SOME OF OUR ‘WEAK’ CULTURES HAVE TO BE DROPPED OR CHANGED TO TAME DICTATORSHIPS!

I believe that as with industrial revolution, we need more stakeholders in the nation’s socio-economic arrangements to spur a nationalistic discourse. The imperative for this threshold is education.

The more we provide informational, enlightening education to more Ugandans, the less likely our citizens will be so subservient as to be easily manipulated and controlled by one Individual.

So, the liberation of Uganda is dependent on the quality of awareness of every Ugandan.

What system has always existed in Uganda that frustrated Obote, Amin, Binaisa, Obote, Okello and Museveni, to the extent that their leadership performance stayed at par? How was that “system” established in the country, and by whom?

Is Uganda irreversibly divided on tribal, religious or regional lines? My answer is a huge NO, Ugandans have always lived and operated above pretty tribalism.

Until Museveni stepped in, no Ugandan president had run a lopsided government, such as his that is always filled with his village-mates and tribes-mates at key national sectors.

As citizens, we need to wake up and face some hard realities.I think one of our major weaknesses is the ridiculous culture of acquiescing to leadership. We are not, inherently a questioning, demanding and forceful people. So, we accept mediocrity, mistreatment and misrule by a few citizens who happen to be in charge of something we need.

Visit any government office and see how long people stand in line to be served, while the midget behind the desk is taking his tea! We do this because we fear making demands even when we have the right to do so.

Or, how often do you see grown men and women, lying or kneeling to great a leader. That meekness has been exploited by power-hungry leaders because, they correctly realize that, a man who will readily kneel at your feet is unlikely to challenge what you tell him.

It may be due to cultural sensitivities, but we need to drop some of these subservience in order to stand face-to-face with these leaders and look them in the eye.

One other weakness, which is on its way out, had been general poor education and limited awareness of national, regional and world affairs as they may relate to us individually or as tribes or as a nation. In the bad days, mass media was government-controlled, so all the news we got was government-approved.

With the influx of the media in the past three decades, Ugandans are likely to learn about a major corruption in the government from sources other than Radio Uganda. But we need to take advantage of this information outlets and cause changes in the government.

For example, right now, we have the Railway scandal, where a former PS has alleged that over $1 M exchanged hands, among other questionable activities involving the contract to build the railway line.

How do we handle this information? What will we do if the government, as usual, closes the case without holding anyone to account?

This is where our elected representatives must step up and do their job of supervising the government. But if they don’t do anything about it, then how do we show our displeasure?

Recalling them or voting them out would the next logical recourse, but will we?

Someone once said that the major weakness of democracy is the ignorance of the masses; we’re coming out of that ignorance stage, except ours is compounded by a cultural observations that automatically place us as second citizens.I don’t think that being assertive is the same as being disrespectful. Ugandans have been trained or conditioned to be subservient, meekly seeking the approval of authority without questioning its sanity.

This is the source of our vulnerability, which unscrupulous, opportunistic leaders, from Obote to Museveni, have exploited to keep us down and in trepidation.Our institutions – civil service, the judiciary, police force, education, are what the leader wants them to be. These institutions change names and missions as often as national leadership changes.

To stop this whimsical enterprise that we call the presidency, we must change some characteristics of our culture that endear us to the world, but perpetually hold back as victims at home.

Edward Pojim via the UAH forum

USA

UGANDANS ARE MORE TOLERANT AND UNDERSTANDING THAN KENYANS!

Let me say what you already knew and felt. Compared to Kenyans, Ugandans actually have etiquette. Ugandans rarely if ever use funerals as political rallies. In Uganda funerals are left to religious people to pray for the soul of the dead and move on. In Kenya, it is the exact opposite.

Also, and this is important, unlike Kenyans, Ugandans do learn other ethnic languages. You find people from all over the country speaking other local languages which is not the case in Kenya. A Kikuyu, Luo, Luhya, Kalenjin, Taita, Kisi, Kamba etc will never bother to learn the other’s language . They claim Swahili is okay but not any other local language.

I digress to make the case that we have in Uganda what it takes to prospers. Ugandans are more egalitarian, sensitive and tolerant than their Kenyan counterparts. Ugandans are also humble relative to their neighbours. These are god qualities so what is the problem? Institutions.

