Category Sectarianism and Public Service

Ndugu Andrew Mujuni Mwenda, get a life!


By Egesa Ronald…….

I liked reading Andrew Mwenda’s writings for Monitor in the noughties(2000s) and went on to religiously read his ‘Last Word’ in independent until 2008. Here is why I stopped in 2008.

At the height of Temangalo saga, I spotted him meeting Amama Mbabazi at Serena Hotel at night and this was followed by Andrew Mujuni Mwenda putting up a spirited defence of Mbabazi role in Temangalo saga using his column in his Independent magazine. I sent him an email with the date and time I spotted him at Serena and he did not reply. I confirmed that the chap is a gun for hire and was double-faced!

I also critically analysed 20 latest copies of his independent magazine and realised that it gave only positive reviews of Rwanda and negative stories on Ugandan politics! I concluded that it was after all not an independent magazine. You could clearly see that Mwenda was doing PR for Rwanda together with his friend Dr. Frederick Golooba Mutebi ( in the East African), while at the same time, he was looking for attention from the Kampala or is it Entebbe regime! Finally, when his quasi-intellectualism was busted by HE Kagame – thanks to British lobbyists and ‘strategists’, he lobbied hard to get close to the centre of power in Kampala. He targeted the post then occupied by Tamale Mirundi, but the President denied him that appointment. Remember the infamous NTV News nights -yes those were all schemes for the Presidential Press Secretary job. I saw through it and stopped watching them.

Like my friend Jone Kyoma put it, Mwenda is a brand parasite. After riding on the Museveni brand to rob HE Kagame with bogus PR, he turned to his host (Museveni) and has realised that he cannot have his way; so he has turned Besigye into his host so as to attract Museveni attention so he can rob him. After realising that the elites have ignored his outbursts against Besigye, he shifted target to the leading social media brand of Tom Voltaire Okwalinga so he can get the much denied attention of the enlightened class.

Ndugu Andrew Mujuni Mwenda, get a life!

LET US REMEMBER BUKENYA:THE HYPOCRITE, THE CONFUSER, THE NRM EXPERIMENT.


pecadilloesThis Bukenya is a confused man. According to Joachim Buwembo, ‘When he got opportunity to be hosted by Tim Sebastian on BBC’s Hard Talk in 2004, Prof Gilbert Bukenya used the occasion to appeal to the world to award the Nobel Peace Prize to President Yoweri Museveni(Instead they gave it to Prof Wangari Mathai.)’

Ask for his opinion now; he might say m7 should be indicted and taken to the Hague.Mbu “mahogany”, kumbe he’s a mere shrub.

I remember In one interview when he was asked about the hat and opening his eyes wide like Kaguta, and the bent hand, and he said and i quote, verbatim “..Yes, I ape him coz i admire him..” who does that? How can you admire a fellow man so much that you start copying the physical characteristics of his person? what other manners have you learnt and copied from him, that are hidden from us? That just shows a WEAK and SPINELESS, UNIMAGINATIVE man, who defines himself by another man.

Typical degree holders: Professor Sebuwufu (also a doctor) did similar things as Bukenya under Obote 2 when he crossed from DP to UPC.CNN once had a programme about such intellectuals engaged in saying things that dont measure up to their expected standards. Guess what its title name was? ‘USEFUL IDIOTS’.

I remember yet another time when during an interview he said that ‘Mutebi is my friend’. Then the statement I will never forget soon after the 2009 Buganda riots and how he said ‘The Kabaka’s wings have to be clipped’.

Remember in Buddu, he decided to go into a “ssabo” ostensibly to show how he valued African-Kiganda culture. It earned him the ire of the Catholic Church of which he is a member and which regarded him as one of theirs. It was game of playing both the populist and the loyalist card, which left people wondering who exactly Bukenya was.

May 10, 2004: “Museveni is Buganda’s best friend. I have been in meetings and you see that he listens to issues of Baganda.”

