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Ugandans in Uganda are better than those abroad in terms of good manners!

I went to Kenya a formed man in exile although I had visited it before as a teenager during Mzee Kenyatta’s time. I taught there, but in second world school in Mukureini, where the Ugandan elite could not dare send their kids.

Let me tell you without naming names that some of the Ugandans we encountered in Nairobi especially the elite were the most snobbish you could come across. On many occasions, we attended the same church service, but they were not interested in even saying hello to those of us who visited from Mukurweini. Even when we shopped for matoke in the same place in Westlands, they were not interested. But we got our revenge with time.

Oh, yes elite Ugandans were snobbish. You could mingle with multimillionaire Kenyans or their children but rarely with Ugandans. The only question many asked us: why don’t you go to the bush to join Museveni. Hell No.

There was a nice Ugandan family from Masaka that employed me to teach-not trained as a teacher but that is what we could do-their kids who went to International school near UNEP. They got me a job so I left Mukurweini for Nairobi.

Funny, Ugandans in Uganda are actually better with people. Not those outside!

Yes, the law can work in Uganda. Remember that Kenyans also had or went through what Ugandans are going through: feelings of entitlement. I had been ordered out by then but I learned that Kenyan actually fought kifuba over FORD KENYA. Raila Odinga, yes that one felt entitled to led it after the demise of his father Mzee Jaramogi Odinga. The Luhyas said no and fought over it. I understand the situation was so bad-Mr Moi could care less-that many suffered multiple injuries.

Defeated, democratically-not enough delegates to back him-Raila left to left to hijack another parry then called NDP. From there he made a deal with Mr Moi, joined KANU and cabinet until Mr Moi pulled a fast one on all the pretenders when he threw his weight behind Mr Uhuru Kenyatta and famously reminded the pretenders that KANU had its owners.

When YKM told off those pestering him to name his successor that none of the current pretenders have what it takes, he reminded me of Mr Moi, blunt and politically incorrect, a trait both share. They also do not drink chaanga and of course like mbessha too much.

It took the courage of the woman from Gichugu, Hon Martha Karua, to reign in the political parties. Forced by law, most parties had no choice but embrace internal democracy. Those that thought that she was joking were caught off guard and are now in limbo. Needless to say political parties are not private entities.

But it is not just me obsessed with Kenya. Kenyans now rule the top echelons of the corporate sector in Uganda and even Vice Chancellors. Why is that the case?

Last night, I reflected on this taxation matter and some of the problems threatening order in Uganda and how such problems could be solved through taxation.

Just imagine if the land owners-large land holders-could call for a press conference in Kampala and declare that they were prepared to pay taxes on their land holdings. Just imagine if they had such wisdom.

We are not talking here about peasants/squatters/tenants paying taxes but the owners of the land. The more I thought about it the more I came to the conclusion that only taxation can ironically prevent land fragmentation now being witnessed in Uganda. Only land taxation hold the potential for large scale farming which is touted in the modernization of agriculture. Absent land taxation, land fragmentation will get worse and gone with it any hopes/aspirations for mechanized agriculture.

Moreover land taxation would be efficient. But would it be equitable? Well. The land tax would be progressive. For example all Ugandans would be exempt from paying taxes on the first 5 acres they own. For a husband-wife family, that would translate into 10 acres of exempt land.

I do not know the average land holding in Uganda, but I am willing to guess that it is not near 10 acres. So, all Ugandan families that own 10 acres or less would pay no land taxation on their land. What happens to the likes of Minister Rukutana Mwesigwa with 4 wives? Should they be entitled to 20 acres exemption? That can be sorted out.

Additional land from 11 to 29 acres would be taxed at rate to be determined

30 to 49 acres-taxed at different rate

50 to 99 acres-taxed at a different rate

100 acres and over taxed at the highest land tax rate.

Notice that this is similar to the way we pay income taxes. The marginal rates rise with income beyond the personal deductions.

The land tax would solve the land wrangles. The big question is this: what would happen to the tenants? The govt would try to give incentives to land owners who agree to sell some of their land, no more than 5 acres which would be the personal exemption. It would not matter whether the tenants/squatters occupy more than 5 acres. in the vent where they were able to buy more than the tax exemption acres they too would be subject to a land tax.

Because the government is not willing to consider taxation, it has created real chaos in the land sector. Actually there are no winners, but only losers today.

The govt wants to move the country towards modernization, but is not willing to embrace modern tools in the form of land taxation!. The crude tactics (read fallacy) of trying to empower tenants/squatters by force is actually counterproductive.