WBK Via the UAH forum
USA

WHY DR. KIYINGI SENDS MUSEVENI PANICKING

BY ROBUKUI VIA UAH FORUM
Introduction

Of recent there has been arrests of Muslims following a spate of murders of Muslim clerics in Buganda and Busoga regions. The regime has linked the murders and arrests to the Islamic aligned Allied Democratic Forces (ADF) based in eastern DRC. Among those arrested are the leaders of the radical Tabliq sect. The ADF came to the scene around 1996 when it struck western Uganda. Its prolonged war with the Kampala regime saw Museveni’s army enter the DRC ostensibly to flush out the ADF but it remained intact as the army instead pursued an imperialistic agenda. The ADF remained active in eastern DRC with clandestine operations in Uganda’s Islamic strong holds of Buganda and Busoga. Museveni managed to have the ADF blacklisted as a terrorist organisation but his tireless efforts to link it to Alshabab and Al-Queda have not been fruitful. Recent report by the UN group of experts found no evidence of any linkage.

Also linked to the murders is Dr Agrey Kiyingi – a prominent Ugandan Cardiologist based in Sydney Australia. He has expressed intentions to vie for the presidency of Uganda. The Museveni regime alleged that he has been funding the activities of the above recently arrested Muslims. Interestingly, for the first time the alleged radical Islamic fundamentalist ADF is a devoted Christian Dr. Agrey Kiyingi!!!!!!!

Dr. Kiyingi – a Muganda

Muganda is the singular for Baganda who are Uganda’s ethinic group that occupies central region. Their geographical location coupled by their administratively superb ancient Kingdom of Buganda, made it the focal point of early European colonisation. The colonialists used the Baganda in their indirect rule in return for preferential treatment. The Baganda spearheaded and bore the brunt of the struggle for independence. The 1966 clashes with the central government led to their much cherished Kabaka (King) to flee into exile from where he died a few years later and the subsequent abolition of Kingdoms in Uganda. These events pitted the Baganda more especially the peasants against the UPC party and President Obote in particular. A series of assassination attempts on Obote by ordinary Baganda were halted by Iddi Amin’s take over in 1971. The Baganda fully embraced Amin’s military take over more especially when he returned the remains of their Kabaka and accorded it a descent burial.

In 1978 when the Obote led Uganda exiles backed by the Tanzanian army were battling to dislodge Iddi Amin, Museveni led a misinformation campaign of how the Obote and the UPC were not popular in the strategic Buganda region. This prompted the UNLF to put forward Prof Yusuf Lule and Paul Muwanga – all prominent Baganda at the top leadership of the post Iddi Amin government in order to win over the Baganda. Even when Prof Lule was ousted six months later, its another Muganda; Godfrey Binaisa who was selected to become President. Still the Baganda led “Twagala Lule” (we want Lule) demonstrations paralised the nation before Museveni who was the then Minister of Defence brutally crashed them.

When Milton Obote won the 1980 elections, the Baganda nder Andrew Kayiira and Prof Yusuf Lule resorted to armed rebellion. Museveni who felt his childhood ambition of becoming President was under threat, moved very fast to neutralize them. He tricked Yusuf Lule into joining hands with him before he embarked on laying the same traps for Andrew Kayiira whose group he openly undermined. He assembled prominent Baganda into leadership positions for his NRA guerrilla outfit’s political leadership hierachy. When the going got tougher, he enlisted the support of the then Buganda Prince Mutebi with promisses of restoring the Kabakaship (kingdom). However, in order to curtail the Baganda military influence, Baganda military fighters were systematically curtailed from advancing to top command positions. No wonder, Prof. Lule had to die so that Museveni becomes the President.

Since taking over power 30 years ago and restoring of the Buganda Kingship 25 years ago, Museveni has had fragile relationship with Buganda. The Baganda realised that Museveni had duped them by restoring a quasi kingship. The devastating five years war fought on Buganda territory coupled by systematic and malicious intervention measures aimed at trimming Buganda’s wings, its past glory has never recovered. The Baganda are losing their much cherished wealth in land to unscruplous regime cohorts leave alone its territory as Kampala was declared not to be part of Buganda. Museveni has consistently through both overt and covert actions undermined the cohesion of Buganda Kingdom. His main worry is for Buganda to produce a potential presidential material. After getting rid of the militant Andrew Kayiira in the late 80s, through the 90s he feared the likes of Mulwanyamuli, Dr Sulaiman Kigundu, Dan Muliika and a few others. He identified and brought on board other prominent Baganda like Prof Nsibambi and Prof Gilbert Bukenya so as to soil their reputations.