“I support President Museveni wholly and nothing can change me from that,” Bukenya said in 2007. “Wherever I go, I talk about him in my speeches. Even if they stab me in the back and I am no longer the vice president, I will continue supporting him.”

Bukenya said in July 2008: “Mr Museveni is still strong. So, why should we let him go? Let us support him. I cannot compete with Museveni. How can I turn against my mentor?”

All former DPs are confused and have been used by Museveni and dumped them where they belong. The late DP enigma Ben Kiwanuka’s son Kagimu Kiwanuka. The lad riding on his dad’s name won the Bukomansimbi seat back from the NRM in races that were tightly contested. After securing the seat on a DP platform(parties I think were not yet officially back) then naively thought that by joining NRM he would anchor the NRM supporters to the assured DP support he had. He has since then been relegated to the dustbin of Uganda’politics and the last we got to hear of him was when he was an Ambassador of sorts and said things that were very bogus at a UN assembly-things like ‘back home where I come from, we dont value time……’ Oba ani aloga Ganda politicians?

HANNAH OGWAPITI

RESIDENT DISTRICT COMMISSIONERS (RDCS) NOT NECESSARY!


Uganda has more than 110 districts and each district has an RDC, and his/her deputy and all of them earn Salaries from tax payers Money. Below are the constitutional roles of an RDC, But what is the role of an LCV Chairperson in the District, can’t he/she monitor government programs, can’t district internal security officers head security together with District Police Commanders? Why waste money that would provide health services to the rural poor in paying salaries to these idle and nothing to do RDCS?

ARTICLE 203. Resident district commissioner:

(1) There shall be for each district a resident district commissioner who shall be appointed by the President.
(2) For a person to be appointed a resident district commissioner he or she shall be a citizen of Uganda and qualified to be a member of Parliament.
(3) The functions of a resident district commissioner are—
(a) to monitor the implementation of central and local government services in
the district;
(b) to act as chairperson of the district security committee of the district; and
(c) to carry out such other functions as may be assigned by the President or prescribed by Parliament by law.

In principle the RDC office at districts enjoy a luxury life with two vehicles and their drivers, 2 armed security guards!!

We spend about 6.4M each month and in every 112 districts of Uganda on RDCs just to do three things. No wander they are always in every funerals!

I hope u are already aware that come this coming financial year, an RDC will pocket 5 million + and a deputy will bounce with 4+!!, secretaries and an office team of more than 5. Allowances, medical insurance for seven members of their families, and a classified budget that is never known or audited!! What is this?? A lay man in Rubirizi calls him “entuumwa ya prezidenti” or a representative of the president, and who gains at the end of the day?? The answer is M7 and this will deepen political patronage and if u dream of regime change soon, please rest yo case and focuss on something else. Move on, Uganda is under siege and only God can save u by soon recalling these hijackers to hell!!!

H.O

MUSEVENI RAIDS COURT AGAIN – FROM BLACK MAMBA TO KIFEESI


BY SARAH NALUKENGE VIA UAH FACEBOOK GROUP

Uganda’s military dictator, Museveni has once again raided courts of law in a wider scheme coerce judicial officers into submission as a judicial arm of his regime. Unlike the Police and Directorate of Public Prosecution (DPP) which he has fully incorporated into his dictatorial regime, the judiciary still has some pockets of judicial officers who are determined to act professionally. Like in any other African dictatorship, the Museveni dictatorship treats members of the legal fraternity are as enemies of the state simply because they ‘undermine’ his schemes of manipulating the the rule of law. Like has been the case with Journalists, the legal fraternity under Museveni has borne the brunt of the military dictator.

