July 2013
Sun Mon Tue Wed Thu Fri Sat
« Jun   Aug »
 123456
78910111213
14151617181920
21222324252627
28293031  

Day July 12, 2013

AUDIO: Kabaka Muteesa 2 podcast in exile 1960s


AUDIO: Kabaka Muteesa 2 podcast in exile 1960s. Click on the link below to listen to his voice in this BBC interview:

http://soundcloud.com/dgecko/kabaka-muteesa-2-podcast-in

Mutesa 11 spoke English better than anybody else in their circles at Cambridge university. He used to wear a military tie when he was at university. When he arrived in Britain in 1966, they met with him and offered to help but they say he experienced a deep sense of shame about having lost his kingdom and was unwilling, naturally, to receive help from them personally. Clearly, the British Government frustrated his efforts because it was not convenient for them to have a tiff with Obote. Was Obote worth it, given that he had abrogated the Ugandan Constitution and made himself a lifelong President?”

MUSEVENI WILL BE HAPPY IF TINYEFUNZA REMAINS IN EXILE- SAYS TUGUME


At Basiima House, the Deputy Director, Aronda Nyakairima would retain a photocopy before allowing the original to reach Tinye. The Director Fred Tolit was seen as a Tinye loyalist having worked closely in the field. However, throughout Tinye would be very careful as not to write a reply. During that time Tinye was spending much of his time at his country home in Sembabule. He had dragged the govt to court for having blocked his wish to leave the army. Major Itongwa had started armed rebellion in Buganda and government panicked thinking that somebody else, possibly Tinye was behind him. Aronda initiated an intelligence surveillance squad headed by then Lt Banson Mande to keep watch on Tinye. I WAS WORKING IN ARONDA’S OFFICE AS HIS SECRETARY AND I WAS THE CUSTODIAN OF THE TINYE FILE.

When Tinye won the constitutional petition, government hastily appointed Justice Kanyeihamba to the Supreme Court so as to quash the earlier constitutional court decision.

Having lost the court battle, Tinye kept a low profile and even went to the LDC to do a post graduate bar course. However security surveillance around him remained in place and the army office regarded sympathetic to him were subjected to close scrutiny.

After seemingly mending fences with M7, Tinye was brought back on board but not anywhere close to active military service. Both Tinye and Museveni knew that they were fooling each other. Following the 2001 elections, former Kampala Mayor Sebagala had threated to moblise the masses for demonstrations in Kampala. Its Tinye whom Museveni blessed to secretly meet Sebagala at the laters residence in Bugolobi and a deal was struck to call off the demos.

During some of the Besigye fracases, Tinye was close to the CMI, Noble Mayombo. During the Entebbe airport Besigye fracas, Tinye, seated in Mayombo’s office picked a phone and ordered then Capt Kayanja Muhanga (brother to Andrew Mwenda) who was at the airport thus “KAYANJA JUST TIE UP BESIGYE AND DRIVE HIM AWAY”. Within the intelligence community the belief was that it is not that Tinye did not approve of Besigye’s actions or supported the system, but because Besigye was attempting to jump the presidential que. The system believes that Tinye has always harboured presidential ambitions and the only way to contain him is to keep him in the army but militarily innactive.

Both Museveni and Tinyefuza very well know that the later’s appointment as coordinator of intelligence services was meant to the later. Both ISO and ESO are under the Minister of security in the President’s office, CMI is under the CDF, police intelligence unit is under the IGP and the other quash intelligence units like State House have their own heads. The heads of ll these agencies can directly report to the president. For effective coordination and utilisation of intelligence, Tinye should have been under the President’s office and the recipient of all intelligence from all the above agencies for onward transmission to the president. Instead, Tinye has been a subject of coordinated monitoring by all the agencies.

Therefore the alleged assassination plot is just another hoax. Tinye can’t belong in the same camp with Aronda, Mbabazi and Kaihura. The other three are the main architects of Museveni’s designs and cannot oppose the Muhoozi project. The Muhoozi project itself does not exist bse Museveni has no intention of relinquishing the Presidency. Maybe building a pro Muhoozi army that will protect the father and his presidential heir in the far future.

The heat generated by the letter, the arrests, searches, intimidatory public statements are all meant to scare Tinye not to come back. If he indeed fears to come back he will be politically finished. If he comes back his popularity will greatly rise but will be incarcerated and may even loose his life. With that background Museveni feels he can manage Tinye in exile better than if he is in Uganda and close to his power base the military. Museveni must have known that Tinye planned to rise unfavourable issues on trip abroad but he let him go.

It worked for Tanzania’s Nyerere against his rival by popularity Oscar Kambona. He was harassed into exile. Nyerere was informed that Kambona was planning to flee but he simply said ‘let him go’. Indeed Kambona fled, his close associates and family members were harassed with treasonous charges and he died in exile.
WHERE THERE IS INTENT, THERE IS A WAY.

Tugume Sam.
tugumesam24@gmail.com

There is no any other soldier or government official that Museveni trusts than Gen.Aronda


There is no any other soldier or government official that Museveni trusts than Aronda. Very few Ugandans know this. Aronda has successfully accomplished the privatisation/ personalisation process of the UPDF. Muhozi’s SFG group is a brainchild of Aronda.

As a Minister of Internal Affairs, he will oversee the anticipated tough times. The now militarised regular police, ISO, Muhozi’s SFG, CMI, Prison services, the newly created Counter Terrorism Agency and other ungazzeted security agencies will be at his disposal. He will have exclusive powers of utilising any unit of UPDF as he wishes.

Strategically, he will strengthen VIP protection, immigration & citizenship (national ID project), dealing with demonstrations, framing of opposition politicians, pannel beating of the stubborn parliament, detention without trial, bending courts of law, suppressing the media etc. His main focus will be the central region and Kampala in particular where Gen Tinyefuza may ally with Buganda and Mengo in particular.

