “Just let the poor souls be!”

Please note that Sir Edward himself was armed with a revolver which he later handed over to the accompanying British officer in the aeroplane when they were already airborne, and could have done a Terrance Hill to those two poor souls, but he couldn’t kill an innocent man.

Sir Edward was not only a British trained military officer, but was an instructor himself in the Grenadier Guards. As you might guess, British Army is not some ‘’taka taka’ African army where some officer might be made an instructor simply because of some top connections. Sir Edward was worthy his pips and medals. Sir Edward though still a minor, had the advantage of receiving lectures from his father; the late Sir Daudi Chwa II. It was not just by chance that he was made the 35th Kabaka of Buganda

I live by the truth, and that is part of the true history of our kingdom Buganda.Katikkiro of Obwakabaka bw’e Buganda brought light not only to Buganda, but to the rest of Uganda, Kenya and Rwanda! Thanks to Buganda’s Katikkiro Kawalya, not only Buganda is enjoying NWSC services, but the whole of Ugandan towns. Thanks to Buganda’s Katikkiro Mukasa, not only Buganda is enjoying the benefits of Islam and Christianity, but the whole of Uganda and the region including Rwanda, Burundi and Boga-Zaire (East DRC). Buganda is a key player in the development of our Region, from establishing religion, nagging the British with independence to introducing electricity and piped water and sewerage system!

‘I remember even when the then Katikkiro of Buganda, owek. Michael Kawalya, proposed to the British Protectorate government to introduce a piped water grid system and hydro electricity in the country, a great section of the population threatened to stone him to ‘death’. They asked him whether the lake Nnalubaale and the various brooks and streams in Buganda had run dry. All the masses wanted (they told him) was Independence from the Lukokobe – Muzungu!’

You have well heard of the Kiganda saying that; “Okwogera ennyo, ssi kuzza Lubaale!” In other words, even if you play and dance TWIST, it won’t help you to bring back the Bazungu wish of stiffling Buganda and the region!

The problems between Bazungu (this includes Indians and British citizens who were living in East Africa at the time) and Baganda might have started with Sir Hesketh Bell, but th…is does not erase the history that as per the 1894 and 1900 Agreements, Buganda was treated as a Sovereign State, and that is why Buganda and later Uganda was NEVER a Colony! Amazima gakaawa but non-Baganda should appreciate Buganda’s role in preventing their regions from becoming a colony, as was the case with Kenya and Tanzania! I shall repeat once more, Buganda has perfected the art of negotiating since time immemorial, that is why the Arabs and British explorers cum traders found it in an asdvanced stage, because Baganda knew the value of negotiating! Even the wars that were fought by Buganda and her neighbours, negotiations were not ruled out

Simply because of Olunyoomonyoomo lwa Bazungu that was evident with the coming of Hesketh Bell on the scene, we are not going to accept our history to be re-written. Buganda was a Sovereign State while other regions looked on, but just like a good teacher who doesn’t wish to see part of the class advancing while the rest is lagging behind, Buganda tried to move in step with the rest of the regions, at her expense. Otherwise we would have got our independence in the 1930s. Ever heard of the Buganda organisation called Bataka Union – BU, that was headed by a one Ssemakula Mulumba? Those men were not jokers!

You very well know that in the past, Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda have enjoyed a long history of co-operation under successive kingdom and regional integration arrangements. Kingdom in that Bunyoro-Kitara and Buganda kingdoms were trade partners way deep up to Karagwe in Tanzania and then westwards. With the negotiations between the British and Buganda that brought about the Uganda (Buganda) British Protectorate in 1894 and the Buganda Agreement of 1900, more developmental initiatives were introduced. These have included the Customs Union between Kenya and Uganda in 1917, which the then Tanganyika later joined in 1927; the East African High Commission (1948-1961); the East African Common Services Organisation (1961-1967) which was tasked with pst office, railways, airways, ports and harbours; and research. The East African Community was formed later in 1967 and lasted until 1977.

The East African High Commission sparked off what was later to become the 1953-55 Buganda Crisis. Why? Because the British in their arrogance formed it without consulting Buganda thru its Great Lukiiko in Mmengo, as per the Agreements in place. Buganda just learnt about it through the media, and to add salt to injury, this son of a Briton called Oliver Lyttelton announces at an exclusive party tha was held at the East Africa House how Britain is going to federate the three East African Countries just like they had done with Northern Rhodesia and Nyasaland (Malawi). The rest is history, but bottom line: Buganda affairs before were in the Foreign Office okutuusa abalabe baffe lwe baatukwatirwa obuggya! And even then, if you persist on the disinformation, the demand for Buganda to be returned to the British Foreign Office shows the foresightedness of our forefathers and the kingdom as a whole. Hate it or love it, if it weren’t for Buganda negotiators, Uganda, Kenya and Tanzania would now be like Zimbabwe or South Africa! The choice is yours. Please, give the Devil his due!!!


1/7 If you chanced to access a Top Secret memorandum C. (53) 324 written by the British Secretary of State (Minister) for the colonies to the British cabinet on 18th November 1953, you would learn that HM EF Mutesa II had very few options when he was summoned by Andrew Cohen for interview.

2/7 The governor (Cohen) already had instructions to ensure that Kabaka Mutesa complied with instructions to leve the country. The memorandum stated that, “If the Kabaka refuses to come to this country to see me then I propose to authorize the Governor to put into operation the plan described in paragraph 6 above.”

3/7 Para 6 of the memorandum was a detailed military plan (referred to by Secretary Lyttleton as “extreme action”) that was supposed to be executed from the day of the Kabaka Mutesa/Governor Cohen meeting (30.11.1953) to 8.12.1953.

4/7 Note that on 16th November 1953 4th Battalion K.A.R started moving back to Jinja from Kenya ready for military operations in Buganda “in support of the police” to carry out what the memorandum called a coup d’etat had the Kabaka tried to

“…embark on an open trial of strength with Her Majesty’s Government.”

5/7 That “Top Secret” memorandum in part states that, “General Erskine has agreed to make available one battalion of the King’s African Rifles which is now moving into Uganda ostensibly as a routine transfer. He has also agreed to have a reserve battalion on standing by at three days’ notice but if this or any further reinforcements were called upon he might have to ask additional assistance from the United Kingdom.”

6/7 So then, Kabaka Mutesa was alot wiser than you can possibly imagine, by avoiding any childish action of the type that you call “Terrance Hill”. Had he tried, he would probably have been subjected to an emotional experience that would have denied him the chance to see 1966, itself a continuation of the 1953 intransigence.

7/7 The difference between 1966 and 1953 was, that Governor Cohen had alot more manoeuvrability than AM Obote, otherwise the basic plan was the same. Cohen had plan A and B. Plan A worked and that saved the day. AM had only Plan A, namely, Cohen’s Plan B, a Zero sum game.
L/Cpl (rtd) Otto Patrick

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