Since coming to power the influence of Baganda soldiers in the NRA has been contained. After placing the strategic components of the army under the command of his son Brig Muhoozi, he had to hoodwink the Baganda by appointing a Muganda Gen Katumba Wamala as the Chief of Defence Forces who is a mere figure head. With the new NRA Cadre Buganda Katikiro (Prime Minister) Peter Mayega, Museveni felt that he had now written off Buganda as a potential threat to his life presidency. The coming on board of Dr Agrey Kiyingi – a Muganda who has never been associated with his reign but more so given his international connections, Museveni feels threatened by Buganda once again. Museveni fears that Dr Kiyingi may rally the Baganda whom he thought he had sent into political limbo and was now focusing on northern Uganda. Therefore, he strongly feels that by linking Dr Kiyingi’s political activities to terrorism, he will manage to isolate him locally and internationally.

INNOVATION IN INSURANCE TO RECOVER EMBEZZLED MONEY

Brothers and Sisters,

Once again please find below another submission towards the Peoples’ 2016 Manifesto for your value addition and debate; as an innovation the ideas therein might look difficult to grasp but I am sure the Insurance Regulatory Authority of Uganda (IRA) might provide the necessary professional guidance when required; in addition any legislative policy changes directed at the insurance industry resulting from this innovation might become a business opportunity that will create more premium and jobs for the sector. Just last week the CEO of IRA, Al Haji Kaddunabbi Lubega said that, “the insurance potential in the country is still untapped”.

During the State-of-the-Nation address of 2nd June 2010 President Museveni commited himself to end corruption and embezzlement of public funds by suggesting that the corrupt should be tried by court martial; he made these harsh sentiments to fight corruption and embezzlement in barely less than two months after he had signed the Whistleblowers Protection Act on 22nd April 2010.

Either the president probably found himself hostage to the above vices, hence the suggested solutions or he had given up on the entire institutional framework (in place for fighting corruption and embezzlement of public funds) such as the the Leadership Code of Conduct Act 2002, PPDA Act, Budget Monitoring and Accountability Unit, Police CIID, Inspector General of Government (IGG), Director of Public Prosecution (DPP), Anti-Corruption Court, Auditor General’s Reports and the Public Accounts Committee (PAC).

One other smart way (that might aid the above laws and institutions) in the fight against corruption, embezzlement and impunity in public expenditure is in the innovation of an insurance product (maybe to be) called the Public Funds Indemnity (PFI) insurance Policy cover to be taken by all public officers (who authorize use/release of public funds); by designing such a policy with proper supportive legislation in place, any public officer (having taken a PFI Policy cover) implicated in (corruption and) embezzlement by the Auditor General would (at the request of PAC) have his insurer pay the (loss) sums involved thus enabling government recover such embezzled money instantly. A habitual corrupt public officer would thus not get easily insured (the next time) due to the moral hazard he would pose to the insurance industry which could finally lead to change of his official status or termination of services to government; this might finally lead to
having only serious people vie for public offices in Uganda.

To lead by example even the president would have to take the PFI Policy cover to guard himself/herself against allegations of abuse of office (such as in the CHOGM enquiry that alleged that the president sanctioned a certain Bwebajja hotel to be (mis)allocated money only three (3) days before the summit).

The Donors would even benefit more from the proposed PFI Policy cover as they would easily recover their hard earned taxpayers’ monies (embezzled by our public servants) especially when contributed towards our development budgets. To counter any litigation costs (by use of subrogation rights), the Donors would make sure that they always (if government does not) insure both the Auditor General and Public Accounts Committee (PAC) with the PFI Policy cover since the (PFI) Legislative Framework would also give PAC (the constitutional) High Court powers (it already has) to authorize the recovery of public funds from the insurers of the PFI Policy holders. Government would on the other hand insure the Attorney General, DPP and IGG. The rest of the public officers would individually insure themselves; the PFI Policy cover could, therefore, be the first requirement submitted to and kept by the PAC before anyone assumes any public office that authorizes
use/release of public funds.