Both Ivan Koreta and Katumba Wamala would have become CDF years back but were tactfully taken to ISO and Police respectively to give way to Kaziini and Aronda. At that time it would have been fatal for any of the two to take charge of the army. Now that the army is personalised,Katumba can preside over it just as a figurehead. However, he will still be a subject of intelligence surveillance.

As a former FRONASA, Ivan Koreta is next to Saleh in terms of seniority. His ethinic (Ankole-mwiru) background undermined his prospects. His current posting to Foreign Service is nothing but he has been dumped. Charles Angina had a long carreer under military intelligence. His loyality was put under question because of his closenes to Cheif Ali. Later as Chief of Staff he pressed the wrong burton by innitiating a probe into financial deals at the army Headquarters. Consenquently, he was dumped to the Court Martial where he terminated the trial of civilians and was relieved of duties. Both Angina and Katumba know that they are simply foster parents to the UPDF with no blood relationship. Therefore, Ugandans should prepare for the worst under a combination of Aronda and Kaihura overseeing the country’s internal affairs.

The 1995 Constitution renamed Museveni’s former NRA as UPDF. Museveni was opposed to the renaming of his NRA for fear of losing copyright. After taking over power in 1986 Museveni’s security was manned by a small unit called PPU. Its Commanding Officers have been: Akanga Byaruhanga, Mayeku, Muheesi, Leo Kyanda and currently Muhoozi {who is Museveni’s son]. Initially, though Aronda was the Intel Officer, his role has always seemed bigger than that. Even when Aronda held and continues to hold other responsibilities, his attachment to Museveni’s personal security remained , remains and will remain special.

Initially Museveni had close body guards composed of some young Baganda soldiers who had originated from the bush war. Later they disappeared from the scene and some defected and fled the country only to be replaced by the ‘home boys’ who form the inner circle. Later, the PPU was expanded to more than a battalion and First Lady picked interest in this Unit. She initiated a special renumeration for ordinary soldiers of the PPU in excess of the flat rate for the rest of the soldiers. In return, those soldiers and their families call her Mama.

Following the slaughtering of the Burundian President in 1993, Museveni’s PPU was reinforced by Tanks. It was during this same time that a number of senior army officers had their loyalty to Museveni placed under scrutiny thus rendered redundant (undeployed) or placed on Katebe. These officers were suspected to be deriving some strength from Tinyefuza whom intelligence showed that even some active officers were loyal to him.

The worst came when Muheesi, the then Commanding Officer of PPU, was suspected of being a Tinyefuza sympathiser. Muheesi was replaced and the PPU was expanded to a brigade level and
renamed the Presidential Guard Brigade (PGB). Gen Kaziini spearheaded the recruitment of ethnic Hima and Basongora to boost the PGB. This is when the first son Muhoozi came to the scene by privately recruiting for the PGB. At the same time loyal officers from the regular UPDF were being seconded to the PGB while the unwanted were being moved back to the regular UPDF.

Once the Muhoozi recruits were ready (he too had by now ceased being a Local Defence personnel), the PGB expanded its mandate to securing Kampala and Entebbe. The UPDF units were moved out of this zone. The PGB was later renamed SFG and is now composed of over 10000 personnel, Commanded by Muhoozi and the boys he recruited, more equipped than regular UPDF, its mandate extends to operation in Somalia and CAR, suppresses peaceful demos, runs secret torture chambers (safe houses), its welfare better off, it produces leaders for the regular UPDF etc.

Practically, it’s not under the command of the CDF Katumba Wamala. With that kind of SFG, Museveni feels nothing can dislodge him from power.

During the bush war, M7’s leadership faced a challenge from Comdr Sam Magara his army commander. Magara, a Lawyer and an Ankole royal commanded a formidable following from among the Hima fighters and a good section of Baganda fighters too. Magara had earlier defied Museveni in Tanzania during exile in the 70s when he sought Obote’s help to join the Daresalaam University for a Law Degree. Much earlier,still in Tanzania another lawyer and Ankole royal and a close M7 associate, Martin Mwesiga had had mysteriously died. Fingers were pointed at M7.

In the bush Magara mysteriously died and again fingers were pointed at Museveni. Other Ankole royals like Fred Rubereza and Hannington Mugabi also died in the bush under questionable
circumstances. The last of the Ankole royals were David Ndayondi who was transferred from ISO only to be shot by LRA inside Gulu barracks!

Namara Katabarwa died while on Katebe, Peter Mucokori died of natural causes and Tom Taremwa deserted and fled to the USA. Those were the last of the Ankole royals in Museveni’s army. Later Museveni was to oppose the restoration of the Ankole monarchy. After Magara’s death Museveni consolidated his control of the NRA. Soon after Tinyefuza emerged as another headache to Museveni. Shortly before the fall of Kampala, Tinyefuza had just finished serving a18 months detention sentence for disobeying the Chairman High Command (M7). He had been the Director General of Intelligence and Intellince and in his absence Jim Muhweezi had to act. M7 had given an order suspending all operation but Tinye defiantly led an operation that unfortunately led to serious loss of NRA fighters. Tinye took up the command of the Kyenjojo, Hoima, Masindi axis fighting major battles at Biiso and Kinyaara. Museveni deliberately did not mention Tinyefuza’s role in his book.

After the fall of Kampala, Tinye was appointed the Brigade Commander of 163 Brigade based in Kampala.

By: Tugume Sam
tugumesam24@gmail.com

THE UNTOLD MOTIVE BEHIND THE RECENT MEDIA SIEGE AT THE DAILY MONITOR


Iam a former military intelligence operative under CMI. In early 90s I was tasked to guard a Congolese detainee who had fallen sick and was admitted in Mulago Hosipital in Kampala. The congolese, Dr. Kabeya had been a personal Doctor to the President of the Uganda backed RCD-Kisangani militia faction in the DRC. I was convinced that Dr. Kabeya was an incident victim of greed and plunder of resources. I decided to help him to escape, we left together and I now live in exile.

