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Day May 24, 2013

ROOTS OF THE 1966 CRISIS:Initial troubles centred on the financial position of Buganda

I see some people giving their own historical reading of the genesis of the 1966 fiasco in Uganda but Let me try to give the facts as I was made to understand them in my P4 civics classes. Initial troubles centred on the financial position of Buganda, leading to protracted wrangles between Entebbe and Mmengo over the interpretation of Article 1 of schedule 9 of the 1962 constitution (See pp. 173-4 1962 Constitution at compatriotto, The Central government sought to deduct from its grants to Mmengo additional revenue accruing to Buganda from graduated tax on non-Africans, rents received from public land, leases to urban authorities etc.

Earlier on, the Relationship Commission (Munster Commission) had laid out the means through which the central government would maintain firm financial discipline over local authorities but curiously, Mmengo did not think that those stipulations applied to Buganda insisting that its relationship with the centre was special and different from that of other local authorities. This (mistaken) view was largely informed by the leverage Buganda had over the UPC government, having eased it into power through the UPC-KY alliance. In spite of that, though, AM Obote is remembered to have insisted that, “we refuse to sign a blank cheque to the Buganda Government”.

For all its feeling of being special, Buganda was however not assisted by the never-ending financial misdemeanours by the Michael Kintu ministry (Kintu was the Katiikiro until he was deposed in 1964 after Buganda lost in the referendum over the “lost counties”). While Buganda had £1 million in its coffers by the end of 1958, this had dwindled to a mere £465,000 in 1960. In 1963, it was in the red by £226,863.

In 1965, the Planning Commission of the Buganda Government warned that the Kabaka’s government was on the brink of bankruptcy and that the ministers whose nepotism had reached new limits were the worst offenders. The report also sent out danger signs on the state of morale of the Buganda civil service which it warned, had reached a very low ebb. Another report of a committee led by a Makerere academic, DP Ghai warned that the feeble control by the central government on public expenditure in the kingdom had resulted in a perilous financial situation at Mmengo.

In 1965, Buganda finances were already in a considerable overdraft but even then, Mmengo went ahead to craft a budget that right from conception, suffered a deficit of £430,000, all this on top of a sum of £200,000 loaned internally to key officials at Mmengo for personal use.

Through all this, the services that had been transferred to the Buganda government as a federal authority were being heavily subsidised by the central government. Even in the face of that reality and evidence of financial indiscipline, Mmengo wanted the payer of the piper not to have anything to do with calling the tune: the Kabaka Government insisted that in spite of Central government subsidies, Mmengo was entitled to spend according to its own policies and legislation. Entebbe on the other had insisted that it was not obliged to subsidise schemes over which it had no control, particularly in light of reports of serious financial impropriety on the part of the Kabaka Government.

All this tussling was happening against the backdrop of the pending resolution of the thorny question of the “lost counties” (Buyaga and Bugangaizi) of Bunyoro; which the 1961 Constitutional Conference, attended by Buganda, was supposed to be resolved by a referendum to be held by the central government on a convenient date not earlier than two years after independence, i.e., after 8th October 1964.Thus the stage was set for a serious political stalemate between Entebbe and Mmengo

It should be recalled that, at this point, the Mmengo establishment had deluded itself into thinking that the referendum on the “lost counties” would never take place and if at all it took place, it would be in Mmengo’s favour. The common view at Mmnego was: the counties were “a god-given our inheritence”:the only way that Buganda would lose those counties would be if a flood or “mukoka” washed them away and carried them to Bunyoro.

Such was the mood of morbid delusion and grievous self-deception at Mmengo that the dawning of the truth was fraught with the possibilities of instability. That instability lay waiting. To shore up the delusion, money had to be spent or rather squandered on what was called the “Ndaiga Scheme”, approved by the Lukiiko and initiated in mid-1963 with the aim of promoting economic development in the “lost counties, improving the road system, but most importantly, resettling Baganda ex-service personnel and their families, along the patterns of Israeli Kibbutzim.