For example, the President would insure himself/herself up to a limit of say Shs 10 billion, Vice President Shs 8 billion, Ministers and Permanent Secretaries Shs 5 billion, District Accounting Officers Shs 3 billion, etc, etc; to check on influence peddling an “opt out clause” for any of the above officers (in order not to be insured) may be included in the PFI Policy provided that the said officer shall not authorize use/release of public funds during the whole tenure of his office (position/status). If the PFI Policy regime had been in place in 2007, (probably) all the misallocated CHOGM funds would by now have been paid by the insurance companies that insured the public officers who were investigated by PAC (given PAC’s High Court powers). Any public officer who would thus have got dissatisfied would then have sued the PAC and Auditor General (both having PFI Policy covers) to seek redress (by subrogation and recovery). In effect both Government and
Donors would have got back value for their monies.

Similarly (for a PFI Policy cover of say Shs 30 billion taken by the Governor of Bank of Uganda or the NSSF Boss, Government would have recovered the Basajjabalaba bailouts, AGOA monies and probably Temangalo would (by now) have been history or housing NSSF Apartments.

Already there exists in the insurance industry a product almost similar to the proposed PFI Policy cover called Professional Indemnity (PI) Policy for which as professionals we insure ourselves up to a limit of Shs 100 million before the Insurance Regulatory Authority of Uganda issues us a Loss Assessor’s Licence; likewise the Fidelity Guarantee insurance is (also) normally taken by employers (read government?) to provide cover against loss by reason of dishonesty of their employees (read public servants?) holding positions of trust. The only difference this time (with the PFI Policy cover) is to allow the public officer carry his cross by procuring his insurance policy! It might, therefore, be a good reciprical gesture by politicians in addition to the public officers to take up the proposed PFI Policy cover to insure themselves against embezzlement of public funds in their custody should insurers rise to the challenge of designing the PFI Policy
product.

By: Dafala Khalil via the UMBS forum

”Every married woman has at one time or the other been raped by the husband.”—-Miria Matembe

”Every married woman has at one time or the other been raped by the husband.”—-Miria Matembe

There are many incidences quoted to support that statement and I do subscribe to that school. According to most feminists and also some national constitutions especially from western countries including Canada, a husband rapes his wife when he has sex with her without her consent. If you do force your way without getting clearance from Mrs. Ssekajja for example, you commit rape and you will be charged like any other man who rapes another woman who is not his wife. You have to apply to her and get her permission to get those goodies. The same applies to the wives, if they want sex and you are not ready, she has to sleep looking at you without disturbing or else you accuse her of indecent sexual assault; she has to ask you gently and if you accept, then it is okay. Even when you turn on the bed, you have to do it carefully to avoid being misunderstood.

Sad to say it but that is the nature of equality of rights. It is good to be aware of these laws especially if you find yourself in some countries where such laws apply. I felt sorry for my Ugandan brother who found himself behind police bars in Toronto because he demanded for and got sex from his wife without her consent. We used to meet in same church and all looked fine until one day I met the guy when he had just been released on police bond. He narrated to me his ordeal and cursed Canada for such laws. I advised him to adjust accordingly since we are in Canada!

Miria Matembe is right; may be her vocal utterances and coarse voice which betray her, and may be failure to explain how a man can rape his wife, is where our leaders create problems to their constituents.

Still blaming Miria Matembe?

Peter Simon Via UAH forum

Don’t know how much is left to privatize now in Uganda?

President Yoweri Museveni announces a retreat from Privatization.Don’t know how much is left to privatize now, but I guess it was inevitable when we embraced Capitalism.

Does government have the capacity to run its business well now?

Should the government go with the contract idea, private investors can be given the choice to provide services for a given period during which government will still have oversight with the option of renewing the contract or using other investors on another run?

Private investors are very crucial to the economy of our country and government has to be the largest employer but must improve its auditing procedures to make it all work.