However, using my contacts I have been reliably informed that shortly before the siege, The Monitor intended to publish a more damaging story. Security agencies had hacked a plan to kidnap a one Tugume Sam from exile in Tanzania. Tugume had escaped from detention in Makindye military barracks in 2007. He had earlier been a veteran of Military Intelligence Officer.

The plan was initiated by Uganda’s Ambassador to Burundi, Matayo Kyaligonza and facilitated by a one Jean Marie who is a Burundian and was based in Tanzania. Later, some Uganda embassy staff in both Burundi and Tanzania took up the task before facilitating the agent, Jean Marie’s travel to Kampala. He is a state guest (tel. +256759457546).

The operation leaked but The Monitor reporter Richard Wanambwa disagreed with his bosses over the publishing of the story. In the ensuing disagreement, security agencies got wind of the leakage and had to move fast. Most damaging, the story was supposed to carry extracts of email communications between Internal Security Chief Ronnie Balya and former Military Intelligence Chief James Mugira over the same. This is what Gen. Kaihura alluded to when he stated that “media houses had started intercepting confidential communication between security agencies”.

This explains why the Police did not raid the chambers of Gen. Tinyefuza’s Lawyer for the original copy of the the second and most damaging letter!

David Bogere

bogeredavid2010@gmail.com

TUMUGUME SAM’S LETTER TO MUSEVENI


President Museveni, Being army number RA/15611, I highly regret having been among the 20000 men and women whom you manipulated to bring you to power in Jan 1986. In this regard, I apologise to Ugandans who are oppressed by your brutal regime.

Throughout my military service, I served under Military Intelligence as an Intelligence Officer for different units before moving to the head office. I took charge of secretarial duties in the office of the Director of Military Intelligence and later in the Deputy Director’s office (then Aronda Nyakarima). Therefore, I had the privilege of seeing it all from the inside.

In 2000, I retired in protest after realising that what had taken place in 1986 had been a mere change of guards and not a revolution. Above all, I was lucky to have jumped out of the system before your security services contracted ‘rabies’ that have made them wreck the country with state inspired gross human rights violations.
I briefly served as a State Prosecutor under the DPP but had to quit for I couldn’t cope up with the police corruption. Later, I took charge of security and law enforcement at the Wildlife Authority. In October 2004, I undertook investigations into a ,3.8 ton ivory consignment that had been impounded in China after originating from Uganda and transiting through the Kenyan port of Mombasa. Already, I got leads that were linking the consignment to some key figures in your government.
Just a day after I had returned from Nairobi, I was kidnapped by your security agents and tortured in safe houses (secret torture chambers). Had it not been for the intervention of the ICRC, I would have disappeared without trace like had been the case with several others.

Later, I was transferred and detained at Nakindye military barracks without trial over fabricated charges of treason associated with the alleged Rwanda backing of the shadowy PRA rebel group that you linked to opposition leader Dr. Besigye. At one time I had to go on a hunger strike demanding for a trial but instead I was brutally tortured only to be saved once again by the ICRC.
During the 20 months of incarceration, I was greatly irritated by your reckless, irresponsible and unfortunate public statement to the effect that “I have put them in a secure place where they can’t escape”. Much as I wanted to regain my freedom, I also wanted to disprove you on this. Indeed, in June 2006, I left Makindye barracks on my own terms though amidst heavy gunfire from your lousy guards. At one time, you also escaped from Amin agents by jumping over a hedge though you had really sneaked into the country for anti-government activities.
Here in exile, your security services have made several attempts to get their claws on my body in total disregard of the fact that am under international protection. Sometime back your then Chief of Military Intelligence Brig. Mugira and Internal Security Chief Col. Roni Balya attempted to lure me into a trap. The two sent to me an email message suggesting that I write to you a letter confessing my alleges treasonous crimes and ask for forgiveness as a pre-condition for my return to Uganda. To me this was the highest level of arrogance and hypocrisy which I treated with the contempt it deserved. How on earth can a whole security chief expect a confession from someone who is in exile that could not be extracted under torture while in captivity!

By law, your powers are limited to pardoning convicts and not mere suspects. Similarly, though you had voluntarily walked into exile in the 1970s, would you have accepted a similar offer from the Amin government for your return?
Mr President, Iam totally opposed to your governance on the following grounds:-
1. You harboured childhood presidential ambitions. With this in mind, immediately after school you joined UPC government security services. To pursue this ambition, just a day after Iddi Amin took over power you voluntarily went into self-imposed exile in Tanzania. While in exile, you ran parallel clandestine hit squads inside Uganda that were responsible for causing a lot of mayhem that were attributed in part to the Iddi Amin regime. At the same time, in exile you undermined other anti Amin individuals and groups in order to shape your own position.

Iddi Amin was defeated by the main group of Obote’s Kikosi Malum under the able command of Tito Okello, Oyie Ojok, Bazilio Okello and others baked by Tanzania’s TPDF. Your much acclaimed FRONASA played an insignificant role in in the actual fighting. At the time of the invasion from Tanzania, and in major battles before the fall of Kampala in April 1979, your FRONASA existed only by name. Yes, immediately after the war entered Ugandan territory, you embarked on recruiting a personal army from western region especially from among Rwandese refugees.

2. After the fall of Iddi Amin, for fear that a stable post Amin Uganda would not favour your presidential ambitions; you contributed a lot to the instability that ensued. To achieve this goal, you used your strategic and influential positions as Minister of defence, Vice Chairman of the powerful military commission, and leader of your personal armed faction (FRONASA) that was part of the new Uganda army. As a consequence, two post Amin sitting Presidents were ousted within a period of less than two years. The killings in Kampala and your brutal suppression of protesters in 1979 are well documented.