It did not take long for it to become evident that Ndaiga was becoming a bottomless pit. By january 1964, questions were being raised on whether the Minister in charge of Ndaiga (also holding the portifolio of Health and Works) had received Lukiiko approval to spend public money on the scheme. Lukiiko committee that investigated the scheme discovered that,

£120,000 was spent without authorisation
£45,000 could not be accounted for, and supposedly cashed as a cheque made out in Dr Muwazi’s name, in a London bank)
£12,000 had been wasted on the purchase of junk machinery (not tanks or helicopters)
£4,000 had been spent on road surveys which had in fact been already undertaken by Uganda government
An undisclosed (but reportedly obscene) amount had been spent on entertainment.

More was to follow later in 1964 when the fear of losing the referendum led to the of an excess of £30,000, of which, £10,000 was spent on “gifts”. A lot was spent on campaigners deployed by individual Mmengo ministers. Many of those campaigners (like those of Masembe-Kabali) filed fictitious weekly reports on stories of success and squeezed large amounts of money from Mmengo. A few hours before the referendum, £2,500 was released by the Omuwanika (treasurer) “which in that time could only have been spent on converting the thirsty or congratulating the converted”, as one observer noted.

For all that great, if clumsy financial effort, Mmengo lost the referendum massively. The rude awakening that was to give further momentum towards the crisis that was reach its climax in May 1966.

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Patrick Otto

M7’s many districts could be explained with the 1,2,3,4 doctrine:One wife; two children; a three-bedroom house; a four-wheeled vehicle

Leading Uganda is not about being glib.The point is, leading Uganda is not about ear-to-ear smiling, if snarling, day in and day out, and blaring out at every passer-by as “brother”, “sister”, had lunch with so and so, and all that sort of rubbish that should left to con persons. Leading Uganda is about deep reflection, it is about wearing a scraggy frown, it is about brutal truthfulness and aversion to papering over issues. It is about being a philosopher king.

I do recall warning NRA (as UPC would call it), to free themselves from “the Okellos”. I once told them that the world was changing and there are more determined adversaries that will emerge and if you are still excited by defeating the Okellos, they may not know what will disorganise them from another angle. I was a mere Corporal, so…………………………That warning stands for nay organisation that gets overtaken by the victories or defeats of yesterday, and forgets that tomorrow will present itself with completely new challenges. Indeed, when AM Obote was gloating at the rather pacifist PK Semogerere, taunting him: “Brother Semugererere, show me your generals”, he did not know that there were more furious adversaries stalking the UPC. They were fixated on DP, it did not pay. They are now fixated on NRA, it will not pay, because they will be shocked when the carpet is swept from below their feet, and they are dispatched as an organisation, probably with the eternal enemy, the NRA. As for UPC “generals”, the rest is history.

When we were young foot soldiers, we harboured a dose of resentment for the by-product of the overhyped secondary school called Makerere University; particularly because of what, we were told, was their principle ideology: the 1,2,3,4 doctrine.

The 1,2,3,4 doctrine means, One (official) wife; two children; a three-bedroom house; a four-wheeled vehicle (preferably, four wheel drive with a four litre engine). Apparently, that is all that the Makerere (large noises?) graduate possess as life’s ultimate ideal.

Right there in the 1,2,3,4 doctrine, the national manager is faced with a tough contradiction whose two poles are:

1. A yawning gap in “service delivery” to a largely rural population.
2. The abundance of a 1,2,3,4 bureaucratic, intellectual and technical elite (with an overinflated opinion of itself).
The question then becomes: how do you resolve that contradiction?

One of the two above is the means and the other is the end. One is primary and the other is secondary. The big-shot mentality of the “Moja, Mbili, Tatu, Nne pseudoelite” is, that if you are to be assigned as a public servant outside the confines of the national capital to the outlying country (which is literally 2 miles beyond the “city” centre), you have to go there as a “District-something” at a minimum: District Medical Officer, District Veterinary Officer…the same with education, administration, agriculture, culture, youth…mention it.

Here is how our Roman Catholic Priest Kiringente parish used to resolve a similar contradiction. Roman Catholic doctrine prohibited(or prohibits still?) the consumption of meat on fridays, except fish. When the Faza (Father) Pio found himself stuck only with beef or chicken on friday, he would have to sort out two contradictions: the subjective one to do with some obscure doctrine and the objective one to do with basic survival by avoiding starvation. Solution: take the beef to the altar in the Kelezia, and in the name of the father the son and the ghost, “I baptize this beef as fish, and from thence onwards it shall be fish”…sprinkle some water here and there…Kwisha!..and on to the kitchen, and a friday dinner of “fish”. Amen.