Eddie, M.D Via UAH forum

Our dear parents are departing too early in Uganda

It is inexplicable how these great pillars in our lives are departing one by one” buli lukeera nga tuwulira nti omu kubazadde baffe agenze bambi Naye nga Muli tuwuliira nti agenze bukyaali”. They protected us during the most difficult period of civil war in Uganda. We mourn their passing while seated on nails of deep pain -steeped in the knowledge that our nation can do better with the care of our aging folks-who continue to fall victim to illnesses that have known fixes. We remain perplexed and frozen with grief from thousands of miles away wondering why the country has not been able to implement simple medical safeguards that could sustain lives.
We have placed our trust in our institutions with the hope that this trend will be reversed.

Our losses are unquantifiable – how do you begin to enumerate such a loss due to lack of adequate care. I hope our institutions in the Diaspora and at home will begin to address this issue as an agenda item. Our heartfelt condolences go out to the Iga family -and all those who have lost their parents way too soon. We are standing with you at this most difficult period of your lives and simply asking folks in our government to do something about it. May GOD give you strength to endure and may they all rest in peace eternally.

Tendo Kaluma via UAH forum

M7 HAS NO PRACTICAL PROGRAM ON THE GROUND FOR THE ELDERLY

Saddens me each time I read fates befalling our neglected elderly. A couple of years ago I sat down in Ottawa with my Toronto nephew and a friend and the issue of our Acholi elderly arose. In fact, the majority of Uganda’s neglected elderly population should be classified as needy “orphans”. When you walk across one in the village he or she will play tough but deep in the eyes one can read abundant destitution and above all, loneliness. When I suggested a program in SAI (Str8talk Africa Initiatives) to plan for residential homes where we can convince them to move and be cared for in one of many such across Acholi my nephew said much as it was a good Western idea the fact was the Acholi elder doesnt is one who will never accept but that didnt stop us. We shelved the idea – for now.

In no time an organization called NUROWAS (Northern Uganda Relief Organization For War Affected Seniors) was formed by a prominent Acholi woman in the UK strictly for the neglected elderly. This organization has for the last few years given abundant support in numerous forms to the elderly of Acholi and growing each day in area coverage. NUROWAS recently participated at a health conference in LA.

Does the government of Uganda know of its existence? Yes. Has the government of Uganda requested to lend a helping hand in its works? No. A Nigerian Igbo saying goes “Ours is ours but mine is mine”. This is what it takes to deliver care in Uganda. Its a dog-eat-dog society in the motherland and we cant wait for God bcos he never comes when we need him the most.

I still intend to open a senior’s home for the elderly destitute in my immediate home area to start with in memory of my grannies. As my neph pointed out, the discouragement will come if and when they refuse to abandon their dilapidated shelters for a room with all the comfort they would never have imagined.

Its a workable idea – culture and pride permitting. In fact, we even joked about some of these elders meeting soulmates for the final lap of their lives and wedding in these homes – much to the joy and happiness of their clans, children and grandchildren at a time they would have expected ends to everything in their drowning elders’ lives.

I grew up with my grannies and these were the happiest days of my life. Listening to how they spoke about how they dated, the rivalries, and the eagle eyes of my grandma’s brothers fixated on the clandestine antics of the then young Spanner Boy at the Catholic mission in the 1900s that my grandfather was before becoming actual moto mechanic always made me believe my truest friends were only the elderly.

The elderly are also treasure libraries of unwritten history. My granma had special tattoos on specific parts of her body which she used to display with plenty of excitement and confidence. The tattoos were for kills she made in tribal wars with the Madi. Fact. The Acholi woman used to go for wars with her husband and should a husband spear an enemy its the wife to extinguish the enemy’s life with a blow of her little but lethal axe. Those were her kills.

When a young pretty girl walked into our yard to interview my old man on the historical background of Puranga Ginnery for her field work after being referred to him by the ginnery management, she didnt know what she was walking into. Her life was to change forever. Immediately my old man saw her, he told me his heart leaped into his mouth. Aa few days before I went home fir the hokidays I too didn’t kniw what awaited nme at home. To cut a long story short, that girl was to be my only daughter’s mother – courtesy of my old man. My baby girl is now in the middle of her nursing degree. The old man had set up a perfect scoring match and I didn’t disappoint him.