Though you were opposed to the idea of a post Amin democratic election, you contested for the presidency as a UPM flag bearer well knowing that you miserably loose. You were out rightly rejected by Ugandans right from your home village where locals cut down your maize field. Indeed you were freely and fairly defeated right from your own constituency where you were genuinely defeated by DP’s Sam Kutees, your current permanent Minister of foreign affairs. Throughout the country, your party (UPM) secured only one seat in parliament. Though the elections took place at a time the country was governed by the Military Commission for which you were its Chairman, you did not resign in protest against the alleged election rigging. The two major contestants in the 1980 elections were the DPand the UPC and if there was any rigging it was against the DP and not your UPM. If anything, you were in favour of the DP loosing because the reverse wold have denied you an opportunity to launch your pre-planned bloody bush war from DP’s strong hold of Buganda region. Compared to the several rounds of sham and violent elections that have been held under your governance, the 1980 elections was a fairer exercise.

3. For almost two months following the conclusion of the December 1980 elections, you were a free citizen up to the time you voluntarily choose to launch a war against the one month old UPC government. Your guerrilla war had long been pre-planned and not precipitated by the alleged election rigging. As Minister of Defence, Vice Chairman of the powerful Military Commission, and leader of an armed faction (FRONASA) of the new national army, you had in advance made sufficient preparations in terms of logistics, intelligence and personnel. Before the elections, you had retained and set aside a personal army composed of mainly Rwandese refugees who had legally been excluded from the new national army. It is these Rwandese refugees who formed a core of your fighting group who in recognition of their serviced you helped to invade their country Rwanda culminating into the 1994 genocide. You opportunistically solicited financial and logistical support from Libya’s Gadafi though he a short while ago militarily supported the collapsing Iddi Amin regime. You mobilised former soldiers of the Iddi Amin government from the western and central regions and incorporated them into your ethnic guerrilla army.

Aware of Buganda’s historical political strength in Uganda, you chose to fight from Buganda territory. Your aim was to resurrect, foment and exploit the historical differences between UPC (Obote in particular) and Buganda. In the same regard, you opportunistically moved very fast to merge your armed group with that of Prof. Lule to form yout NRM. However, you tactically positioned yourself as the Chairman of the strategic military wing’s High command leaving Prof. Lule as a mere figure head just to hoodwink the Baganda. To further consolidate Buganda’s much needed support, you undermined and sabotaged other pro-Buganda/DP fighting groups notably Kayira’s UFM.

No wonder, after you had exhausted Buganda’s support, your NRM’s founding Chairman Prof. Lule had to die a few months before Kampala fell. By virtue of his position as the Chairman of your NRM, Prof. Lule was slated to become the President of Uganda upon the coming into power of your NRM in Jan 1986. To be sincere, even if Prof. Lule had not died you would not have allowed him to become President. Maybe, at worst, it would have been like the Alex Kanyerengwe/Bizimungu/Paulo Kagame kind of situation in Rwanda.

4. Though imitating the Chinese and Cuban revolutions, your armed rebellion never attracted a mass uprising. Instead, it thrived on building an ethnic army with a mission of dislodging the presumed Nothern region’s dominance of the army and government. People from the northern region were refered to as Anyanyas who in turn refered to those from the Southern and western region as Nyarwandas (Rwandese) because of the visibility of Rwandese refugees in your army. The army officer that you posted to the nothern region district of Gulu as the district administrator, Kayumba Nyamwasa, was later to head the army in Rwanda. This id what gave rise to successive rebellions in the northern and eastern regions that is now taking the form of secession demands.

During your armed rebellion, you applied and adopted very crude methods of committing atrocities designed to tarnish the then government image. This in turn gave rise to five different categories of people who joined hands with you i.e those like yourself who were driven by ambition of getting into power, those who were unsuspectingly compelled by the situation you had created and craved for change, those innocent peasants that you took hostage and turned them into fighters and supporters, those criminals escaping justice and the Rwandese refugees looking for an opportunity to invade their country. No doubt, such a combination lacked the unity of purpose and would not have managed to overthrow the UPC government had its own military not overthrown it.

Shortly after, you managed to dislodge the military junta only through treachery and manipulation under the guise of the Nairobi Peace Talks of 1986. You owe alot of credit to the Okkellos for having overthrown the UPC government.and handed over power to you. In appreciation, you have alwayd appointed Tito okellos son to ministerial position. If I may remind you, you have forgotten Col Julius Oketa who helped a lot to break the stalemate at Katonga Bridge that cleared the way for an easy march on Kampala in Jan. 1986.

5. Right from its inception, your army was designed to be and is indeed is a personal army. To achieve this goal, you have maintained a personal and historical controll of its recruitment, training, deployment, promotion, dismissal, retirement, procurement/ utilisation of logistics and formulation of its policy and doctrine. This is how you managed to deliberately keep the likes if Eriya Kategaya, Amanya Mushega, Kahinda Otafiire, and other historical members of NRM from the main stream military structure. In the same way, in the mid 90s,driven by ethnic considerations. You diverted Gen Katumba Wamala and Gen. Ivan Koreta to Police and ISO respectively in order to give way to the likes of Aronda and Kaziini to rise to the top office of Army commander. Yet, the highest Kaziini should have gone would have been to be a Sergeant in-charge of the mortuary in a military hospital.

Your army is a private security company funded by the state in the same way Capt FD Lugard raised tan army for the IBEA during colonial days. It is with this personal army that you set up a military government since 1986. Your army has been at the centre if national and regional politics. It is for fear of being linkened to Iddi Amin’s style of governance that you have been slow in in appointing army officers to local administration, parastatals and other government bodies.
In this regard, you have severally warned other national leaders to keep off your army. Amazingly, the then Vice President Gilbert Bukenya went ahead to enlist his son for officer cadet training. The poor chap died mysteriously before completing the Cadet course.

Your personal army arrests, shoots to kill, tortures and detains without trial in safe housed secret torture chambers. Now that the police has been fused with some army units have been fused with the police, it has taken a centre stage in the brutal suppression of dissenting voices. The recent elevation and appointment of your most right hand man and former army chief as Minister of internal Affairs, is a testimony to tougher times for Ugandans in the near future. You wrongly believe that with this personal army in place nothing can dislodge you from power. Thus, driven by the same belief, when NATO intervened in Libya, you contended thus; “….this is a new phenomenon, and if that is the case, we shall have another Vietnam”. To this end, you have always argued for “African solution to African problems” because you believe that without external military intervention, nothing can dislodge the African dictator from power. For the same reasons, of recent you have spearheaded the fight against the ICC arguing that it targets only African leaders.
Indeed, in preparation for another Vietnam, you have created a more personal army (SFH) within your personal army and placed it under the command of your own son. Your recent trip to Russia alludes to this Vietnam project.