BLACK MAMBA

The name Black Mamba was coined by the members of the public following a nasty incident in November 2005 when Museveni deployed hooded commandos donning black T/shirts and wielding Israel made Macro Garill machine guns raided the High Court to reverse a court order. These were commando soldiers under CMI who had been trained and armed by Israel retired army officers. It was on November 16th, 2005 when the High Court of Uganda granted bail to 14 civilians whom the Museveni regime had been accusing of treason in connection with the shadow PRA rebel group and linking them to opposition leader, Dr. Besigye. Before the suspects could regain their freedom, these heavily armed commandos besieged the High Court premises taking hostage all the top brass of the third arm of the state (judiciary), the suspects, their relatives and friends and other innocent people. The commandos forcefully arrested the 14 suspects and whisked them away before slamming terrorism charges on them before the General Court Martial the following day and remanded. The act received condemnation from all corners of the globe with the donor community cutting some aid. Later in Jan 2006 the the Constitutional Court ruled that the continued trial of the 14 suspects in the military court martial was illegal and ordered for their release but Museveni simply ignored the ruling and continued to hold the suspects in detention. The matter came to pass and it did not take long for Museveni to arrange another raid a year later.
ALLEGORY
On March 1, 2007, Museveni deployed about 50 plain clothed security officers who raided the same High Court and rearrested five men whom court had just granted bail after they had spent 15 months on remand. During the scuffle, Lawyers, Journalists relatives of suspects and top judicial officers were subjected to a scuffle that left Advocate Kiyemba Mutale seriously assaulted by a senior police officer. The siege ended at around 8.30 p.m when the five victims attempted to leave the court premises in the company of the Deputy Chief Justice and the Principal Judge were brutally arrested them. They were taken to Bushenyi and Arua and charged with Murder. All the top Judicial officers condemned the act before they together with the lawyers went on strike for one week. The Minister of Internal Affairs, then Hon Rugunda described the strike as “an unwarranted decision” before adding that the government was investigating the matter and that appropriate action was to be taken after the results. Like had been the case with the 2005 raid by the Black Mambas, this incident was swept under the carpet and no one was made to account.

In July 2013, former Coordinator of Intelligence services, Gen. David Ssejusa while appearing on VOA told the world that the 2005 invasion of the High Court could not have occurred without the express authority and instructions of the highest office (Museveni). The then Chief Justice, Benjamin Odoki in an interview with The Daily Monitor said that “…….if I had been in the country, the situation would have been different. The precincts of the court are sanctified, they are sacred. Its like an embassy, you don’t go to the American Embassy and arrest anybody”.

On 9th July 2016, Museveni deployed unruly youthful urban goons to attack the second arm of government (parliament) in protest against the summoning of his police chief by the parliamentary committee on Defense and Internal Affairs. As they fiercely fought with a rival faction, the brutal police which is usually brutal against other protesters just looked on because the goons had the express authority and instructions of the highest office (Museveni). The incident was swept under the carpet and the following day Museveni organized, facilitated and deployed more goons to attack the Chief Magistrates Court at Makindye. The court was scheduled to hear a matter where Museveni’s Police chief was accused of torturing citizens and he refused to appear in court but instead he implemented Museveni’s instructions of sending goons to terrorize the trial Magistrate and advocates. The goons threatened to lynch the advocates who had taken refuge in the Chief Magistrate and had to only be evacuated by the riot police in anti riot police cars amidst manhandling by the goons leaving their personal cars behind. One Advocate who dared to escape using his personal car had his car stoned and damaged by the same goons. The police just looked on and no such goon has been arrested. The Police issued a statement commending those goons for abiding by the law “The Uganda Police Force appreciates the fact that the group of demonstrators at the Grade I Magistrates’ Court in Makindye today complied with the requirement of the Public Order Management Act (S.5) of notifying the police so as to obtain guidance and security during the demonstration.” The Chief Justice has condemned the raid on Makindye Court “…..whoever is mobilizing supporters to come and disrupt court proceedings should stop”. The Uganda Law Society has also condemned the act and threatened to compile a list of those who are torturing citizens into the book of shame before calling for an expeditious inquiry into the siege of Makindye court. This was the best statement Museveni

Whatever the case, Museveni has realized that Ugandans are hopeless, helpless and toothless and can therefore do any mischief with impunity in pursuit of his hold on power. Fellow country men and women just prepare for more serious mischief as the officers of court prepares more sweet statements.