Its us to take care of the elderly in our communities bcos NO BODY and NO NGO will ever do the needful for them. My immediate elders are long gone but memories of them continue being relived in those elders alive in my home even tho they arent ny immediate relatives. That doesn’t matter.

One of the programs (we call them Initiatives) of SAI is the Bag To School (coined out of Back To School in the West). I have started on this initiative with two schools near me in Montreal. Students here like replacing their school essentials annually and for some they receive them in excess. Take for example, school bags. Many have more than one in their homes. What we call Mathematical Instruments at home are sold in dollar stores for a dollar. Many drop away their barely worn snickers or not worn at all. All theie school bags are waterproof.

Here is where SAI is coming in. We are arranging with mall owners to place in their premises huge garbage bins labeled for the purpose of people dropping in them school bags and school essentials including math sets and snickers which will ocassionally be offloaded at a temporary warehouse where volunteers from schools and my church will short and repackage them at random for shipment to Northern Uganda where students walk for miles to schools and many in the rains which ruin their books and all. The BTS initiatives aims at relieving them of these sad odyssey. My church is ready to ship the first container or containers.

Problem is what happens on the ground when they are received. I can’t leave my job to go manage its distribution and let alone we still haven’t planned on as to how they will be distributed. I should hope in a few years this initiative grows into schools all across Canada and beyond to address the most pressing element of student life in rural Africa.

we can do many things on our own initiatives without NRM participation and low-lifes like our Wellesley ‘frienemy’ who is always thinking in the negative to discourage us such as to live like he does. There is only one problem. We are not organized.
___________________________________
Gwokto La’Kitgum Via UAH forum

THE LANGO ELDERS HAVE AT LEAST GOT SOMETHING TO SMILE ABOUT NOW!

The idea of helping the elderly is exactly what I am trying to do. I am in the advanced stages of setting up a Lango Benevolent Pensions Fund whose primary purpose will be assist to all of the elderly of Lango, beginning initially with the 70+, widows and widowers and those with dependents under 16. The idea is to give them a basic monthly pension, just like here in the UK, say £50 per month. This pension would be means-tested, ie eligibility would be based on verified income and other means of support. The second aspect of the Fund would concentrate on addressing basic poverty issues, for eg I am going to set up a food bank at suitable locations through-out Lango where elderly people can come and collect food parcels, attend mobile clinics and collect simple medications and clothing or have their homes repaired or re-built. Lastly the Fund will help the elderly with small interest loans to set up viable small cooperative scale businesses.

I have been selling this idea now for at least 2 years and so far I have raised over £250,000 in commitment but I need a starting capital of at least £500,000. My estimate is that about 100,000 Elders will initially qualify. From an organisation I worked with in the Philippines recently when the Tsunami struck destroying most homes, I have learnt a lot how to mobilise funds for people who have been struck by disaster or those facing imminent emergency..Most of the Filipino Tsunami victims have now had new homes built for them, I have made contact with at least three organisations who helped the Filipinos and all of them have told me to let them know when I am ready, and they guarantee they will build these homes in less than 6 months. The obstacle I am having is the same as yours, in that, I can not build each elder his own house in his or her compound as this will sky-rocket the cost. They would have to agree to live in small sheltered units of say 30-50 homes, not in single self-contained bungalows. This would also make it easier for facilities like water, electricity, sanitation etc to be connected.

But for the project to succeed needs me to be there personally, but my commitment in the UK still does not allow me to stay in Uganda for much longer than two weeks at a time. This is a relatively simple project, but it needs a team of very dedicated and honest managers to make it work.

I know the elders have suffered more than any other age group under the fascist regime of Yoweri Museveni Kaguta. I am not going to allow their suffering to continue for much longer if I can help it.

I am also working with the Dokolo Catholic Diocese to build a Community Technical School for 150 school drop-outs. This is completely private. I have not spoken about it here because it would have been premature. Right now as we speak, the buildings are going up. I am building the school in memory of my late father. The latest Collection I sent to them was a £50,000 donation from the Catholic Churches of England and Wales. Your Nubian nitwit who resides at Wellesley Avenue thinks all I do in London is drink beer. He does not realise the extent of my commitment to humanitarian causes in my homeland and elsewhere in the world.

GEORGE OKELLO VIA THE UAH FORUM

GEN. MUGISHA MUNTU – A GREAT LEADER AT THE WRONG TIME AND PLACE

Maj Gen Mugisha Muntu,President of Forum for Democratic Change

At the tender age of 23 years, Muntu left Makerere University after doing his last paper for his political science course to join Museveni’s bush war. He was driven by the urge to restore rule of law and human rights to Uganda that had broken down at the time courtesy of Yoweri Museveni who had created a situation to justify his bush war. Being a son of a prominent UPC leader (Enock Muntuoyera) who was a personal friend of the then President Obote, Muntu would have been given a better job in government but his resolute character and urge for the freedom of others took him to the bush. Initially, in the bush he was placed under close watch on suspicion that possibly the UPC government had sent him to spy on guerrillas.

In the bush Muntu belonged to the category of ‘intellectuals’ whom the senior Commanders majority of whom were non university graduates so much detested and harassed. Because of the greed mentality of these commanders at one time Muntu together with other NCOs and led by Enock Mondo at one time planned to escape from the Museveni’s NRA and form their own fighting group. In the bush he was shot in the leg and chest and was smuggled to Kampala for treatment. Upon recovery, he rejoined the bush war. During the same time the remains of his father who had died in exile during Iddi Amin’s regime were brought back and accorded a state funeral that was graced by the then President Milton Obote who used the occasion to call on the young Mugisha Muntu to abandon the bush and return home but to no avail.

In the bush Muntu rose through the ranks to become first the Director of Civil Intelligence and later Director of Military Intelligence (DMI) – a position he held even during and after capturing power. As a DMI Muntu is re-known for living a very simple life while his colleagues rushed for the spoils of war that went with victory. His Aides would face difficulty in explaining the source of expensive house items that they would get for him from the army headquarters. His official car was an old blue Land Rover that he would use to carry any junior staff member that he would find on the war to and from work. This vehicle remained a property of DMI/CMI until recently when it was stolen by Charles Tumusiime Rutarago. In one of the interviews this is what Muntu had to say about grabs “….as the war progressed, we were sure we could take over power people started talking about what they were planning, where they wanted to live,or saying I will be this, I will live in this neighborhood. It became intense when we took overpower. After taking over our intentions were to all go into the barracks but that was heavily resisted as soon as we arrived here. People started running to live in Kololo, Nakasero and I think that is where we lost it. This started creating the sense of acquisition and that went into business of and the feeling of everyone getting in to get something for himself. It has now gone into what we see today.”

As a senior officer at the timeof taking over government, Muntu was made a Lt. Col when formal ranks were introduced. He was moved from DMI and appointed as the the army’s Chief Political Commissar (CPC) before appointing him as the Division Commander of one of the NRA Divisions. Within less than a year Muntu was elevated to the rank of Maj. Gen and assigned to take charge of of the NRA as the Army Commander. Museveni’s choice of Muntu at the time was not in good faith but was meant to promote his usual divide and rule policy. While Muntu was capable of being the Army Commander, there were other more senior officers at the time who would have been elevated to the same position. The likes of Joram Mugume, Cheif Ali, Tinyefuza, Kyaligonza a.k.a Kumanyoko, Ivan Koreta, Okecho, Maruru, Nanyumba and a few others would have as well served in that capacity.As a result, there are some senior officers who vowed never to salute Mugisha Muntu as a sign of disapproval.

Through Mugisha Muntu, Museveni embarked and implemented his designs of purging certain army officers. It was during Muntu’s time that the practice of Katebe (rendering redundant) started. As a result, some unsuspecting senior officers petitioned Museveni through Gen. Saleh but to no avail. The cool headed Mugisha Muntu sailed though the rough storm. The army laid a foundation for professionalism, estalishment of terms and conditions of service, accounting systems, procurement of equipments etc. Its during Muntus time that the army faced seven internal rebel groups and three cross border conflicts (Rwanda, Sudan and Kenya) but by the time he left office only one (LRA) was thriving with total victory in Rwanda while diplomatic means took care of Sudan and Kenya.

Muntu’s tenure of office failed to get a partner in Museveni his Commander in Chief to fight abuse of office by senior officers who were all out to grab for personal resources that were meant to improve the welfare of ordinary soldiers. Creation of ghost soldiers and outright theft and diversion of army supplies intensified during Muntu’s tenure. In the early 90s, Muntu took the initiative to stamp it out by instituting a team headed by Serwanga Lwanga, Ivan Koreta and Fred Bogere. The team started from the eastern region to physically identify, photograph and document every member of the NRA and auxiliary forces. From the eastern region, the team proceeded to the northern region but half way into the exercise, Museveni called it off. Even in the units that had already been covered, Museveni blocked arrests and prosecution of the suspects arguing that it is the same commanders that were fighting the insurgency that were about to be punished. Since then vice took root and has become a traditional measure of personal loyalty and allegiance to Museveni. Unknown to Muntu at the time was the fact that thieving by army officers was Museveni’s weapon of ensuring loyalty. In aninterview this is what Muntu had to stay “….a kind of warlord mentality emerged – that you fight to take over power ; you must be recognised for it. As we moved on President Museveni’s long term plans and the warlord mentality found a meeting point. He found it difficult to deal with or punish those that participated. Eventually he became a key representative of that very mentality. He says he killed his animal…….” Muntu is one of the many people who followed Museveni to Luwero without realising that his intention was gain and hold the presidency till death.

However, the practice of Museveni purging officers whom he suspected of disloyalty flourished under Muntu’s tenure. Rendering officers redundant (Katebe) and arbitrary arrest and detention without trial took its toll. The affected officers unsuspectingly mistook Muntu to be the architect of their woes thus developing personal hatred. At one time during the funeral vigil of the late Col. Kyatuka in Old Kampala where Mugisha Muntu was among the mourners, a number of junior army officers led by Rwashande openly attacked Muntu accusing him of complicity in the death of senior officers by rendering them redundant and dying from deprivation. They openly and publicly insulted him by calling him names like ‘Omwiru’. The incident sent shook waves within the army but no disciplinary action was taken against the said junior officers who are now very Senior officersunder the Muhoozi project. Years after he had retired from the army, during a rally in Kamuli district Muntu broke down and cried mid sentence thus “When I recall the times I was forced to arrest my friends and relatives……..” Who was forcing him and who were those friends and relatives?

After serving for nine stormy years as army commander, Muntu got the rare opportunity to see tfrom the inside and grasp Museveni’s hidden intents. When Muntu decided to quit the army Museveni offered him the position of Minister of Defence which the former rejected. Museveni ordered the army to give him fifty million shillings to boost his(Muntu) stone quarry business – the only private economic means he had acquired from his earnings in army. Muntu is the only NRA officer who never stole or illegally acquired any personal wealth by virtue of his position. He is a poor man by all standards. However, it is said that his property on 10 Kyandondo Road houses the NRM headquarters.

When Muntu the former Army Commander joined the opposition, desperate Ugandans who have lost all hope of democratic change of government saw a messiah in him. They anticipated an army man who would employ militaristic approach to the sitting military government under Gen. Museveni. At worst they anticipated Gen. Mugisha Muntu to eat into Musevei’s power base – the military and run him down. Instead, Mugisha Muntu embarked on building and strengthening the leading opposition party. Some sections of Ugandans who don’t fully understand Muntu think that he is a Museveni sympathiser. Ugandans should not be fooled that Mugisha Muntu is not fully aware that Museveni can not accept to loose power through democratic means. In the current efforts to rescue the country, Muntu’s role and method of work should be compared with DP’s Paul Ssemogerere who led his party to form the opposition during the 2nd UPC government. Let us not underrate the role that was played by DP’s Ssemogere to check the excesses of the UPC government which role in turn afforded breathing space and survival of the NRA fighters. There were democratic institutions during the 2nd UPC government unlike the current military dictatorship under Museveni. The other difference is that Muntu has bullet wounds in his chest and leg. Does he fear to be shot again? For those who doubt Muntu’s capability, ask Museveni and you will be surprised. No amount of money, intimidation, blackmail or offer of top position can buy off Mugisha Muntu.

INFORMATION IS POWER

POSTED BY ROBUKUI VIA UAH FORUM