For fear of losing grip on the army, you are the Commander in Chief, Chief of Defence Forces and Coordinator of Intelligence Services. All those that you appoint to such offices are mere political aides to you. Gen. Tinyefuza was not coordinating any intelligence services because he himself has been a subject of security surveillance for close to two decades now but unfortunately, he took long to realise this. What a relief to you now that he is very far from your army for you always believed that other than him, nobody else can carry out a military coup.

Of course, those who talk much about your son Muhoozi’s rapid rise on the army don’t know that even before Muhoozi joined the army you already had another son in the same army. You stated this yourself when you filled the Army’s Property Declaration Forms in the late 1980s. You have no intention of handing over power even to your son except that you are preparing him to take charge of the special force that will ensure that your life presidency project becomes a reality.

6. You fought and took over power during the cold war era and no doubt you were pro east. Your political indoctrination (political education) teachings emphasised that the struggle was against western imperialism while describing israel as zionists and the west as imperislists. These cadre courses were muddled along the teachings of Mao, Stalin, Fidel Castrol and Gadhafi among others as your role models. To win western suport, you have exploited the global fight against terrorism. Domestically, you have used the global fight against terrorism as a tool to brutally suppress dissenting voices. By having your personal army in Somalia, you have held the West at ransom. In 2011 as the world was waiting to see if you would seek another term in office, Kampala was hit by a terrorist attack allegedly by Al-shabab as if Kampla was a softer target than Bujumbura! Amidist the confusion that ensued, you embarked on election campaigns for a third term in office. When the recent UN report implicated you in supporting the rebel M23 in DRC, you shamefuly protested and threatened to pull out of Somalia. Initially, to ensure continued western support you had intended to deliberately prolong the Somali operation. Kenya’s intervention and rapid successes prompted your troops for the first time in many years to push beyond their traditional encampments at the airport and the presidential palace. As was he case with the Rwandese troops in the DRC’s town of Kisangani in the early 90s, I believe at some point your troops will clash with their Kenyan counterparts inside somali. You created and armed different militia groups in the DRC. It is you who made the ICC indictee militia leaders like Jp Bemba, Tom Lubanga, and Bosco Ntaganda what they became. Your army entered the CA Republic and and brutally suppressed the mutiny. You personally flew to the DRC’s northern town of Gbadolite to welcome back your victorious troops from the CAR. In appreciation, you ordered for them plane loads of fresh meat from Kampala. Instead, it is MLC’s JP Bemba who was acused of committing attrocities in the CAR.

You ordered then Col Angina to retrive all the UG (Uganda) enscrypted AK 47 assault riffles that had been supplied to the deserting militias in Ituri. Although the supposedly scapegoat Gen Kaziini mysteriously died, the overwhelming evidence against other key players is live and kicking. It is this impunity that has made you to once again indulge in the DRC’s internal affairs by supporting the M23.
No doubt, to futher attract western support, you would wish to forment and get involved in the Juba/Khartum misunderstandings. Driven by ethinic considerations in relation to the Luos of Northern Uganda, you were not in favour of Railla Oginga’s victory. Once the revenues from the oil production are in place, you will be able to finance military expeditions in the region.

7. Having come to power through treachery and high level political manipulation, you have continued to hold it fraudlently. You defiled the infant constituton toremove presidential term limits. Throughout all the sham elections you have conducted, you have never and can not win in a free and fair elections. In the last elections, you shifted from your traditional methods of violence, intimidation and ballot box stuffing. Instead, you ambushed the opposition by a last minute emptying of the national Treasury to bribe voters, polling assistants and a big section of the opposition polling agents. Thanks to your policy of delibarately keeping big sections of Ugandas in abject poverty such that a kilogram of sugar can influence the voter’s decision.

Now that you have exhausted all the rigging methods coupled by mounting pressure to relinguish power, what is remaining is to bend the legislature through intimidation, threats to life and bribery. Your NRM parliamentary caucus conveys your wishes to the majorty NRM members in parliament for passing on the floor of the house. You expell elected members of parliament who tend to tow independent thinking. Your recent elevation and apointment of your right hand man and former Army Chief to the Ministry of Internal Affairs is some kind of an indirect declaration of a state of emergency in the country. Ugandans should expect the worst in as far as civil liberty, justice and law enforcement are concerned. This is what you meant by the recent coup threat. Sincerely, a coup against who and by who! Your private army has invaded courts of law to influence and reverse court decisions. Your NRM Cadres are taking up strategic positions in the Judiciary. You have incorporated the police into the military. The colonial era law of Preventive Detention has been reactivated and enforced against dissenters. Your current efforts to spearhead opposition to ICC are designed to propagate impunity.

Your mentor, Tanzania’s former President Nyerere applied the above means to retain power. He only succeeded in having his countrymen succumb to oppression, economically destroying a naturally endowed country and creating an impression to outsiders that the country was peaceful. However, current figures indicate an alarming rate of citizens killing police personnel in broad daylight reprisal attacks.
When you took to fighting in 1981, the them President Milton Obote described your group as bandits. When you took over power in 1986, you promissed to cteate a middle class. Instead, a top class comprised of your family members and cronies has emerged from the 27 years of institutionalised baditry. Outright plunder of public resources, corruption, abuse of office, nepotism, secterianism and political patronage that the country is witnessing has never been witnessed before. Its a lasting legasy that you will be remembered for.