WHY PRESIDENT MUSEVENI WANTS AMURU LAND


By Okot Nyormoi, March 13, 2015

In January 12, 2015, a land agreement was signed between the government, Madhvani, Amuru Community leaders and lawyers who drafted the agreement. The signing of the agreement touched off a storm of opinions ranging from outright rejection to complete acceptance. Since the dust has now settled down a bit and the focus has shifted on Apaa, it is time to reflect on why people reacted to the agreement the way they did.

To appreciate the variety of opinions, it is important to understand the context in which the Amuru land agreement was negotiated and signed. There were competing interests including the President of Uganda, the Madhvani Sugar Estate, the Amuru Communal Land Owners and political parties. Since for a variety of reasons, the process leading to the signing of the Amuru land agreement was not completely transparent and because the signing of the agreement was deliberately staged in Rwakatura of all places, it could not escape from arousing intense suspicion and scrutiny.

Ordinarily, government is supposed to build and maintain infrastructures such as roads, medical facilities, schools, electricity, governance etc. However, for over 20 years northern Uganda witnessed the complete opposite. The NRM government marginalized the region in every way possible including war, looting of livestalk, incarceration of up to two million people in horrendous conditions in concentration camps, and misappropriation of funds intended for rehabilitation and reconstruction. When the NRM took over the government, President Museveni was reported to have vowed to teach the people of northern Uganda a lesson they will never forget. This is what appears to have given birth to marginalization of the north.

History informs us that this marginalization appears to be rooted in what President Museveni penned in his thesis in 1971 at the University of Dar-es-Saalam.

“To transform a human being into an efficient, uncostly, and completely subservient slave, you have, as a pre-condition, to completely purge him of his humanity, manhood, and will. Otherwise, as long as he has some hope of a better, free future, he will never succumb to enslavement. To become an efficient instrument of oppression, you have to radically de-humanize yourself by forgoing many qualities that are normally found in balanced human beings. You purge yourself of compassion, altruism, consideration of other people’s suffering and the capacity to restrain your greed….”.

Amuru very much mirrors the situation that the young Museveni envisioned in 1971. Having created conditions of abject poverty coupled with police restricted political freedom to organize, the Amuru community is rendered extremely vulnerable. Under such conditions, land vultures are convinced that Amuru communal land is ripe to be had. The NRM government tried different tactics to grab as much of the land as possible. It used the military in the 1987 forced evacuation of the land in the name of security, deception by General Salim Saleh’s 2003 proposed Security and Production scheme and the fraudulent allocation of 40,000 hectors of land to Madhvani for a sugar estate. Furthermore, the government via the Wild Life Authority used force to chase people off their ancestral land in Apaa. Government is also using the Ministry of Land and Urban Development to redraw the boundary between Amuru and Adjumani Districts allegedly to accommodate land sales to foreign investors. However, the Amuru community with the support of other communities found the resolve and strength to resist all these schemes to grab their land under the pretext of paying big money in land sales and promises of bringing quick developments to the under-developed area.

While the community’s resistance to the whole sale land grab has slowed down the process, a new political development has emerged since the NRM/A bush war of the 1980s. During the 5 year bush war, the NRA/M derived its support from southern and western Uganda. In contrast, because of the war, northern and eastern Uganda did not support the NRM government. However, as unfulfilled promises soared in the south and west, the NRM government began to lose substantial parts of its political support. Besides, when the Lord’s Resistant Army (LRA) relocated itself away from the north and east, it removed the element of fear that the government was using to extract support from the south and west. As a result, the 2011 election, as revealed by the likes of General Sejusa, the NRM lost to FDC, but was stolen by massive rigging by the NRM government.

The 2011 election sounded an alarm to the NRM government that it can no longer rely on the west and Buganda for holding onto power. Although the NRM government expected a massive support from the north and east as an alternative to Buganda and the west when the shooting war ended, it was disappointed by the low support it got in the 2011 election. Nevertheless, even if it is assumed that the NRM can always claim victory by bribing and rigging elections, the larger than life ego of the leader remains unsatisfied. It is still yarning for acceptance by people from the north and east, which so far has been justifiably denied.

Another important motivation for acquiring Amuru land is what may lie beneath the surface. It is believed that there is oil and other minerals in Amuru. Therefore, the scramble for large tracks of land may be fueld by the black gold and other minerals.

The government push to secure land for the sugar estate in Amuru is now being driven by both oil as well as a shift in the political fortune of the NRM government. This is why the government has adopted a somewhat softer approach. For example, it accepted to abide by the court injunction against any forceful eviction of people from Apaa in Amuru District, albeit temporarily. It also agreed to delay the construction of the Madhvani sugar estate pending the outcome of the court appeal of the 2012 ruling lodged by the Amuru land owners.

In spite of the softer approach, it is not hard for the people to see why the government is pushing so hard to secure the land for the sugar estate. As they say, bad habits die hard. The President has once more applied deceptive divide-and-rule tactics to extract an agreement. First, during the negotiation, the government announced plans to survey the land as if it was already a done deal, long before the community negotiators had a chance to report to the community. Expectedly, this backfired because it showed bad faith.

Worse still, the government employed a divide and rule tactic to lure 3 out of 5 community leaders to sign the agreement before negotiating the details of the conditions under which the land is to be provided for the sugar estate. Consequently, it raised the questions of legitimacy of the agreement. It is by knowing the political history of the NRM government that one can appreciate why President Museveni is pushing so hard to acquire large tracts of land in Amuru District.

By resisting land grabbing, the people of Amuru are showing President Museveni that they still have hope for a better and free future and that they will never succumb to enslavement. True and sustainable development can only occur with the consent of the people, not by force.

ARE THE DIASPORAS UTILIZING THE UAH FORUMS?


BY HANNAH OGWAPITI VIA THE UAH FORUM
The African immigrant has been acclaimed as the most educated in the U.S., but we appear uneducated in our actions when compared to other immigrant groups. No doubt, there are individual accomplishments, but what is it that the African Diaspora can point to as its collective achievement in America? We are more interested in our ethnic and village groups, not even our countries as we observe attempts at national organizations always devolve back to ethnic bickering. Hence our failure to organize ourselves in the mode of the Jewish, Asian or Latino groups, who have used their collective power to bring pressure to bear on those who make decisions concerning their areas and concerns.

Last year, for example, when President Obama invited African Heads of State for a Summit in Washington, DC, some of us believed that it was an opportune time for these Presidents/Prime Ministers to meet with their most important constituency. The African Diaspora contribute about $80 billion annually to the African economy, resulting in the resilience of the continent’s incredible impressive economic growth rate. But what ended up happening: they not only disappointed the African Diaspora but they met as usual organizations such as the Corporate Council on Africa, an organization run by Caucasians. But were the Presidents to blame – well not really. And why, because the African community was not and still not organized. We have all kinds of ineffective African organizations headed by individuals who are more treated in promoting themselves.

Corruption in Uganda, as it is in other African countries, derives, in part, from the failure of post-independence institutions to adequately constrain the State and hence, those who serve in it. Until and unless the country is provided with institutional arrangements that adequately constrain state custodians (i.e., political elites and civil servants), corruption, in all its manifestations, will remain a pervasive part of political economy in the country.

As I have said before on UAH and elsewhere, leadership is a necessary but not sufficient condition for good governance. Sufficiency requires laws and institutions that adequately constrain the State (and hence, those who serve in it. This is the essence of the rule of law). The first step of the new president after Museveni, should be to form a government of national unity(GNU), and use that GNU to spearhead the country’s institutional reconstruction.

WE CANNOT DEFINE CORRUPTION IN THE SAME WAY AS BAZUNGU!


By Hannah Ogwapiti

The tendency in the West is to see Africa as being congenitally corrupt, and being afflicted by a pathology of corruption, a pathology that is responsible for Africa’s familiar problems. To pathologize the problem of corruption in Africa is to supply fodder for racists and those who see nothing good in Africa, those who say Africans are by their nature prone to self-destruction and point to “endemic” corruption as an example.

To get away from this pathologized understanding and come to a better delineated, more specific, and thus more insightful understanding of corruption and its moral consequences in Africa, it is not helpful to cite all instances of everyday corruption (police checkpoint bribe-taking, petting extortion in a government office, airport shenanigans, and other petty, quotidian acts of corruption) in the same frame as big figure political corruption, or to lump all of them together. It is helpful to explain them as belonging to a single tapestry of corruption in Africa or as equally destructive to Africa’s development prospects.

The approach I favor and argue for is one that:

1. Recognizes that quotidian corruption and political corruption feed off of each other and coexist symbiotically. No need to belabor this.

2. Political corruption, by sheer volume and amounts involved, exacts a greater moral damage in Africa than quotidian corruption.

3. Political corruption (big ticket graft perpetrated by politicians and high level bureaucrats) is directly responsible for scuttling social and infrastructure projects like schools, hospitals, roads, electricity. It is therefore directly responsible for the death, poverty, and suffering of Africans. Quotidian corruption has at best an indirect culpability in these moral consequences.

4. Political corruption is responsible for the huge capital flight out of the country, the illicit export of money out of African economies. For the most part, the result of quotidian corruption is the transfer and re-transfer of money between individuals and nodes within the domestic economy.

Besides, I think that, when it comes to Africa, one should clear some space for how African conceptions of politics and the political economy of citizen expectation, client-patron relations, and normative obligations of African big manhood/womanhood allows and permits some use of state resources for informally meeting the needs of constituents. Because this kind of political expenditure is often unbudgeted and unaccounted, it is technically corruption. But if the amount is small (as opposed to frittering away or diverting for personal use an entire budget or parts thereof) and it is deployed to what Nigerians euphemistically call “empowerment” people do not mind and do not see it as corruption even though in the lexicon of modern governmentality it is graft. Even if they see it as graft, they may not see it as negative or destruction corruption in the same vein as other acts of corruption that benefit the corrupt individual and his/her family and friends.

I think, for many Africans, political corruption occurs when a politician or high level bureaucrat inflates contracts, takes kickbacks, or diverts public funds to personal use. It is also a question of volume. A politician who uses the discretionary budgetary or extra budgetary powers of his office to allocate $50,000 to provide scholarships to youths in his constituency is technically corrupt since this falls outside his official remit, lacks oversight, and may not even have followed proper budgetary or bureaucratic procedure. But citizens in many African countries may not see this as corruption or at least may not see it as belonging in the same category of vice and graft as the case of a politician who embezzles $1 million from the schools or hospital budget and transfers it to a Swiss or Dubai bank.

In other words, Africans have a nuanced, complex understanding of and vocabulary for designating corruption. It is only fair that as scholars our language for talking about corruption in Africa displays some fidelity to this nuanced distinctions in Africans’ relationship with and understanding of corruption. We cannot use a Western frame to analyze corruption in Africa.

OK, M7 AND NRM ARE CORRUPT BUT HOW DO WE FIGHT CORRUPTION AS UGANDANS?


By Mayimuna Nabagereka

Corruption in Uganda, and indeed, in other African countries, is an institutional problem–it is a problem exacerbated by the existence of weak and dysfunctional institutions. No one individual, president or otherwise, and no matter how much power that person is granted, can deal effectively with corruption, unless he or she begins by bringing together all relevant stakeholder groups in the country to reconstruct the state and provide the country with institutional arrangements that adequately constrain state custodians (i.e., civil servants and political elites).

If anyone on this forum is really interested in minimizing corruption in Uganda and creating a new foundation on which the country can build a new nation characterized by peaceful coexistence, rapid creation of the wealth needed to fight poverty and improve national living conditions, including those of heretofore marginalized groups and communities, that person should recognize the role played by the country’s dysfunctional institutions in the perpetuation of a corrupt and/or “chop” mentality in the country.

Such an individual might begin by reading Jean-François Bayart’s L’état en Afrique: la politique du ventre (1989). I believe there is an English translation: The State In Africa: The Politics of the Belly (1993). Also La criminalisation de l’état en Afrique (Jean-François Bayart, Stephen Ellis & Béatrice Hibou eds., 1997). I believe there is an English translation–The Criminalization of the State in Africa (1999). Reading these materials should help the reader recognize the importance of institutions to corruption. If he or she is still not convinced, then read the following: John Mukum Mbaku, Corruption in Africa: Causes, Consequences, and Cleanups (2010). The key point brought out by all this research is that: unconstrained power can turn even a saint into a despotic and uncontrollable tyrant. That’s why Uganda has a got a dictator in M7 who claims that all money belongs to him.

The impact of corruption on the lives of Africans is often understated and not overstated. As one who has not only researched and written about corruption, but one who has been affected by corruption, I can tell you that corruption is probably one of the most important constraints to human development in Africa. A lot of issues in Africa, such as destructive mobilization by ethnic and religious groups that are marginalized by the ruling regime and pushed to the political and economic periphery, often have their origins and foundations in the corrupt practices of the civil servants and political elites who rule the country.

Civil service pay has very little to do with corruption. Some of the highest paid civil servants and politicians in Africa are also among the most corrupt. In fact, in studies of corruption in Nigeria and Cameroon, scholars determined that the most corrupt civil servants in these countries were actually among the highest paid public workers in the country. You may want to read Gould and Mukendi’s piece on corruption in Zaire/DRC. It is quite illuminating. D. J. Gould and T. B. Mukendi (1989), “Bureaucratic Corruption in Africa: Causes, Consequences and Remedies,” International Journal of Public Administration, Vol. 12, No. 3, pp, 427-457.

IDS SHOULD BE LEFT TO TRADITIONAL SET UPS


Birth and death are important Gate-Points; they arise out of a network of families and communities! The idea of a national ID is IDiotic, people need to be registered locally within their cultural, residential and professional communities!

What the government can do is establish tech infrastructure to merge local, corporate and professional listings into one huge searchable database that could reference any individual that turned up at a government doorstep for a service.

The Baganda traditional system though oral can place any Indigene by birth because the hierarchies of reference are known constants – for instance the moment I say I am a descendant of Omutaka/Elder Walusimbi, every Muganda will know I am from Bakka in Busiro – Wakiso District for you; when I place myself within the Lineages arising out of Walusimbi and claim ascendance to Magunda, every Muganda should be able to place me as from Lwanga in Mawokota – Mpigi district! By the time I cite the lowest hierarchical reference, even the burial grounds of my immediate family can be pinpointed accurately!

The only one who can’t be able to place an Afrikan within the context of their people is the Mizungu neocolonialist working through greedy governments to better be able to to have clear targets of his victims! Believe me these Afrikan governments are doing a good thing for a bad cause – the destruction of Afrikans!

Villager Ssalongo Ssennoga via the UAH forum

Don’t know how much is left to privatize now in Uganda?


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President Yoweri Museveni announces a retreat from Privatization.Don’t know how much is left to privatize now, but I guess it was inevitable when we embraced Capitalism.

Does government have the capacity to run its business well now?

Should the government go with the contract idea, private investors can be given the choice to provide services for a given period during which government will still have oversight with the option of renewing the contract or using other investors on another run?

Private investors are very crucial to the economy of our country and government has to be the largest employer but must improve its auditing procedures to make it all work.

Eddie, M.D Via UAH forum

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