Now, if you have an elite with such a huge ego that they will not take any title that is not prefixed by the word “District”, you are in a bit of a fix. They will not be called Sub county Medical officers, or Sub county Education Officers etc, and those aspects of public service will remain unsuperintended by those with the knowhow, if know who. What do you do? Use Faza Pio doctrine. Get the thing called the Sub County, bundle it to the Kelezia called parliament full of rubber-stamp catechists that are indebted to you, cause them to baptize the Sub county as the “District” all in the name of the goat and the rooster…or whatever is on the Court of Arms….Amen.

That is how you deal with a philosophically constipated pseudoelite that will not distinguish between form and essence: essentially they will be sub county notables but in form, they will District this and District that; while taking services to the people shall cease to be irritating claptrap. “No money for many districts”: that is more of popular rubbish that it is enlightened public opinion.

Vote Retarded Lance Corporal Otto into State House now and I would baptise the sub parish as the “District”, if only to massage the morbid egos of the muddle-headed 1,2,3,4 pseudoelite, and take those services as deep down as the mayumba kumi. The end would justify the means.

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Patrick Otto

The 1961/66 development plan was written by Whites not Obote(UPC)

As a matter of concern, the style of opposition in Uganda consists mainly of schoolboyish heckling. If the group in power is not of your liking (esp if they do not give you federo, and akenda) then there is nothing good that you will hear about that group, and even the country. With that mentality, all we condemn ourselves to is heckling, day in and day out. When we do that, we risk subjecting our brains to disuse atrophy, let alone missing out on real constructive criticism.

In as far as we find any use for future thinking, in this petty debate over what UPC did or failed to do, let us bear the following facts in mind.A.M. Obote could never have possibly been part of crafting of the 1961/66 development plan. The plan was based directly on the findings of an IBRD mission and the only contact AM Obote had with that mission was in their meeting with the LegCo, in November 1960, even before Ben Kiwanuka dreamt of being Chief Minister. The group was as lined up there, and AM Obote etc are not part of it:

Edward S. Mason, Mission Chief
Andrew M. Kamarck, Chief Economist
Richard F. Boyd, Adviser on Health
Norman D. Lees, Adviser on Industry
Franz Luitolf, Economist
George M. McKelvie, Adviser on Transport
Sir Herbert Stewart, Adviser on Agriculture
Thomas Wilson, Adviser on Education
Montague Yudelman, Agricultural Economist
H. David Davis, Editor

They were formed up late 1959, when Obote was still heading a faction of UNC… the time he started leading UPC in March 1960, work had already taken off. They all arrived in Uganda in Sep 1960 to start their work.

As their report notes, ‘The task of the mission, as agreed by the two Governments and the Bank, was to present practical recommendations, with supporting analysis and suggestions as to specific actions to be taken, which could serve as the basis for a development program covering the period 1961/62-1965/66.’ (p.vii).

A PDF copy of the mission report is at this link:, and there is a text version at this link for those who may want to excerpt from it:

This is the link to the 1961/66 Uganda Development plan:

On hospitals, etc, it should be noted that plans for building 15 district hospitals date back to the 1950s. If you look at the 1962 IBRD report, ‘Plan for Economic Development of Uganda’, pp. 380-384, you will see that there were already in existence 15 District hospitals, and there were recommendations for the construction of 3 sub district hospitals, to bring the total of hospitals in outlying areas to 60, with three of the district hospitals being designated as regional hospitals (for the three regions apart from central). At the time, there were 173 dispensaries and World Bank (IBRD) already wanted Structural Adjustment: 173 are too many! Reduce them to 150, said the IBRD mission!

In 1961, IBRD found 173 dispensaries on the ground. They then recommended that they should be reduced to 150, to optimise the deployment of the few health personnel available at the time. Elsewhere, they recommended that 50 of the dispensaries be upgraded to Health Centres, some kind of mini-rural ‘hospitals’ with a few beds, maternity unit etc at county level.

That is why you see that in 1970, the dispensaries had dropped to 103, and the Health Centres had made an appearance….the 46. I think 103 and 46 comes close to 150

If 1966/71 is referring to building 22 rural hospitals, that was about 50% of what was envisaged by the recommendations of the IBRD in 1961….which as I note below, recommended the building of 3 sub-district hospitals for each of the 15 districts at the time….i.e., 45 units.

The 1961/66 plan was largely for revamping the 15 at district level, and completing new Mulago…which at the time was taking up to 33% of the health budget….then Butabika etc…

For upcountry hospitals, see entry 2 of the Annex (B).

On changes in health facilities from 1970 to 1996, below is an excerpt from a W/Bank report to take note. The report is titled, ‘Health Care in Uganda: Selected Issues, Parts 63-404’, By Paul Hutchinson, Demissie Habte, Mary Mulusa at

…….Page 8…health facilities in the late evening of UPC1 and the mid-morning of NRM 1-100…..

Before I forget, all those plans were on a base population of 6.5 Million, but set to grow annually by 2.8% then (and now, 3.2%). I see some UPC supporters saying that plans for district and subdistrict hospitals were laid down in UPC days, yet even the 1946 Worthington Plan is already talking about all that….but one would not waste much time with Okello George anyway.

Point is, if you are a PM today and you are overthrown before you endorse an important document that was written on your orders, it will be your successor to sign, and it will be a person with fundamental difficulties with his basic understanding that will question your successor’s authority for endorsing a document conceived prior to his reign. This is where we always totally lose the point when we drift into petty oppositionism.

THE UGANDA FIRST FIVE YEAR DEVELOPMENT PLAN, 1961-66 is on the following link:

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Patrick Otto

Snippets from History (Obote):”You just can’t come from London and say ‘I AM NOW PRESIDENT’.

Busoga College prefects including a young Milton Obote (second row, second from the left)

Busoga College prefects including a young Milton Obote (second row, second from the left)

A. Milton Obote, on the campaign trail upon return from Tanzania.

“You just can’t come from London and say ‘I AM NOW PRESIDENT’.

Lule wants to be Prezident! (pronouncitation stressed).
Binaisa wants to be Prezident!
Museveni wants to be President!
Who else? (laughter from crowd)
Ssemogerere wants to be President!
But if they don’t want to come and ask you for your votes, why should you allow them? The president of huganda’s role is spelt out in the constitution of huganda”

a young Milton Obote as one of the prefects at Busoga College, 1947

a young Milton Obote as one of the prefects at Busoga College, 1947

Billie Kadameri

Henry Gombya wrote to the Scotland Yard asking them to provide him with the actual copy of the Kayira report.

Monday, 6 April, 2009 22:28:59

Ladies and Gentlemen of the UAH!

I have with great care and steadfastness read both so-called reports of the investigation by New Scotland Yard into the murder of Dr Andrew Kayiira at my house on March 6, 1987.

My conclusion with regards to the two is this:

I am unable to determine which one of them is the true copy of the Scotland Yard Report. This is because there are several inconsistencies, innuendos, character assassinations, half-truths and worst of all, what appears to me to be like a political agenda to quickly shift the issue from who actually killed my dear friend.

After consultation with a number of my friends, I have been left with only one option. Today, I have written a letter to New Scotland Yard asking them to provide me with the actual copy of this report. In doing this, I have referred to the Freedom Of Information Act 2000 that came into force in 2005 in which anyone here has a right to demand any authority to release information held by such body or bodies.

I am attaching the said letter to the Metropolitan Police Service. The law requires that such a request must be met within 30 days. Until then therefore, I will resist from making any further comments with regards to the two reports now appearing in this forum as we have no proof that they actually originated from New Scotland Yard.

Once this information has been passed on to me, I will forward the REAL report for your perusal and act swiftly to answer whatever is contained in that report.

Thank you.

Henry D Gombya

Ailsa Beaton
Director of Information
Metropolitan Police Service
New Scotland Yard
London SW1A 0BG


Dear Miss Beaton

In 1987, the Uganda Government sought the help of the British Government through New Scotland Yard to assist it into the investigation of the death of a Ugandan politician, Dr Andrew Lutakome Kayiira.

This investigation was carried out by Detective Chief Superintendent K Thompson and is said to have been completed on May 7 1987 and handed to the Uganda Government. For the next 20 years, this report was not made known to the public until pressure especially from the opposition Uganda Democratic Party (DP) forced the hand of the Ugandan government to do so. But before the government could make the report known, the DP came out with a copy of what was entitled: “Scotland Yard Report The Murder (sic) of Dr Andrew Lutakome Kayiira. Soon after, the Uganda Government came out with its own version and was given a title appearing in the reference of this letter. Both these versions bear similarities but have differing conclusions. This has caused so much public concern and debate.

As the person in whose house Dr Kayiira was murdered, I have been placed under unbearable pressure to explain the two versions of the now famous Scotland Yard report on Dr Kayiira’s assassination.

It is with this in mind that I request, under the Freedom of Information Act 2000, to be sent the REAL New Scotland Yard report on your investigation into this heinous crime. As both major political parties have already made public what they call the ‘real’ report, this information is now in the public domain. But it is important that the public identifies the true report from your office.

Yours Sincerely

Henry D Gombya

Buganda is not a tribe; it’s a nation (Buganda ssi Ggwanga, naye nsi)

Following a number of articles which have been authored by my friend Patrick Otto especially about Buganda, I have been forced to clear some of the issues not well mentioned about our Kingdom. Firstly let me correct Mr. Patrick Otto Lance Corporal (RTD) and all those with a similar thinking that Buganda is a tribal kingdom .In his article, he puts much emphasis on how Buganda was/ is being dominated by the bahima and balalo. The writer seems to have been so surprised in his recent article about the phenomenon. I have been following all his articles but logically when you read through, many of his articles are just attacking indirectly our entire kingdom to demoralize the young generation who have picked a lot of interest in their nation (Buganda).

To remind him,Buganda was started by Kabaka Kato Kintu who came from the mountains of Eastern current Uganda known as Bugisu. He found only 24 clans which were under the leadership of their respective clan heads. One of his greatest Job he did was to unite these stagnant clans and form a one nation called “Buganda”(Bundles)in other words a” union” which started to have a one overall leader. Besides that, Buganda started with only 2 counties (Masaza) i.e. Busiro and Kyadondo. All other counties were got through wars of expansion(Entabaalo).Our ancestors could raid Bunyoro , Nkole etc to get more land for expansion and women in return back home and this policy was called assimilation. This means even if you were checking DNA to get a pure Muganda blood, who do you put on the first line? Our first king Kato kintu and the people he came with from Mt. elegon, The 24 clans which he found around Lake Nalubaale (Victoria), or the people who came to Buganda later through the assimilation policy seen above?

Culture is an iceberg, what you see out side doesn’t mean depth of the inner part of it. Example Have you ever asked why when we are introducing our selves as Baganda (Okulanya), we don’t usually go in-depth of our mother’s lineage? The answer is, we know that many of our mothers came to Buganda either through assimilation policy or other policies. Some are Banyarwanda, Banyoro, Bahima extra but we don’t go on radio stations and other Medias putting announcements that” you know our king his mother is from London, while his sister is from china how can that be?”Even if it’s true, are you advising us to look for another name for the kingdom? Are you saying that we should not continue with the Unity we have because we are so integrated? If it’s alarming, I would expect u to get surprises first from the United Kingdom which even crosses borders in search of the Fiancé to the one on the throne.

In Buganda we know that all those issues exist and that’s why we have the 3 types of Baganda namely; Omuganda Ggere, Nakabala, nomuganda Wawu.

In a nut shell, having many Bahimas, Balalo, Banyoro it’s a common issue no one should get cached by surprises. Secondly they are also people like the rest of others. I know that is Museveni’s policy of divide and rule and you are his senior officer no wonder. In Buganda what we need from all people is OMWOYO GWABUGANDA OGUTAFA so ssi OMUSAAYI GWABUGANDA OGUTAFA .we need the strong spirit which can last forever not the blood, and that issue differentiate us with other tribal kingdoms.

I advise my friend Otto if he is pursuing his research PHD has he told us in his recent article, don’t base on books written by other people as you normally give us text references. Do participant observations research to get the depth of Buganda culture, history and the inner meaning of some things which might not be easy to understand by you and others who are just outside of the Kingdom since culture is an iceberg. Buganda is a nation and not a tribal kingdom as you may think with your cached surprises about your recent article “Bahima are part and partial of Buganda”.

Dar es salaam (Economic anthropologists)

General Ssejusa leads to changes in UPDF : General Katumba becomes CDF while Aronda technically becomes Kayihura’s boss


That is the proper heading. General Ssejusa is responsible for the wider changes in UPDF. The winner is actually General Ssejusa. The biggest losers are General Nyakairima who becomes minister of internal affairs and becomes the lead minister for another loser, UAH’s very own IGP, Lt General Kale Kayihura. Basically General Ssejusa’s letter and the IGP’s moronic reaction cost him the CDF post, which was his to lose.

So General Aronda is now technically speaking Lt General Kale Kayihura’s immediate boss, but given recent developments General Arond wil realize what general Sejjusa’s letter was all about. To be blunt, IGP Kale Kayihura ain’t gonna report to General Arond. Hell no.

I should add that YKM is very cunning. He makes General Aronda minister of Internal affirs to work with the IGP who was alleged to be working with forces bent on eliminating him. General Aronda may be timid, but he ain’t stupid so you have a sour relationships from the word go. Neither will trust the other for real. General Ssejusa must be laughing over there in London.

The permanent secretaries are interesting. Congratulations to Nnalongo Guwatudde Kintu Christine, who goes to the thieving OPM. Incidentally, she is probably one of the longest serving Permanent secretaries. She became PS at a very young age. That Budo lady (1975-1978), Makerere College School (1979-1981), MUK 1981-1984 is very lucky. Be firm.

Why has YKM refused to promote Mr. Matia Kassaija who has stood with him since their tough days in UPM to full minister?


Here is confirmation from UPDF of the promotions and changes made to the military command last night.


His Excellency the President of the Republic of Uganda and Commander in Chief of the UPDF has made the following promotions and changes within UPDF.

1. Gen Aronda Nyakairima formerly the Chief of Defence Forces has been appointed Minister of Internal Affairs.

2. Lt Gen Edward Katumba Wamala formerly Commander of Land Forces has been promoted to General and appointed the Chief of Defence Forces.

3. Lt Gen Ivan Koreta formerly Deputy Chief of Defence Forces has been appointed Ambassador of Station to be announced later.

4. Maj Gen Charles Angina formerly Chief of Staff of Land Forces has been promoted to Lt Gen and appointed Deputy Chief of Defence Forces.

5. Maj Gen Fred Mugisha formerly the Joint Chief of Staff is appointed Head of the National Counter Terrorism Centre to be set up.

6. Brig Wilson Mbadi formerly the 4Division Commander is promoted to Maj Gen and appointed Joint Chief of Staff.

7. Brig David Muhoozi formerly Commander Air Defence Division is promoted to Maj Gen and appointed Commander Land Forces.

8. Brig Samuel Turyagyenda, Commander Airforce is promoted to Maj Gen.

9. Brig Leopold Kyanda formerly Chief of Personnel and Administration is appointed Chief of Staff Land Forces.

10. Col Emmanuel Kanyesigye formerly 5Division Operations Officer transferred to 4Division as Division Commander.

We congratulate the Officers upon their well deserved promotions and appointments and wish them success in their new assignments.

Lt Col

By virtue of the Authority entrusted to me by Articles 113 (2) and 114 (3) of the 1995 Constitution of the Republic of Uganda, I have decided to carry out a minor re-organization of the Government as indicated here-below:

1. Rt. Hon. Prime Minister – AMAMA MBABAZI

2. 1st Deputy Prime Minister &
Minister of Public Service – KAJURA HENRY

3. 2nd Deputy Prime Minister
& Deputy Leader of Gov’t
Business in Parliament – MOSES ALI

4. Minister of East African
Affairs – Vacant

5. Minister of Security – MUKASA MURUULI

6. Minister In-charge of
the Presidency – TUMWEBAZE

7. Minister for Karamoja – MUSEVENI

8. Minister in Charge of
General Duties/Office of
the Prime Minister – KABWEGYERE

9. Minister of Disaster
Preparedness &
Refugees – ONEK HILARY

10. Minister of Information
& National Guidance – NAMAYANJA

11. Minister of Agriculture,
Animal Industry &

12. Minister of Defence – KIYONGA CRISPUS

13. Minister of Education

14. Minister of Energy and

15. Minister of Finance and
Economic Planning – KIWANUKA MARIA

16. Minister of Works and
Transport – BYANDALA

17. Minister of Justice – KAHINDA OTAFIIRE
& Constitutional Affairs

18. Attorney General – NYOMBI PETER

19. Minister of Gender, Labour
& Social affairs – BUSINGYE

20. Minister of Trade,
Industry & Cooperatives – KYAMBADDE

21. Minister of Water &
Environment – KAMUNTU

22. Minister of Lands,
Housing & Urban
Development – MIGEREKO DAUDI

23. Minister of Health – RUHAKANA

24. Minister of Foreign
Affairs – KUTESA

25. Minister of Information
& Communications
Technology – NASASIRA

26. Minister of Local
Government – MWESIGE ADOLF

27. Minister without
Portfolio in-charge of
Political Mobilization – TODWONG

28. Government Chief Whip – KASULE JUSTINE

29. Minister of Tourism
Wildlife & Antiquities – MARIA

30. Minister of Internal Affairs – NYAKAIRIMA

Office of the President:

1. Minister of State for
Economic Monitoring – BANYENZAKI

2. Minister of State for
Ethics and Integrity – LOKODO SIMON

Office of the Vice President:

3. Minister of State
Vice President’s Office – NYANZI VINCENT

Office of the Prime Minister:

4. Minister of State for
Relief and Disaster
Preparedness – ECWERU MUSA

5. Minister of State for
Northern Uganda – AMUGE OTENGO

6. Minister of State for

7. Minister of State
for Luwero Triangle – KATAIKE

8. Minister of State for
Teso Affairs – AMONGIN APORU

9. Minister of State for
Bunyoro Affairs – KIIZA ERNEST

Ministry of Foreign Affairs:

10. Minister of State for
International Affairs – ORYEM OKELLO

11. Minister of State for
Regional Affairs – KIYINGI ASUMAN

Ministry of Agriculture, Animal Husbandry and Fisheries

12. Minister of State for
Agriculture – NYIIRA

13. Minister of State for
Fisheries – NANKABIRWA

14. Minister of State for Animal
Industry – RWAMIRAMA

Ministry of Education and Sports

15. Minister of State for Sports – BAKABULINDI

16. Minister of State for Primary
Education – KAMANDA

17. Minister of State for
Higher Education – MUYINGO JOHN

Ministry of Energy and Mineral Development:

18. Minister of State for Energy – D’UJANGA SIMON

19. Minister of State for Minerals – LOKERIS AIMAT

Ministry of Finance, Planning & Economic Development:

20. Minister of State for Finance
(General) – JACAN OMACH

21. Minister of State for Planning – KASAIJA MATIA

22. Minister of State for

23. Minister of State for
Privatization – KAJARA ASTON

24. Minister of State for Micro-
Finance – AMALI OKAO

Ministry of Gender, Labour and Social Development:

25. Minister of State for Gender
and Culture – ISANGA LUKIA

26. Minister of State for Youth and
Children Affairs – KIBUULE RONALD

27. Minister of State for Labour,
Employment and Industrial
Relations – RUKUTANA

28. Minister of State for Elderly
and Disability: – MADADA

Ministry of Health:

29. Minister of State for
Health (General) – TUMWESIGYE

30. Minister of State for
Primary Health Care – OPENDI OCHIENG

Ministry of Lands, Housing and Urban Development:

31. Minister of State for
Housing – ENGOLA SAM

32. Minister of State for
Urban Development – NAJJEMBA

33. Minister of State for

Ministry of Trade and Industry:

34. Minister of State for

35. Minister of State for
Industry – MUTENDE

Ministry of Tourism, Wildlife and Antiquities:

36. Minister of State for

Ministry of Water and Environment:

37. Minister of State for Water – ATUKU BIGOMBE

38. Minister of State for
Environment – NABUGERA

Ministry of Works and Transport:

39. Minister of State for
Transport – CHEBROT

40. Minister of State for

Ministry of Justice and Constitutional Affairs

41. Deputy Attorney General – RUHINDI FRED

Ministry of Defence

42. Minister of State for

Ministry of Internal Affairs

43. Minister of State for
Internal Affairs – BABA JAMES

Ministry of ICT

44. Minister of State for
Communication (ICT) – NYOMBI TEMBO

Ministry of Local Government

45. Minister of State for
Local Government – AADROA ALEX

Ministry of Public Service

46. Minister of State for
Public Service – SSEZI PRISCA

Ministry of East African Affairs

47. Minister of State for
East African Affairs – SHEM BAGAINE

Dr. Christine Ondoa – SENIOR

SIGNED this ………………… of May, in the Year of our Lord Two Thousand Thirteen.

Yoweri Kaguta Museveni

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