Though traditionally in the Defence sector whose accounts are not open to public scrutiny, swindling of public resources has in recent years spread to all the other corners of the Uganda society. Because the vice is a means of ensuring loyality and luring fence sitters into your NRM clique, your government lacks the moral authority to stop it. Because of pressure especially from the donor community, there is selective and inconclusive criminal proceedings. Once news headlines are made, the suspects are exonerated, set free, promoted, transferred, reinstated or reassigned. However, to please the donors, a few unlucky beneficiaries may face full criminal proceedings more especially those whose political clarity is doubtable.

The situation pertaining to your authoritarianism is expected to worsen once the oil production commences for you will not be listening to ‘lecturers from the west’ over democracy, human rights and rule of law. The country is more divided now along ethnic lines than ever before. Your advocacy for an East African federation is aimed at nothing else other than securing a regional military alliance that will intervene to avert any threat to your life presidency project.

Therefore, your senseless war following the ouster of Idi Amin was not a revolution but a change of guards. It retarded the country’s economic growth on equall footing. Currently, economic growth is a privilege your family and cronies who have unlimited access to public resources. Thank You

Tugume Sam
Member of UAH

Recap:Andrew Mwenda’s interview with Bwengye on July 13, 2005 reveals a lot


Mwenda: I know at one time you met Gadhaffi. How did you come to meet him?

Bwengye: You see Gadhaffi was investing in us so he wanted to know who the leaders were. We could not even go on the same plane. On Museveni’s team were Kivejjinja, and the late Katabalwa and Sam Njuba. On my side, we had myself, Kangave, Kayiira and others.

Mwenda: Who organised this meeting and what did Gadhaffi want to achieve from the meeting?
Bwengye: There was his agent in Nairobi. Gadhaffi wanted us to unite, to put our forces together so that the war would not take long.

Mwenda: What did you discuss with him?

Bwengye: Most of the time , the meeting was chaired by a certain Lt. Col and his Minister of Foreign Affairs. Interestingly, we were staying in his State House. We also found Garang and Jerry Rawlings and others from South Africa. They were there to train people. But we had to sit and wait for arms. I remember Ali was given a plane full of arms, which he airlifted up to Koboko.

Mwenda: What happened when your recruits came back?

Bwengye: When the boys came back, we formed a formidable force. You see Kayiira believed in surgical strikes, not in small ambushes. We had a meeting and we agreed that we should hit Lubiri. We believed that the attack would demoralise other units. Kayiira actually believed we could take over government by hitting Lubiri. So messages were sent to the other groups, and they promised to support us if the attack succeeded.

But Museveni said the attack would be suicidal. We went ahead with the attack. We stationed the artillery just in front of Rubaga Cathedral. We overran the barracks but we got a lot of arms mainly guns because we were not able to break into the armoury. They moved out of the barracks with big loot and moved back towards the bush.

Mwenda: What happened next?

Bwengye: They were ambushed along the way by Museveni’s NRA formerly PRA and our boys were taken to the NRA zone.

Mwenda: Why did Museveni ambush you?

Bwenye: I am sure he desperately needed arms and we had a lot of them. Before elections, we had brought in more than 1,200 rifles plus support weapons and ammunition. At that time, other than the government, we were the only group, which was heavily armed. As he tells you in his book, he attacked Kabamba with only 27 guns so you can see the comparison.

Mwenda: What happened to the people who were carrying the guns?

Bwengye: They were captured. One of them was Ssonko, now dead who eventually became a Lt. Col. in the UPDF and Mr Polly Mukiibi who owns a school near Nabbingo. He is the publicity Secretary of the DP. These two were captured and given the option of going back to Kayiira or remaining there. Ssonko and some other people chose to stay but Mr Mukiibi came back to Kayiira’s zone.

Mwenda: What was the effect of the ambush on their relationship?

Bwengye: Kayiira was insisting that the arms should be surrendered back. Museveni was insisting that they should carry out joint operations. At the same time, Kayiira was talking the language of federo, which Museveni did not like. Kayiira was saying “And why should the Baganda shed their blood unless they have been assured of federalism?” So they had to meet to scale it down because it caused a problem.

Mwenda: Did the two groups ever fight each other at any time?

Bwengye: No, apart from the ambush. Kayiira was very popular. If at all the NRA attacked Kayiira and people realised that Museveni was attacking Kayira in the bush, it could have been costly to him.
Kayiira was the kind of person who believed that his enemy was not his enemy though they had differences.

Mwenda reads SMS: Nkata Musa in Nkokonjeru asks, “Do you think it was necessary to wage a war on the account of fraudulent elections against the government?”

Bwengye: To fight, you must have a cause. You can imagine a population of about 70 percent of the electorate voting a certain party.

Mwenda: What role did Gilbert Bukenya play?

Bwengye: Bukenya was at Mulago as a surgeon. I never saw him.

Mwenda: Why did you wait so long to tell the story?

Bwengye: The majority of our people are young people. I think because of Aids, a lot of people who should know these things have died. These are young people. The Mwenda’s are young people. I wrote two books in the 1980s The Agony of Uganda and The Price of Freedom. But some people have never read these books.
(Caller) Magomu J in Entebbe: All your plans were a result of Obote’s dictatorship. What will you do if Museveni does the same?

Bwengye: Of course the people of Uganda are prepared to fight dictatorship, whether the Pope or whoever brings it.

Mwenda: Do you think Museveni’s government is a dictatorship?

Bwengye: No, dictatorship is not described on an individual. It is a system. There are some elements of democracy. People can talk in Parliament. People can form Parties.

Emmanuel: Who killed Prof. Muhangi? UPC claims you killed Muhangi.

Bwengye: Those are mad people. I was in Boston. That very day, I was in the house of Prof. Rugira. I was raising funds from Ugandans who were in America for UFM.

Mwenda: What were you in UFM?

Bwengye: I was the Political Secretary and Kayiira was the military head.
Nabuheka in Buziga: During that time when Bwengye and Co. were planning subversive activates, would it be justified if you were arrested by the government of the day?

Bwengye: If they had me arrested, they would definitely have prosecuted me as a guerrilla. I think the government would be right.