Let the land owners come out and demand to be taxed instead.
Institutions per se will not help Uganda. Ugandans must have a stake in their country. How can they become effective stakeholders? You and I argue that through some form of direct taxation. That may not be popular but is the best way.

Today, the very few taxpayers in Uganda are well facilitated. They are actually happy. Those who do not pay direct taxes are also happy so who is going to fight for what us-the elite-treasure.

I am watching the situation in Iran with interest. Things may boil over in that Persian country.

But the folks in the media who are always urging the opposition to unite should re-think their message. Instead they should urge Ugandans to embrace direct taxation if they expect to make progress. From my angle, a country or people who do not pay taxes cannot aspire for great things including democratization, decent health care services, housing, social services, education, and yes accountability, running water, police services etc.

UAH member in Newyork

“NO BOURGEOISIE, NO DEMOCRACY”:In the early 2000s, Kenya depended on donor aid only to the tune of 5%, Tanzania, 33% while Uganda did so to the tune of 53%

In my layman’s view, laws are qualitative expressions of the concrete realities that dictate their formulation. When you transpose Kenyan legislation onto Uganda, all you will be doing is to dress up a porcupine in a Kanzu. You are better off crafting a special attire that is tailored to the spikes of the porcupine. Those spikes simply will shred the Kanzu.

I am reminded here of the political transitions in all three East African countries in the first decade of the 2000s. Even a cursory glance at those transitions will tell you a huge story of what is possible in terms of democracy in Uganda, and how the question of economics comes into play….you know the old addage that “Politics is concentrated economics”…that is, politics are the qualitative expression, or the distillate of socioeconomic realities. You can distil War Gin (Waragi) from Foot and Mouth Drink (Banana Beer) but not from milk.

In the early 2000s, Kenya depended on donor aid only to the tune of 5%, Tanzania, 33% while Uganda did so to the tune of 53%. Those figures are a reflection of the robustness of the “fiscal contract” in the three countries…just forget about Thomas Hobbes’ nebulous and intellectually indolent “social contract” which pseudoliberals love to bandy about. The nuts and bolts of the contract between political elites and their constituents is the fiscal imperative: tax, the subscription fee for membership to civil society.

Now, back to Uganda and her sisters, and the robustness of the fiscal contract. What we saw happening in Kenya in 2002 was a long-reigning President attempting to have the constitution – the supreme law – amended so as to secure for himself another term in office. That failed miserably. What followed then in Kenya was the incumbent president was never brought back to office, but neither was the ruling party. Kenya: President loses out, his party loses out, fiscal bond: 95%.

In Tanzania you have the highly institutionalised CCM, Mr Mkapa served his two terms from 1995, you could not even hear of a dreamer’s hint of a third term. He stood down, eventually relinquishing the leadership of the CCM to his successor. But even then, the party was returned in power. Tanzania: President stands down, party remains in power, fiscal bond: 67%

In Uganda, the constitution was ammended to allow the incumbent to stand for a third term, he remained the head of the ruling party, and he remained in power. Uganda: Constitution is amended, president stays put, party is returned in power, fiscal bond: 47%.

Here is my hypothesis: The level of democratic responsiveness of a political elite of any one country is inversely proportional to the extent of aid dependency of the country in question. Put differently, The level of democratic responsiveness of a political elite of any one country is directly proportional to the extent to which the country in question relies on locally-generated revenue. The point here is, democracy is not just good manners. Let me define it as “Democracy is the tight corner in which revenue-thirsty political elites find themselves when they are forced to rely on their own populations to function”. Forget about the hot air of si jui, rule of the people for the people blah, blah….By the way, on ammending constitutions to get third terms, recall that General Obasanjo had to even fly to Kampala to consult on how he could force through his 3rd term. That consultation did not help: his people vetoed him. Nigeria depends on aid only to the tune of 0.01%

Worse still, Uganda is even lacking in the level of democratic pressure that it can bring to bear on the political elite. As you know, Uganda has the lowest median age in the world: 14.9 years. We have the youngest population in the world, likewise, we have the least number of voters. According to democratic theory, electoral politics only begins to make sense when 75% of the population can cast their vote. That 75% tells also another story: when those many people can vote, it means also you have more adults, you have more potential tax payers/workers and you can therefore have a strong fiscal bond between the elite and the population.

In Uganda, only 40% of the population are of voting age, you have no quorum: bottomline, electoral politics in Uganda is a mockery; it is a slap in the face of liberal democracy and every time Uganda holds any form of election, that reality is always there for all to see. There is no social basis for liberal democracy in Uganda. That 40% also means you have less employable people, and less tax payers. As you know, Uganda also has the highest dependency ratio in the world:- 100:111. Since you even have the lowest number of people above the age of 65% in the world, it means that all your dependants are babies, nappy wearers.

Kenya is urbanised to the tune of 26%, Uganda: 12%. Kenya’s median age is 18.6%…many more workers, many more tax payers, many more bargainers for political concessions. Recall what it took to quell mass demonstrations recently: armed polic in combat, with live ammunition. In Uganda: Kiboko squad…just whip them off the streets like the rowdy toddlers that they are.

So, three things for you to consider before you orthopaedically impose Kenyan law on Uganda. One, context; secondly, context and third but not least and always easy to forget, context.

What I believe is, that laws are moulded by the politico-economic realities that inform their formulation. It may not be prudent to hope that, a law propounded in Kenya can be workable here in Uganda. I am I wrong to hold that view?

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Otto Patrick

Uganda needs a selfless leadership willing to put in place mechanisms that will gradually increase the peoples capacity to demand more accountability

Nelson Mandela at his law offices (shared with Oliver Tambo) in Johannesburg sometime in the late 1950's.

Nelson Mandela at his law offices (shared with Oliver Tambo) in Johannesburg sometime in the late 1950’s.

True direct taxation must precede the demand for accountability, it helps in creating what I call the people pull, it increases their propensity to control those who govern them thus creating the right conditions for building a democracy.

However there are a few other things that must be done before we get to the issue of broadening direct taxation, the current levels of poverty make broadening and deepening taxation rather politically expensive, in their lies the reason why FDC/NRM chose to abolish it. We must first make meaningful progress against poverty in order to have the incomes to tax. However we should continue to collect whatever can be collected for the reasons I gave before and then broaden and deepen as the incomes grow.

Also, it is equally important to keep an eye on institution building, we cannot neglect that front. Without working institutions our governments will not be able to apply the Aid and Loans plus whatever is realisable from internal revenues to quickly improve the economic situation of the masses.

The whole thing is a viscous circle of needs that are not easy to balance, you need to tax the people so that they can own their government and hold it accountable, but these people are poor, so you fund the governments through IMF & World Bank while you wait for poverty to reduce. Then you realise that governments will not achieve much without functioning institutions, but these institutions won’t function because accountability is not yet feasible, it is not feasible because the people are not yet taxable. Back to where you started

This is a challenge which the African elite must find a solution for there is an acute shortage of leadership in Africa, the kind that would seriously exert the required effort to innovate test and apply the appropriate governance systems that would fit our conditions. I concur with him in his pessimism.

The main reason why this sad situation persists is the fact that our population is vulnerable, poor, ignorant and diseased, such a lot have no capacity to provide any meaningful democratic pull or push that would encourage the leadership to be that innovative. The people as good as not being there and our elite can misbehave to unbelievable extent with no consequence whatsoever, the people factor is absent, you only have to hope that you will get someone who will do this good work without any demands or expected reward from the people. Unfortunately God created too few Mandela’s and Nyerere’s instead with we have Bokasas, Mubutus, Abachas and others i dont need to name.

You need a selfless leadership willing to put in place mechanisms that will gradually increase the peoples capacity to demand more accountability. Problem, the stronger the people get, the harder they are to misgovern for long, so most of our leaders selfishly sustain the weaknesses of our people so as to keep getting long peaceful tenures Bongo style. A leadership that can seriously alter our conditions does not merely need to be selfless but actually suicidal; it needs to saw the seeds that will make life harder or even shorter for itself.

Because selfless individuals are few and where they exist they may not get a chance to rise to power in our undemocratic, instituitionless politics, it more realistic to assume that we may never be able to serious address these matters.

That being the case we better counted ourselves to dressing our porcupine with a kanzu, it will keep tearing the kannzu to shreds but hopefully over time all the spikes will be lost and the Kanzu will work.

(Oshobeirwe, ashwera kambe nkwine) One who is desperate will marry any woman available.
The western model of democracy is not our dream bride, but it is better than remaining unmarried.

I have just remembered something I used to observe in the village where i grew up, mothers would go to the market and buy clearly oversize clothes for the kids, and you would see kids running around with big shorts assisted with a string to keep it from falling off and shirts or sweaters pulled on one side and tied to stop the shoulders from escaping through where only the head should pass.

If you inquired why they have to dress the kids that shabbily, the universal answer would be “Oh the kid is growing he is going to fit into it with time”

I agree entirely that political structure should be determined by economic structure, problem is our world has not yet invented a stable equitable and fair political system for economies that are still in transition to where western style liberal democracy can work well.

It is very tempting to want to dress these infant economies in the liberal democratic dress they shall hopefully wear when they reach maturity, this ill fitting dress is shabby and sometimes makes our walking difficult. but until someone clearly tailors for us a better dress we shall have to make do with the cutting and stringing loose ends until when we grow into it.

Better than remaining naked.

Desmond Nzaana
FDC Representative in England

OBOTE’S PRESIDENCY: CONSTITUTIONAL KICHUPULI,where did Obote get the authority to appoint or disappoint anybody?

UPC Annual delegate conference 1969 .A procession led by Ministers march past the President'.It looks like the Cricket pavilion at Lugogo Stadium (Oasis is now on the right of the picture) and marchers are on the Cricket Pitch. This must be a day or so before Milton Obote was shot near the Indoor stadium (Behind this one).

UPC Annual delegate conference 1969 .A procession led by Ministers march past the President’.It looks like the Cricket pavilion at Lugogo Stadium (Oasis is now on the right of the picture) and marchers are on the Cricket Pitch. This must be a day or so before Milton Obote was shot near the Indoor stadium (Behind this one).

What moral right did AM Obote have to nominate ministers, or to be president. Who voted him to be president? According to the constitution of Uganda, the Chief Executive of state is a President and not a Prime Minister. It is in prime ministerial or cabinet systems that the head of the party that wins most seats in parliament automatically becomes the head of state. Ever since 1967, Uganda has operated a Presidential system. Indeed, that is why AM Obote was called the President.

In presidential systems like Uganda’s, not only do MPs win their seats but the presidency is also directly contested. Where did AM Obote present himself to the people to be elected either as an MP or president, let alone Muluka chief or clan head?

Paulo Muwanga should never have been in Parliament in 1980 as a member because he did not contest any parliamentary seat. He was also not specially elected by parliament to sit there as a member nor was his elected by his party to sit in parliament.
So, it seems the 1995 constitution erased the irrationality of the 1967 constitution by opting to call a spade a spade: Let the President be a President, instead of having what was essentially a Prime Minister being called a President. And it seems the 1995 constitution has strenghtened the institution of the presidency by ensuring that the occupant does not free-ride on the backs of MPs, but is independently subjected to the electorate’s choice. Now I can see why perpetual flukers dislike the 1995 constitution. A president should not whiskey his way into State House on the back of MPs. That is fluking. Given the powers that the president eventually gets, it is proper that he should go to every constituency and market himself, and get independent endorsement of the majority of electors.

Indeed, in countries that are still saddled with weak vertical integration between the political elite and the populace, one of the avenues of enhancing state legitimacy is by processing the occupancy of key public offices through the crucible of majority choice, whenever possible (i.e, excluding extraordinary circumstances like 1979 or 1986

Therefore, the first order question is to do with where AM Obote get the authority to appoint or disappoint anybody. I think for countries like Uganda that are still low on the scale of political development and institutional evolution, a directly elected chief executive is imperative. No fluking.

The flipside of democracy is a fiscal contract between the populace and the political elite. Our mechanical notion of democracy (especially our tendency to conflate it with some of the rituals that it’s commonly associated with) tends to cloud that linkage.

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Otto Patrick

Seven demerits of federalism and five merits of unitarism……..as I got them from S/Sgt Mwaipopo.

Dear netters,

When I was attending my Junior Non Commissioned Officers’ course from which I graduated as a Lance Corporal, they gave us Civics lessons which included a Doze Of Political Economy, DOPE, hence you will hear Mr Barigye rightly stating that Otto is on dope.

They taught us about systems of government and forms of government. The two systems highlighted were unitarism and federalism. They told us about the seven demerits of federalism and I list them here below for us to debate, if indeed we have the nerve:

1.It creates a deficient authority over component states and individual citizens especially in new states of the 3rd world where the process of nation building and state making is in its early stages.
2.It creates liability to dissolution by the seccession or rebellion of states especially when the core of the federation is an entity that enjoyed independent and hegemonic existence prior to the federation.
3.It creates liability to division into groups and factions by the formation of separate combinations of component states
4.It causes absence of the power of legislation on certain subjects where uniform legislation for the whole state is needed
5.It makes want of uniformity among the states in legislation and administration
6.It leads to trouble, expenses, and delay due to complexity of a double system of legislation and administration.
7.It weakens foreign policy

The Tanzanian military instructor (S/Sgt Mwaipopo he was called) also told us that, whenever you see one subnational unit out of several, singly and persistently and at times cantankerously pressing for autonomy while other subunits are not interested, then what you are dealing with is not federalism, but rather, the toxin called separatism or the early stages of secessionism. That staff Sergeant told us that the doctrine of nationbuilding and statemaking stipulates that, in such cases of suspect separatism, an NCO’s reflex response is to cork his rifle immediately!

He also added that, in the basic principles of political practice, federation happens through the path of separate state entities agreeing to come together and have some of their affairs managed by a central authority. That is to say, the central government is created by the constituent members through the act of federation. Individual political units do not beg/pester/nag/harangue/hector/armtwist/blackmail the central government to give them the federal status. The Staff Segeant told us that, asking for ‘federo’ turns logic on its head and that it is the central authority that is supposed to be at the mercy of the federal states and not the other way round!

I still believe him.

Also allow me to give you the merits of unitarism……..as I got them from S/Sgt Mwaipopo.

1.It is a very effective and efficient form of government. The central government is all-powerful, and as such, it can take any step to meet the situation before it and is particularly effective in new countries that are still lacking in socio-political integration between groups and regions, i.e., countries that are very low on the scale of nation building and state-making.
2.It proves very successful in dealing with the conditions of emergency.
3.It is a flexible government. The constitution can be amended easily (yes!) by the central government according to the exigencies of the situation. It may delegate some of its powers to local units, or take them back without any difficulty (yes!) in the light of the obtaining circumstances.
4.It brings uniformity of administration and legislation. Since there is only one national legislature and since all powers are vested in the central government, there is uniformity in the spheres of law making and its implementation.
5.It is less expensive as compared to a federal system because there is no duality in the field of legislation, administration and adjudication. In other words, there is no duplication of work at the regional levels.


The problems between Mengo and Statehouse will probably outlive both Kabaka Mutebi and president Museveni

'When Sir Edward returned from deportation many religious thanks-giving services were held. Above after such a service a Nsambya Cathedral.'

‘When Sir Edward returned from deportation many religious thanks-giving services were held. Above after such a service a Nsambya Cathedral.’

Mmengo Vs Entebbe by far antedates YK Museveni and RM Mutebi. In all probability, it shall outlive them. What will keep hovering around is what I state in my Feb 2009 message on UAH forum viz:I quite certainly think even in future, any likely stiff constipation in the relationship between Buganda and Uganda will be cleared in a manner that will be a re-enactment of 1966, and a mirror image of what Oliver Lyttleton had in mind in 1953…a coup d’etat.

The language that was used by the colonial administrators in relation to the Kabaka of Buganda, in this case Kabaka Mutesa II was “interview”, “summon the Kabaka and educate him”, “bring the Kabaka to his senses”, “acceptance of decisions of future co-operation”, “if he refuses to comply”, “in the interview I shall require the Kabaka”….etc. All those are quotations from a memorandum by the British Colonial secretary, Oliver Lyttelton around the 1953 crisis which as you very well know culminated in the Kabaka being shut out of Buganda.

'Again visiting his old school, King's College, Budo, soon after his return, 1955'

‘Again visiting his old school, King’s College, Budo, soon after his return, 1955’

Alternatively, look back some years earlier at the situation of Kabaka Mutesa II’s grandfather, Kabaka Mwanga, following the events of 24 Jan1892 when a Catholic shot and killed a Protestant at Mengo, all in self-defence. Kabaka Mwanga (himself a Catholic) tried the culprit and duly acquitted him. Capt. Lugard demanded that the catholic be handed to him for trial and execution. Kabaka Mwanga rightly deemed that to be an infringement on his authority and he refused Lugard’s orders. Lugard immediately issued riflesto Protestants, deployed his Sudanese troops with two Maxim guns and by the time the “negotiation” dust settled, the Kabaka with his Catholic followers were out of Mengo, on to Bulingugwe Island at the mouth of Murchison Bay, where they were flushed out, running on to Bukoba.

Read carefully that TOP SECRET document written by the British Minister for colonies (or Secretary for Colonies) …and you will be able to understand the real relationship between Buganda and Britain. That memorandum spells out clearly what was in plan for Buganda had Kabaka Mutesa not boarded the plane on 30th November 1953…[‘panda ndege’] The memorandum gives a clear military plan for dealing with any eventualities…recall that 13 years later, Kabaka Mutesa maintained the same attitude towards the post-colonial government but this time, AM Obote had no mother country like Andrew Cohen, where to send the Kabaka to cool off. ‘Panda Ndege’ was no longer feasible! The dogs were unleashed on him outright….the rest is as much of history as it hysteria.

TOP secret for province of Buganda

I quite certainly think even in future, any likely stiff constipation in the relationship between Buganda and Uganda will be cleared in a manner that will be a re-enactment of 1966, and a mirror image of what Oliver Lyttleton had in mind in 1953…a coup d’etat.

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Otto Patrick


The Concise Oxford dictionary tells us that, ‘a tribe is a group of barbarous clans under recognised chiefs’. In Roman history, we are told, a tribe is each of the three (hence ‘tri’) political divisions; individually representing up to 35 clans of the Romans. “….barbarous clans…”!

You have Acholi in Uganda, the space occupied by the Acholi people. In Eastern Equatoria in Southern Sudan, you have Acholi people, separated by their kith and kin in Uganda by the border. The largest clan of the Acholi, the Palotaka is in Sudan. Why can’t those Acholi (of Kit, Parajok, Aru etc) sit in the parliament of Sudan?

All the 19 or so communities in Uganda’s frontier zone straddle the common border with our respective neighbours. For ever one Alur in Uganda, there are three in DRC (the Lendu); Samias, Itesot, Madi, Bamba, Bakonjo, Batooro etc are indigenous to Uganda and to a neighbouring country. Why can’t a Mutoro in Boga, DRC not be an MP in Kinshasa just because there is a Toro Kingdom in neighbouring Uganda? Why should a Muhyarwanda of Kisoro be confused with a Munyarwanda of Rwanda or a Rwandese? Do we really know the Uganda that we like to talk about?

Several of the tongues are dialects of certain languages, but not languages in their own right. Acholi, Alur, Adhola, Lango for example…add on Labwor…all are part of the Luo language, enjoying 98%+ mutual intelligibility across their tongues. The Language is Luo, the names given to tongues deriving from subethnic clusters are dialects. Luo is spoken by as many as 18% of Ugandans just like Luganda.

The democratisation of Mmengo that was a result of the 1953 crisis, let alone the 1900 agreement has since been reversed. Remember the 1955 agreement that resulted in more than 65% of the Lukiiko being elected. After 1993, all that was lost, back to the situation of the Pre-Harry Johnston days. That is where Mmengo is now,…pre 1900

Please read the CONSTITUTIONAL COMMISSION (WILD) REPORT 1959:report of the commission that was set up to look into how the country was going to be steered towards independence. The link is: http://www.scribd.com/doc/35782371/Wild-Report

As many of you know, one of the dramatic outcomes of the implementation of the recommendations of the Wild Report was Buganda’s declaration of independence (at this link: http://www.scribd.com/doc/22058682/Buganda-Declaration-of-Independence-1960)

Available there also is the 1962 Constitution (http://www.scribd.com/doc/20262240/Uganda-Constitution-1962)


“CROSSING THE RUBICON”:Letter from Abu Mayanja to the Uganda Argus [6 March 1958]

Uganda Tech. College Board Members & Staff with the Minister of Education - Abu Mayanja. 1971'

Uganda Tech. College Board Members & Staff with the Minister of Education – Abu Mayanja. 1971′

The threat by the Kabaka’s Government to sabotage direct elections for Legislative Council in Buganda is so full of ugly possibilities for the future that it is high time somebody did some very straight talking to the reactionary elements in Buganda who seem to imagine that somehow Buganda can contract out of the 20th century, -and revert to a system of administration when the efficiency of guns used to be tested on human beings.

These elements are ‘seeking to block the development of democracy in Buganda whilst pretending to pay lip-service to its principles. An example of this was the attempted intimidation of Makerere students by the Lukiko speaker when the former demonstrated against the reject of direct elections to the Lukiko. The Katikiro’s admonition of those who dared to criticize the speech from the Throne is another pointer in the same direction. So, too, is the recent statement by the clan leaders threatening those joining political parties with expulsion from the, clans. Nor is it purely coincidental that leaders of the political parties have been subjected to a spate of denigration and prosecutions – only to be acquitted after their reputations had been tarnished. Sir, it is not at all fanciful to see in these and other instances the presence of a plan not only to sabotage democracy within Buganda, but also to seek to entrench the anti-democratic system by cutting Buganda from the rest of Uganda where it might be subjected to democratic influences. I am not saying that it is wrong for anyone to be against democracy; the world is only too full of examples of anti-demo­cratic regimes. What I am pleading for is that we should recognize these facts for what they are. I am also appealing to those who think in this way to come out in the open and tell the country exactly what they believe in.

Benedicto Kiwanuka and Abu Mayanja, address a rally following Kiwanuka’s release from prison in 1971. Kiwanuka was the leader of DP, one of the earliest political parties that has been part of Uganda’s past and present. Abu Mayanja was the first Secretary General of UNC ( Uganda National Congress ) in 1950's. Abu Mayanja was the minister of Health in Idi Amins Government.He is now late!died some years ago.

Benedicto Kiwanuka and Abu Mayanja, address a rally following Kiwanuka’s release from prison in 1971. Kiwanuka was the leader of DP, one of the earliest political parties that has been part of Uganda’s past and present. Abu Mayanja was the first Secretary General of UNC ( Uganda National Congress ) in 1950’s. Abu Mayanja was the minister of Health in Idi Amins Government.He is now late!died some years ago.

If they want Buganda to go back to the 18th century, with the Kabaka ruling through hand-picked men and clan heads, let them say so – they owe it to the country to speak the truth. I also think that the notion that the Kabaka’s Government – which is but part of the Government of Uganda – can defy the latter is a matter so grave that it must be clarified and the correct position authoritatively stated.

There is grave responsibility which these events cast on the Protectorate Government. There is obviously a clash of objectives between those who want to see a democratic system developing in Buganda , and those who do not.

It would be dangerously tempting for the Protectorate Government either to observe a benevolent neutrality, or to playoff one faction against the other. I hope the Protectorate Government will realize that it has a duty to pursue with vigour those policies calculated to fulfill Britain ‘s mission in her dependencies – to take Uganda to democratic self-government.

I hope that the Government will take this attitude not only in the full confidence that history is on its side, but also with the knowledge that it has the unstinting support of the overwhelming majority of the educated Baganda who will struggle tooth and nail to resist the reimposition of feudal tyranny based on the debasement of the human personality and the vagaries of the so-called customary law.

I should like to warn our reactionary rulers that they are running a great danger of discrediting our traditional institutions, and thus making it impossible for many of us to reform and adapt what is good in them to the conditions of modern life.

I also wish to address a word of warning to the forward-looking, edu­cated Baganda. I think we intellectuals (yes, though some people may laugh at this word) – I think we intellectuals have been much too timid so far. I think we have allowed ourselves the luxury of sleeping in strange beds for too long; I think we have compromised our position much too much; I think it is not too soon for us to declare from the hilltops what we believe in.

Speaking for myself I have crossed the Rubicon. I have set my face firmly against any autocracy whether it be foreign and imperialist or native and feudal. I stake my future and dedicate my life to the realization of democratic principles in my coup try no matter from which side the obstacles may emanate. This is a declaration of political faith, and I call on other intellectuals to do likewise.

Abu Kakyama Mayanja


I like Obote and UPC but I cannot forget the Stench at Kireka because of Human bodies!

In all honesty, Kireka barracks was a house of sadists who had no regard for another person’s life. This is not to vindicate the NRA or other rebel groups that were then operating in and around Kampala. Let’s not bury our heads in sand for what happened in the barracks was nasty. I moved from a house in Bweyogerere to mid Kampala because the people killed in Kireka Barracks were sending a very terrible stench towards Kireka Bweyogerere and surrounding places. It was massive.

Therefore, anybody standing today and state that the UPC government was not killing Ugandans then you need to question its ability to control its forces. I want you to ask anyone that lived from Nakawa all way to Mukono about the commander that was in Kireka barracks and his name was Otto. Don’t say my name just ask about his history. This man entered a shop in Kireka in day light and instructed his escorts to pull out a wife that was selling in the store, they pulled her out in day light as she was firkin screaming, and he took her into the barracks and screwed the brains out of her. He ended up killing the husband for he refused to shut up.

If you stood on Kireka Seventh Day Adventists Head Quarters after midnight, you would hear the screams of Ugandans getting murdered in Kireka barracks. These were very bad days man. And especially when a man like myself that was arrested and thrown into Makindye for months, yes the government was killing Ugandans. Do you actually know how many people that died in my face?
Why do you think I lost this attitude of one mwaana waffe? Why do you think I refused to belong to any political party in Uganda?

I cannot love a party to a point of lying……… We rather stand up and clean up but what happened in Uganda way passed a fuck up. And excuse my French sir. The government failed to show the population the difference between its self and Museveni, thus Ffe kasita twebaka Kutulio.

UAH member in Canada

Luwero Bush war:on 20th February 1984 a force of about 800 NRA surrounded the police, military and prisons installations at Masindi and at exactly 5:30 am, opened fire overrunning all of them

Maj Okwera, Pacific Okwera was commanding a unit in Fort Portal, not Kasese. It was 34 Bn.

Where/how did he die?

The two old Okello’s, once they retreated to KitGulu, garrisoned Karuma Bridge as they prepared for the assault on Kampala. They ordered the soldiers at the Karuma roadblock to shot any soldier that approached from Kampala.

Unfortunately for Okwera, when his kin moved northwards, they did not alert him in time. As he tried to join them later, he was shredded by the bullets of the (fellow Acholi) soldiers at Karuma who were following instructions. When they checked who they had shot, they realised it was one of them coming to join hands. He died as they rushed him to Lacor.

Lt Col Lucky Oboth was ambushed between Kaseese and Bushenyi sometime in May 1985…by NRA.

Maj Okwera was commanding a battalion in Kaseese by the time of the Okellos rapture and retreat to Gulu. He was killed by the very troops of UNLA he was trying to link up with….his battalion in Kaseese is the one that defected to NRA en masse.

The only Lt Col Othieno formerly of UNLA later joined NRA and is still alive….I think he is now a Colonel…other name must be Stephen…(good man! very good!).

Recall that on 20th February 1984 a force of about 800 NRA surrounded the police, military and prisons installations at Masindi and at exactly 5:30 am, opened fire overrunning all of them. They spent a good part of the day in Masindi, went away with a haul of 765 rifles, for the 373 involved in the attack!

They had such a humongous haul from Masindi that another force, under guess who, YK Museveni, (who according to some people, was at the same time in an apartment in a city in Sweden), had to meet them to help in carrying the loot of materiel. One fact is that Museveni had a home in Sweden, where his family was, and which he had access to. We should not take matters beyond merely that simple fact! The historical fact is that one of the dates of 1984 he was commanding troops which overrun Hoima, and he addressed a rally and watched a football match there.

Go and ask anybody who was in Hoima on 1st June 1984, the time which according to you Museveni was begging for asylum. On that day, Hoima was woken up by a barrage of fire, in whose wake, the police and military installations had been overrun..with 33 rifles being captured.

The Hoima currency centre was also paid a visit and some liquidity put into the possession of the NRA as a result of that visit. The NRA spent the whole day in Hoima town, they played football at the Boma ground and after that football match, held a rally. Do you remember who addressed that rally? It was YK Museveni!

Note that on that same day, the NRA sick bay was attacked by about 400 UNLA and the patients in that sick bay dispersed those UNLAs, making them leave behind 11 of their colleagues who were put out of action. This was at Nshakaziragura in Ngoma. Even patients could have fun!

A week and a half earlier, I think on 20th May 1984, NRA had overrun a UNLA detach at Mpoma….that is another story also

In that attack, the Masindi Police commander was taken as POW. If you know him, find him, ask him who interviewed him, and hosted him for lunch before flagging him back out of the bush! He will tell that that same person should not have been in Sweden at the same time. Gala was taken POW with another Boniface Epigo who upon released, was interviewed by AM Obote. Upon hearing the bitter truth, Obote had the man sent to Luzira! Gala was asked by Obote whether he actually saw Museveni: ‘Was he wearing his watch on the left?’ Old man asked Gala!

By the way, the Masindi attack was commanded by a UAH forumist….

NRA/UPDF has had 7 chiefs of staff (Okecho, Nanyumba, Cheffe Ali, Kazini, Tolit, Masaba, Angina, Rusoke…Daama, Soga, Hima, Songora, Acholi, Gisu, Teso, Toro) while fighting 14 insurgency groups. Why hasn’t NRM fallen? Why does the replacement of one deceased Chief of Staff cause a government to fall? Why 6 months between Ojok and Opon?

NRA/UPDF has had 7 Army Commanders, one of them is in the opposition, one of them even needed up in Luzira, the first African Army commander to be locked in prison. Why did the government fall? See what happens when Binaisa tries moving Ojok to Algeria..or wherever! So, it is the broken egg that attracts flies.


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