Richard in Kibuli: When did the differences between Museveni and Obote begin?

Bwengye: They must have begun in 1968, when Museveni was a student at Dar-es-Salaam. At that time Museveni was a socialist. He thought that Obote was not socialist enough. I am told Museveni said Obote couldn’t run this country because it would not help Ugandans because foreigners were exploiting them.
He was not happy with the likes of Felix Onama, the Minister of Defence and Bantaringaya, the Minister of Internal Affairs accumulating wealth.
He called them a corrupt bunch of leaders. He didn’t believe in corruption.
I had a flat in Nakasero opposite Nile Mansions. He was working in the President’s office. Eventually he moved to Kireka and we used to discuss from there.

Mwenda: In 1980, what was Museveni’s subjective motivation to go to the bush?
Bwengye: Had Obote formed a government of national unity, Museveni would never have gone to the bush. Even if DP was in power, Museveni believed in a government of national unity.

Mwenda: After elections, Obote called Ssemogerere and offered to form a government of national unity and DP turned it down.

Bwengye: I am not aware because for me immediately after elections, I went the other way.

Patrick in Kawala: After Museveni, had accomplished the struggle, what hindered Bwengye from joining hands to reconstruct the country?

Bwengye: It is a terrible story. Immediately after Museveni had come in, the UFM was given only two ministerial positions, one to Sam Sebagala and the other to Kayiira. Before months had passed, Dr. David Lwanga, Kayiira, Nyanzi and I were all taken to Luzira and changed with treason.Kayiira and I were charged particularly for hiding guns in Lake Victoria.We were only released by court. It was in July 1987. We were in prison for eight months.

Just after two days, Kayiira was gunned down. I was hunted. So I had to flee the country. I remember I passed through Rwanda then Nairobi and into exile.I came back after four years, by persuasion of government that I should return

Mwenda: What is the future plan of DP?
Bwengye: We have reconciled, the future is to participate in multi party politics. We have to frame policies through the Delegates Conference, which we shall have before the end of the year.

Sam in Kibuli: It appears that in one of the meetings between Museveni and Kayiira, there was suspicion. Did Museveni have a hand in Kayiira’s death?

Bwengye: People in NRA uniform killed Kayiira at the nose of this government. People volunteered to give evidence about who the killers were. Unfortunately at that time, the Minister of Internal Affairs was Kawanga Ssemogerere and Kizza Besigye was his deputy. They put up a commission of inquiry to trace the culprits. It is now 18 years since the death of Kayiira. Government has hidden the report up to now. If it were you, what would your conclusion be?

David in Naguru: Do these disagreements they have talked about show Museveni as power hungry?

Bwengye: A politician who doesn’t believe in taking power should keep out and become a farmer. If you are in politics, you want power.

Peter Musoke in Nakasero: If you were with Museveni, why did you not become a minister in this government?

Bwengye: After having lost my dear friend Kayiira who was a minister in this government, why should I go there?

Stuart in Makerere University: Do you think all along Museveni had a personal agenda?

I think he had a national agenda. He had an ambition to lead.

Mwenda: Akena Adoko in his book says that after studying Museveni closely as his boss at the General Service Unit, he discovered that Museveni was eaten up by one thing, the monomania to rule over others. Do you agree with that assessment?
Bwengye: I am not quite sure about that.

Paul in Namasuba: Now that things are going back to the way they were in the 1980s, can you still organise?

Bwengye: At that time, I was about 38 years, very energetic. I think there are people, young people who can do that job.

Hussein: Why can’t you reconcile with President Museveni? Do you think he could have made a good DP leader?

Bwengye: Goodness is subjective. At that time, many people did not know who Museveni was. We looked at him as a revolutionary, a man who had risked his life to form FRONASA. He was a fiery man. We were the same age. We looked at him to have had an edge over us. He had an army and had trained as a guerrilla. If he blended that with his political rhetoric, he could have made a good leader. But after sometime, normally you assess people. At this time, he can’t be a good leader for DP. I think he is a good leader for the Movement, because in DP, we believe in internal democracy.

Mwenda: Ssemogerere has not left. He has had 20 terms.
Bwengye: That is why we are fighting him.
Mwenda: Why did you hurry to capture Kampala? Did you have enough support? Don’t you think Museveni was right not to fight prematurely?
Bwengye: In some aspects, he was right. In other aspects, he was not. For example, most people who start guerrilla warfare lack internal armies. But people who have internal armies don’t need guerrilla warfare. When you have enough forces, you don’t need guerrilla warfare.What turned out is what Kayiira had expected. When we started fighting people got scared. Some volunteers got scared and run away.

Mwenda: By 1983, the UFM as a force almost collapsed and Kayiira went to the USA. What factors brought about the collapse?
Bwengye: The biggest factor was that many of our commanders were captured by the government forces (UNLA). These included the chief of Staff, Col Kodir, who is now in the UPDF, the quartermaster general, Capt. Hussein Adda, who is now quartermaster general at Bombo and others. The leading officers were captured and taken to Luzira.
Mwenda: How were they captured?

They were overrun by UNLA but I suspect that some of our enemies infiltrated us and started leaking information.
Mwenda: Others are saying the Museveni of NRA was leaking information so that he would become the only warlord because Kayiira enjoyed support in Buganda and was taking it away from him and so if he destroyed UFM, then he could become the only legitimate resistance against Obote and the Baganda would support him. Have you heard of that theory?
Bwengye: I have heard of it and it stands the test of history because I do not have adequate information. But when we had meetings, Kayiira felt that we had been infiltrated by NRA boys who carried away information.

Those meetings we had at Kikunyu in the bush – the picture Akena Adoko shows – Kayiira felt that those were intended to entrap him and get information about where they were and so on. So whenever we were hit, he felt that was the betrayal.
Then the other one was that there was relaxation in discipline. Because what Obote did was that he sent some girls – the Bamutiires – UPC youth wingers who went there as fighters but they became girlfriends of the commanders and eventually escaped from there and told stories to the UNLA.

That is how Prof. Kyesimira who had been seen in the bush was arrested and charged with treason. They also told of where the camps were located. I remember we were the first force in Uganda to get SAM 7 from Gadhaffi to shoot down Obote’s plane and his officers but only weeks after the SAM 7 was received, our camps in Mpigi were overrun.
There was a certain Captain (who is still around, he flies planes to DRC), who sank them into the river Mayanja. I think they are still there. Had we been given a chance, we would have shot down so many planes.

Mwenda: So when the UFM collapsed, what happened to you and Kayiira?
Bwengye: I went to England and Kayiira went to the USA. We used to meet to re-plan and raise funds. We went back to the drawing board after about a year. Some of our friends formed a splinter group called FEDEMO (Federal Democratic Movement) under Nkwanga. For us, we continued to take more people to train.
Mwenda: Did you maintain any contact with Museveni?
Bwengye: No.

Mwenda: So how did you come back to Uganda with Kayiira?
Bwengye: It must have been around July 1985. I think it was Bob Kitariko who was sent to us to tell us that these people (the Bazilio Okellos) were planning to overthrow the government. I think the arrangements included people like Sam Kuteesa and the entire DP. So he said “Plans are there to overthrow the government. Will you cooperate?”
And we said no.

Mwenda: Olara Otunu told me Museveni called him in Sweden…
Bwengye: Yes he [Otunu] came to London and we met him with Kayiira. He told us there were people going to overthrow the government. Museveni had even left the bush at the time. He was in Sweden.
Mwenda: Otunu told me – you know he was a close friend of Kajubiru – Museveni’s younger sister who now lives in Germany. He said Museveni told him something big was going to happen in Kampala with the Okellos and if they offered him anything in the new dispensation, he should not refuse it. He would be Museveni’s points man in the negotiations. That is what Otunu told me on this show.
Bwengye: Yes, I think that is true.

Mwenda: Otunu was Obote’s Permanent representative at the UN. So he came to London…
Bwengye: He came to London and he met me with Kayiira and told us the government was going to collapse and he wanted us to cooperate. At that time it was not only UFM that had left the bush. Even Museveni himself had left the bush. His troops had been pushed out of Luwero and he was somewhere in the mountains. Both forces had been badly hit.

Mwenda: And that was after the death of Oyite Ojok. Because after his death, the UPC wing created a special brigade under Col. Ogole who had been trained in the USA in counter insurgency operations. He started an offensive in Luwero and NRA was so badly beaten that it had flee from there to the Rwenzori Mountains…
Bwengye: So a month did not pass before the government collapsed. Otunu came back to London and told Kayiira to go with him because Okello wanted him. For me, I remained behind for sometime.
Otunu became Minister of Foreign Affairs while Kayiira became a member of the Military Commission, higher than a minister.

Mwenda: Kuteesa became Attorney General, while Ssemogerere became Minister of Internal Affairs. It was really a DP affair.
Bwengye: And Evaristo Nyanzi became Minister of Cooperatives; most of the ministers were DP members.
Then later on, we came in because our forces had regrouped. In fact before Okello took over, we had regrouped and taken back some of our soldiers who were in Mpigi, Mukono and so on, so we had to give a hand to the Military Commission when they took over. And I remember when the Bazilios wanted to use Salim Saleh and not Museveni. You remember they were calling Saleh on the radio and maybe Museveni did not like it. Eventually, they called for peace talks in Nairobi.

Mwenda: Did Kayiira participate in the peace talks?
Bwengye: Absolutely…
Mwenda: He used to sit on the same side with Tito Okello, Sam Kuteesa, Semogerere on one side then Museveni on the other side.
Mwenda: Someone said whenever Museveni went to the peace talks, he only greeted Ssemogerere on the other side. He could not even greet Kayiira or Kuteesa across the table…
Bwengye: That is what I hear but I was not there. But he was not amused with Kuteesa having defeated him in the elections and now he was Tito Okello’s Attorney General.

Mwenda: How then did the Okello government fall? When did you come back to Uganda?
Bwengye: After about a month or so, I came back to Uganda in 1985. By the time I came, I found the situation was terrible because UNLA officers had started killing people in and around Kampala. There was Brig. Toko who was the vice chairman who was a bit reckless using gun ships to kill people suspected to be in the opposition. They would send planes to kill people and some of us were not amused.

In fact, we had asked Kayiira to withdraw from the government. Some other people wanted to overthrow Tito Okello and we really debated whether we were able to overthrow Okello’s government. Eventually, we had to fight each other. I remember we were controlling the zone towards Kabalagala, Gaba and towards the lake and Tito Okello was in the city centre, while Nkwanga was controlling Makindye…

Mwenda: and Moses Ali was controlling Bombo Road…
Bwengye: It was katogo. Then Museveni was controlling the western part of Uganda from Katonga downwards. So you could see that it was a temporary government which would not succeed. I remember one time I was staying with Kayiira and others in Speke Hotel and we were attacked by UNLA soldiers who wanted to ambush us.
Mwenda: Then there was a group by Onzi…
Bwengye: Former Uganda National Army [FUNA], led by Isaac Lumago.

Mwenda: Which was Toko’s group?
Bwengye: I think he was part of FUNA…
Mwenda: So Museveni came and overthrew the Okello’s junta…
Bwengye: By the time Museveni overthrew the junta, he was becoming popular because the junta was killing people, looting, doing all sorts of things. So when Museveni came in, he was looked at as a real liberator because people were really suffering.

Mwenda reads SMS: Did Bwengye get any military training?

Bwengye: Yes I did get some military training in guerrilla fighting in Libya.

Mwenda reads SMS: When did Mzee Lawrence Semakula meet his death and what role did he play?

Bwengye: He was one of the civilian fighters of UFM. Eventually, he became the political leader of FEDEMO. He was captured from Nairobi with another man called Bazilio Mumanya by Obote’s intelligence under Rwakasisi. They were brought back and killed in Kampala.

Thank you.

%d bloggers like this: