Category Torture

This is very depressing to say the least!

By Rev. Joseph Kamugisha

This is very depressing to say the least. As a matter of fact, iam reminded of a similar scenario which i witnessed during my one night stay at Nakasero SRB, during the days of monster Idi Amin.

A Kololo secondary school teacher was brought in the middle of the night, he was clearly identifiable, because we had some students from the same school who knew him very well. He was responsible for teaching Math and French. The man was mercilessly beaten, tied aganist the metal jail bars, in form of a cross. The notorious SRB henchmen, pulle dout their bayonets and started slashing his body exactly as the gluesome pic here below shows. Later in the middle of the night after he had bled so much, one of the goons came in with a pistol and shot him on each arm, legs and finally in the chest.

It’s an image i saw over forty years ago, but still vivid in my memory. If the saying, “History repeats itself…” Museveni, is a surely a good student of Idi Amin and more.


Musevenis recent promiseto probe and bring to book those who were involved in committing attrocities in the north and eastern regions during the insurgency is nothing but a desperate counter insurgencymove meant to isolate Gen Tinyefuza who is in alliance with the likes of Otunnu and Ogole. But moreso his claim that he did not know about these attrocities is a clear demonstration of the level of hypocrisy in him.

Will he also probe the following:-

1. Launching a sectarian guerrilla war to dislodge the northern and eastern regions dominance of government and the military. The bush war morale boosting song “ohhh Melda” that called for the killing of Acholis alluded to this.

2. His NRA killing of Tanzanian troops who were in the country after helping to chase Iddi Amin.

3. His NRA deliberate killing of unarmed civilians real or perceived to be members of of the rulling UPC government. By dressing his NRA in government military uniform, Baganda peasants were targeted in order to tarnish the image of the government. Its during such a time that the Kandoya and Kafuni styles of torture was introduced to deal with perceived enemies (Vipingamizi). Its these methods that were exported to the northern and eastern regions after taking over power.

4. Creating clandestine hit squads that operated in Kampala with the sole aim of antagonizing the population with government. NRAs urban hit squad under Kyaligonza caused mayhem to the city dwellers. Kyaligonza personally shot dead the DP member of Parliament for Mwenge, Hon. Bamuturaki at Kisementi.

5. His NRA disrupted the normal life of Baganda peasants in the Luwero Triangle where life and livelihood was lost.The Balalo pastrolists were compensated for their contribution but the Baganda peasants lost out completely.

6. To pursue his childhood presidential ambitions he lured many sons and daughters of Uganda who lost their lives while others had their future irrepairably ruined.

7. The shooting and lynching of defenseless defeated former UNLAs in Kampala upon takeover in 1986 and the general harassment of those hailing from the northern and eastern region being labeled to as Anyanyas.

8. The systematic reprisal attacks by the NRA against civilians in the northern and eastern regions that gave rise to the self defense insurgency.

9. The systematic economic deprivation of Acholis, Langis and Itesot of stocks. Gen Matayo Kyaligonza ferried trailer loads of cattle from Teso to his home in Hoima.

10. The mass murder of civilians in Mukura train wagon byMajor Bunyenyezi who was the Brigade Commander. Its only Capt Oduch the Brigade I.O who was briefly arrested and later released.

11. The practicing of scortched earth policy in northern Uganda that gave fuel to the insurgency. Museveni one time told the international media ” I dont know torture. I have educated myself on many things but I have never known the boundary between what is torture and what is not. I know the NRA people tie these people when they arrest them. They tie their hands back ward. Am now being told that is torture. Its the traditional method. (Daily Nation -26/01/86). Later he told the BBC Panorama program that “What is the Geneva Convention on War? I have never read it”

12. The use of Chemical weapons in Acholiland by the NRA against the insurgents. They had been acquired from Eritrea who also provided the first battle tanks.

13. The hording of former UNLAs into concenration camps in Kiburara and later Nabisojo under appalling conditions. The cold blooded shooting by the NRA of Maj. Odoch in Jinja ater the signing of the Pece peace deal with the UPDA faction of Col. Angello Okello.

14. The mass hording of civilians into concentration camps termed IDPs for two decades thus destroying their way of livelihood.

15. The recruitment of children from the northern and eastern region into the NRA by exploiting their economic and social vulnerability.

16. Knowingly recruiting Rwandese refugees into his personal NRA and using them to fight dissenting Ugandans in the north and north eastern regions.

Therefore, as Commander in Chief Museveni knew details of each and every military undertaking in any corner of Uganda.His current utterances can only be equated to dancing on the graves of the dead and adding salt to the wounds of the injured.
At the time of Operation North, Tinyafuza was the Minister of State for Defence. As Minister, he was not in any way in the heirachy of military field operations. He could only have taken command of Operation North with full approval, blessing and backing of Museveni the Commander in Chief. He only recalled Tinyefuza from that operation out of fear that the former was gaining alot of popularity among ground troops.

The said probe will simply remain on paper.


posted by Robukui


I think anybody who goes through high school anywhere in any era without knowing about dictatorship, democracy, socialism or communism, is but an educated fool.It’s unlikely that such a person will comprehend weighty political issues of the world later in life, even with the benefit of further education.

I would not call the education I got under President Amin as a privileged education either.However, there was a good deal of activism that went concurrently with Amin’s heavy-handed manner of leadership. Schools were free to teach and debate on whatever they so wished.

I and a classmate, Herbert Masozera, represented Mbale SS at inter-district debating competition at Ngora SS where the topic was, “Which system is better: Democracy or Dictatorship?” And this was in 1978.

At Mbale SS, we got to read and vigorously discuss Animal Farm, A Modest Proposal, The Wealth of Nations, Things Fall Apart, No Longer At Ease, and Harper Lee’s To Kill a Mockingbird. These tomes were not subject matters that you expect “a repressive” regime like Amin’s to allow to be taught in schools.

Contrast that with Kenya under Moi, where university students and lecturers were routinely arrested and jailed for reading such “subversive” materials like The Green Book, by Muammar Gadaffi, or The Prince by Machiavelli!

I knew for example that Amin was not the first dictator in history.If some of our friends on UAH had read about Julius Ceasar, They would have known that the term Dictator was a title, and the first receipent of it was Julius Ceasar. In its original form, ‘Dictator’ innocently meant one who conguered all for the benefit of the people without fear of one’s own mortality. It was only later that the term took unpleasant meaning and misuse.

That debate about what was preferable between dictatorship and democracy was not specifically about the situation in Uganda at the time. It was a discourse on the different political systems in history and their effect on people.

In fact, the debate followed a term-long syllabus on The Rise and Fall of the Roman Empire, the French Revolution and the Bolshevik Revolution. Amin’s presence on the national scene was a coincidence.

But again, maybe I went to a special high school. Or I had really radical teachers. Whatever the case, I benefited a great deal of that school and my teachers.’

Edward Pojim.

Opondo-Opondo P’odel letter to then FDC’s iron lady, Anne Mugisha, on Tue 11/04/03 at 1:13 AM

”Dear Anne Mugisha,

I extend to you my greetings after every long lull and hope you are doing well health-wise of course.

I read your e-zine regularly but with a lot of amazement and apprehension at the level you have sunk in spreading deliberate white lies, when there are real and concrete issues of maladministration you can take our government, the Movement and president Museveni on.

You latest diatribe and lies on security matters especially the rebellion in Teso and your confessed involvement is really an abyss!

We know that it is easy and you are going to manufacture the names of alleged UPDF soldiers killed in Teso and northern Uganda. This will not be
new to us because after all your boss Kiiza Besigye, Aggrey Awori, Winnie
Karangwa Byanyima Besigye in 1999-2001 claimed that Laurent Kabila had killed thousands of UPDF soldiers in DR Congo, and captured 114 PoWs.

Besigye as UPDF Chief of Logistics and Engineering (CLE) was at the heart of leaking selective but false information through Winnie Byanyima to Awori
to highlight them in the Sixth parliament. It is this misinformation that led to their false self-consciousness and the hope that they could be credible presidential candidates in 2001. The result of that misadventure
and falsehoods are at your door-step.

To-date as you have not proved those claims which are otherwise easy to verify through the UN, ICRC, IOM, and Red Cross among others. You have been decisively put to shame.

Do you really expect any reasonable person even in opposition to belive
these lies unless one is in self delusion like Obote, Peter Otai, and UPC
gangs who had falsely believed that the NRM would collapse many years ago?

Just go back and read Obote’s missives from Lusaka to Kampala between
1987-98 now posted on UPC web site, and Otai’s many interviews with the BBC. I know you are proud that we (Movement & government) people read and occassionally have the courtesy to respond to you as Moses Byaruhanga did to your last lies from Dr Munini.

Anne and Munini Mulera, it is our firm belief and method of work to engage in a positive way even the most un-informed, devilish propagandist, and killers like Aggrey Awori if that can contribute to political sanity in our country.

The case of Gen. Ali Bamuze, and Taban Amin are no different from the
return of Awori whose personal debts in the US, and bills in Nile hotel in Kampala were paid by the NRM government and records are available. Nor they different from that of former president Godfrey Binaisa, Gen. Tito Okello,
Moses Ali, Chairles Alai, your Louis Otika, Evaristo Nyanzi and others. Government is not looking for any political capital from their return but
they are Ugandans who ought to free in their country as long as they are law abiding and if the undermine the law, a place for them is available. You are free to be proud that we take off time to respond to you and even claim that we give you “free advertising.”

Anne I want you to remember how you and Winnie Karangwa Besigye got jobs from Museveni without going through any interviews as would be required by the civil service procedures. You both got jobs as foreign service officers
as the pleasure of Museveni. You Anne got a job in the privatisation unit
under Mr. Rukikaire and only ran away to Rwanda when the sell of UCB became stinky and I have every reason to believe that you were a direct
beneficiary although you now put the blame elsewhere-and unfairly on Museveni.

We know you have been trying to attack the family of Museveni with the sole
intention of reducing their integrity as well as isolate them from Ugandans
but without success. You devilish attitudes and actions are galvanising our national resolve to deal with you in a more patient, sophisticated and decisive fashion to your own peril, and for the good of Uganda. (This is not a threat.)

Anne my advise to you is that you are free toe engage in opposition politics including armed rebellion but remember the likely consequences. You and Reform Agenda will not subvert our country whatever the cost we shall need to pay, will be paid to deal with outlaws.

Your friend

Director of information/Movement Secretariat


Pardon me, but I know Mugisha Muntu better than some of you. His father was a strong supporter of the UPC and was very close to President Obote while in exile in Tanzania. His sister was married to a UPC Lango man. But Muntu himself was not a member of the UPC. In fact he was a very fierce opponent of the UPC.

Why do I say this? Muntu was one of my subjects at Livingstone Hall where I was the Chairman of the Hall. He lived immediately below me on the ground floor so I saw him every day and observed all the going ons in his room, just as he did the same with me. The two of us operated our rooms as offices-mine was open 24 hours.

Muntu was my fierce political opponent through-out my three years at Makerere University- our paths crossed almost every day. Just like me, he was opposed to the fascist dictatorship of Idi Amin and welcomed Amin’s overthrow, but he never recognised the role that the UPC played in removing Idi Amin from power.

From 1979-1980, he was a very strong opponent of the UPC and did not hide his sympathies for Yoweri Museveni. I had numerous battles with him on the question of what Museveni actually stood for in terms of transition of Ugandan society- I told him what Museveni was espousing was not a concept of new democracy as I understood it- it was a bastardisation of the national democratic aspirations of the people of Uganda as I saw it. Muntu claimed to be a “progressive” at the time, espousing what was in fact a confused mish-mash of social democracy, a policy which in his view could be achieved through militaristic means which by-passed the masses. I pointed out to him then that such a polity would lead to a restoration of fascism. As a marxist intellectual, I tried my best to make Muntu open his eyes to the teachings of dialectical materialism and to see all of the rhetoric being spewed by Museveni lacked not only intellectual content but was also very dangerous in that, so far, Ugandan peasants had been largely untouched by the violent changes of power amongst the petty bougeoisie ruling classes that characterised that phase of our development. The talk of “going to the bush”, I told him was infantile- it is not what Uganda needed at that time. Both the objective the objective factors for ARMED STRUGGLE as a strategy for NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC CHANGE did not exist in Uganda. I debated this question with Mugisha Muntu for more than one year and later on with Professor Mahmood Mamdani. He must now be asking himself who was right in that debate, and the fact that by choosing the militaristic route, he helped set back by so many years the struggle for socialist transformation in Uganda.

But even then, alongside myself and people like Ndamuranyi Ateenyi , Herbert Wamala and Werikwe Watuwa, we dominated Makerere University student politics at the time. Mugisha Muntu played a huge role but he was always in opposition to me. From when I stood as Chairman for Livingstone, he supported and sponsored another candidate from western Uganda to stand against me, but I won with a landslide with the support of the Baganda students. Later on, I was responsible for putting the coalition that brought Werikhe Watuwa in as Guild President with Muntu himself as Vice-President. I was the one who put together that coalition, a task for which the Baganda have never forgiven me because they felt I betrayed them as they had put me in power in Livingstone.

But it is strange that Muntu now claims there were spies put on him by Museveni- he himself put a spy on me when I was the main student organiser for the UPC during the 1980’s elections. My room had become a mini-headquarters for the UPC- Muntu himself was by then a very strong supporter of the UPM and of Yoweri Museveni. I was so surprised that a lot of our campaign materials would go missing until I discovered that a Rwandan student that I had even helped was the one spying on me. He had been planted by Muntu

I saw Muntu when I returned to Uganda in 1989 and he took me to see some of his fellow “revolutionaries”. I had arranged to see him again, but I was soon arrested by his spies and locked up in Lubiri barracks. Up to now, I still don’t know who got me released from Lubiri barracks but I suspect it is either Muntu himself or Henry Tumukunde because the two of them were the only people high enough in the NRA to have the authority to have me released.

George Okello
UAH member in London

Five of the ICC’s 18 judges are African, as is its vice president, Sanji Mmasenono Monageng of Botswana- Desmond Tutu

October 10, 2013
In Africa, Seeking a License to Kill

CAPE TOWN — MEMBERS of the African Union will meet in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, today to discuss recent calls by some African leaders to withdraw from the International Criminal Court. These calls must be resisted. The continent has suffered the consequences of unaccountable governance for too long to disown the protections offered by the I.C.C.

Those leaders seeking to skirt the court are effectively looking for a license to kill, maim and oppress their own people without consequence. They believe the interests of the people should not stand in the way of their ambitions of wealth and power; that being held to account by the I.C.C. interferes with their ability to achieve these ambitions; and that those who get in their way — the victims: their own people — should remain faceless and voiceless.

Most of all, they believe that neither the golden rule, nor the rule of law, applies to them.

But they know that they cannot say these things in public without repercussions. Instead, they conveniently accuse the I.C.C. of racism.

At first glance, the claim might seem plausible. The I.C.C., founded in 2002 and based in The Hague, has so far considered only cases against Africans.But this is partly because independent tribunals that were established to handle cases concerning the former Yugoslavia, Cambodia and other countries have naturally led to a reduction in the scope of the court’s activities.

So far, 32 people have been publicly indicted by the court, with only one conviction, of Thomas Lubanga, for war crimes in the Democratic Republic of Congo. But many of the investigations were not initiated by the court or a foreign body; they were referred to the court by African governments themselves. The judges and investigators were invited in.

So the African focus of the court should not be seen as an indictment of its neutrality but of the quality of leadership and democracy in many African countries. When thousands of people are murdered and displaced in any country, as in Sudan, for instance, ideally the country’s own system of justice will redress the wrongs. That is not in dispute. But when that country is unwilling or unable to restore justice, as is the case in many African countries, who should represent the interests of the victims? Critics of the I.C.C. say, “Nobody.” They simply vilify the institution as racist and unjust, as Hermann Göring and his fellow Nazi defendants vilified the Nuremberg tribunals following World War II.

While some African leaders play both the race and colonial cards, the facts are clear. Far from being a so-called white man’s witch hunt, the I.C.C. could not be more African if it tried. More than 20 African countries helped to found the I.C.C. Of the 108 nations that initially joined the I.C.C., 30 are in Africa. Five of the court’s 18judges are African, as is its vice president, Sanji Mmasenono Monageng of Botswana. The court’s chief prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda, who has huge power over which cases are brought forward, is from Gambia. The I.C.C. is very clearly an African court.

Leaving the I.C.C. would be a tragedy for Africa, as leaders like the former United Nations secretary general Kofi Annan, of Ghana, have noted. Without its deterrence, countries could and would attack their neighbors, or minorities in their own countries, with impunity. When Lubanga was arrested to face charges of enlisting and conscripting child soldiers, the threat of the I.C.C. undermined his support from other militias. After the Ivory Coast strongman Laurent Gbagbo was taken to face justice in The Hague, the country was able to rebuild.

Without this court, there would be no brake on the worst excesses of these criminals. And these violent leaders continue to plague Africa: the Great Lakes, Mali, northern Nigeria and Egypt all give reason for concern. Perpetrators of violence must not be allowed to wriggle free.

Moreover, where justice and order are not restored, there can be no healing, leaving violence and hatred ticking like a bomb in the corner. We know too well that long, painful road to healing in South Africa, as do the people of Kenya. As Africa begins to find its voice in world affairs, it must strengthen its commitment to the rule of law, not undermine it. These principles are part of our global moral and legal responsibility, not items from a menu we can choose only when it suits us.Along with thousands of others, I have joined a campaign by Avaaz, an international advocacy group, calling on Africa’s leaders to stay in the I.C.C. The alternatives are too painful: revenge, like what happened in Rwanda, Kosovo and Bosnia, or blanket amnesty and a national commitment to amnesia, like what happened in Chile. The only way any country can deal with its past is to confront it.

We need loud voices in Addis Ababa to deliver this message, to shout down those who want us to do nothing. We also need the continent’s heavyweights, Nigeria and South Africa, to exercise leadership and stop those who don’t like the rules from attempting to rewrite them. Far from a fight between Africa and the West, this is a fight within Africa, for its soul.

Desmond Tutu, the Anglican archbishop of Cape Town from 1986 to 1996, won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1984 for his contribution to opposing apartheid.

This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:

Correction: October 11, 2013

An earlier version of this article misspelled, at one point, the surname of a warlord convicted by the International Criminal Court. He is Thomas Lubanga, not Lubunga. The article also misstated the year of Mr. Lubanga’s arrest. It was in 2005, not two years ago.


NRM Thugs beat me up such that i’m not ready to return to Uganda- George Okello

Friends at UAH,
I am not an “illegal immigrant” in the UK. Nobody can force me to leave the UK. I can only leave of my own free will. It is not the UK racist anti-immigrant laws that brought me to the UK. It is the UN Declaration on the Rights of Refugees of 1954 that brought me to the UK.I am therefore in the UK under the protection of the United Nations. The UK cannot return me to Uganda. This is termed “refoulment” in international law and is considered a serious violation of international law.

Section 33(1) of the Charter specifically forbids the return or expulsion of anyone who has been recognised as a refugee; such a person cannot be returned to his or to any other country. The only exception granted under the charter is if a refugee becomes “a danger to national security”. And my children cannot be expelled or forced to come to Uganda because they are British citizens.

Also I would need guarantees about my safety if I were to openly return to Uganda. My experiences so far have not been good. The last time I returned, I was kidnapped and imprisoned in Lubiri barracks where I was badly tortured. On the day of my release, I went personally to see Judge Odoki in his chambers at the High Court and narrated my ordeal. He merely told me he was shocked, but otherwise he said he had no comments to make.

The only NRA people that I know, who are high enough, are Mugisha Muntu and Henry Tumukunde, but both of them are out of favour. The other is Aston Kajara, my former classmate who actually helped me recover my £3,000 (less £500) that had been confiscated from me at Entebbe airport by the NRA guards, but although he is a government minister, he is not a military man.

I think I will just cross into Uganda through the village routes,avoiding the border posts altogether.The NRA people are ruthless, but may be very few of them now will recognise me anyway if I returned to Uganda. It is only those in the top ranks of military intelligence who would do so, to be precise. I doubt that the hired goons, the Kiboko squads or the black mambas would recognise me.

The last time I returned, I made a mistake of exposing myself so they very quickly got wind of my presence in the country. Because my money (£3000) had been stolen at Entebbe airport, the following morning I went to Professor Karugire’s office to try to get back the money or what was left of it. He was then the Director General of Customs and I knew him when he was a lecturer at Makerere University- besides I worked with him on one of the first Commissions of Inquiry that Museveni established in 1986. Also working at Customs at the time was Aston Kajara, my former classmate and now a government minister. The two of them promised to retrieve my money, which they did, minus £500.

The second day, I went to see Mugisha Muntu at Lubiri barracks and he in turn took me to see Amanya Mushega, who was then Minister of State for Defence. I arranged to see Muntu a few days later and then returned to town and kept calling on very many friends that day. On day three, I went to Makerere University to see Professors Jjuko, Khiddu Makubuya and Kiapi at the Law School to discuss my joining the faculty as a Lecturer as I was soon completing my Master’s degree.Professor Kiapi offered me a position as Lecturer, to teach Constitutional Law and to introduce Conflict of Laws as a new subject, to start at the beginning of the next academic year in september (my Master’s programme was ending in June).

On the fourth day, I went to the Law Development Centre to see Persy Tuhaise, my former classmate who was teaching there and is now a judge at the High Court. I was in a hurry, because I needed to meet other people at Uganda House, and also to meet a delegation of Kenyan lawyers who were visiting Uganda, so I told Persy I would come back to pick her up after 6 PM so we could go out for dinner. So I walked through Makerere Kivulu to Uganda House, then late afternoon went for a drink in a bar somewhere on the streets while waiting for my brother to come and pick me up and drop me at the LDC.

At around 6.30 PM, the NRA thugs struck. They wanted to search me, which I resisted as they had no warrant of arrest and were not wearing uniforms. That is when they set upon me like a pack of hungry wolves. I have never in my life been beaten so badly by about 7 or 9 people, who definitely were of Rwandan extraction. There soon gathered a huge crowd on the road watching all that was happening, it must have gone on for more than 30 minutes.

Some women came begging the thugs, asking them to stop it, telling them they were about to kill me as I lay prostrate on the ground, almost lifeless. I was then tied up kandooya style, dropped at the back of a pick-up truck then and driven to the Central Police station. Seeing me lying down on the floor, tied up and bleeding very profusely, the station commander refused to take me into custody. He said he couldn’t take the risk as I could die and he did not want to take the blame. I was then dumped into Lubiri barracks and became a disappeared person as my family did not know where I was taken.

After my release, I attempted to fly out through Entebbe airport, but I was forcefully removed from the plane just minutes before it took off and told to report to Central Police station on a daily basis to Nyakairima Aronda himself, who I think at the time was the military intelligence officer based at the CPS whose role was to interrogate people considered a threat to national security. But I left the country anyway that same day, because somehow I knew if I Aronda got hold of me, the man was going to make me disappear completely. Of this I was sure. People like Mugisha Muntu or Tumukunde might have protected me, but not Aronda. That is how heartless the man is.

So , it is only just out of cowardice that I have not returned to Uganda, but this is not the case because I am biding my time.The only time I was completely stateless was in 1988. I had fled Uganda, got a fellowship from the British Foreign Office to study for a Masters degree, but after the course, I had nowhere to go as I could not return to Uganda. I went to Nairobi to attend a conference organised by the Public Law Institute, then run by the late Dr Okii Ooko Ombaka, this was a one week conference, but after that, I did not know where I would go next- all I had were savings from my fellowship which was barely £2,000.

But fortunately for me, I presented such an outstanding paper at the conference that that same evening, Dr Ombaka came to my room and asked me what I planned to do. I told him I would appreciate if I got a job as a teaching assistant at the Law School at Nairobi University. He went and talked to Professor Atieno Odhiambo who was then the dean of Law. Professor Odhiambo, who had listened to me paper, told me about the job in the Philippines for an International Human Rights Lawyer. He was on the Boartd of the organisation and he told me I could take it if I wanted. Three months later, I was in the Philippines. And that is where i got my first wife and kid.

George Okello
UAH member in London


police quarters at Kasese

police quarters at Kasese

Between 1981 & 1985 there was a very powerful minister of internal affairs, Dr. John Luwuliza-Kirunda (one of the best trained gyns and obs consultants and was cousin of Ali Muwabe Kirunda Kivejinjja- u can ask around). He decreed that one of the 4 lifts at Crested Towers was for his exclusive use even when he was out of the country. No one dared question him (he had pre-signed detention orders and all one need was to insert a name and voila- u r incarcerated).

UPC’s Kirunda one time went for a workshop at hotel triangle -Jinja. He arrived late when all the rooms were taken. He went to the counter and asked for the guests register. He saw Tito Okello’s name. He told the receptionist ” how can u allow this bush monger to sleep like a human being am taking over his room these fellows are meant to stay n sleep in the bush not in hotels like us”.

Kirunda detained over 2000 political dissidents without bail between 1981-1985.He passed away like 2 years ago in exile in Zimbabwe.He remained true to his party up to the end. He couldn’t have returned alive- he stuffed drums of cooking oil with acid when he was fleeing in 85 and dozens of people (neighbor and relations) died when they helped themselves to the booty.

I also heard that he one time ordered for the public address system to be brought to where he was seated during a rally instead of him going to the podium.They had to disassemble and assemble the whole system just for this gentleman. He was also a relative of Shaban Nkutu.The Mwandha’s too are their relatives.

Fast forward- 2013, a newly appointed Internal affairs minister decrees that the upper gate at the ministry is to be used by him and his PS and we lesser mortals who voted his CIC should be crammed through the much smaller an inconveniencing lower gate!!!

If anybody is doubting that Gen.Minister of Internal Affairs, Nyakai, gave those orders, ask those who attended the hand function in the board room. They will tell you everything.

Kakinzi Police post in Luweero District. This, and several police posts in the area operate without sanitary facilities

Kakinzi Police post in Luweero District. This, and several police posts in the area operate without sanitary facilities

Amazes me how Ministers sometimes act like prefects in Primary school……..Indeed military men have no place in modern/democracy politics!We are going backwards. We shall get that point in time when Mr. Museveni’s idea of shooting each other was amongst the sensible things to do.When a man is used to a foot path and suddenly you make a Muram road for him, expect trouble. I gather, even commissioners have to park outside! Who will pay when the street boys snatch of the side mirrors etc?

There is another army guy who enters a super market and his guards seal off the entrance until he is done with shopping. I love the Kahinda Otafire style, the guy goes shopping to a supermarket and u can even not think he is a minister; he even waits at the entrance when the lift is full.

I also read about one Dr.Ochola Latigo who in1986, was the General Manager of the now defunct Uganda Airline,, ordered the recall of a plane which had been airborne more than 30 minutes back to the ground. The plane was destined for Dubai in the United Emirates when it was recalled back to Entebbe airport.

A wise evangelist who went to be with the Lord some years back called Leonard Ravenhill once said, ‘The thing about learning from history is that we never learn from history.

I am inclined to agree with Mzee Yoweri K. Museveni that he could be the only one with a vision in the NRM. U have a newly appointed Minister-Internal Affairs, whose first day in office is marked by issuing threats to derail the democratisation process rather than confronting the challenges in the ministry such as porous borders, undocumented immigrants, easing of passport acquisition for citizens, correctional and pennitentially reforms (read prison services) etc! Why are suppossedly intelligent Ugandans drawn to goofing?

police is in a dilapidated state(as confirmed by General Kayihura yesterday under those Kasese police post photos); people take years processing passports,policemen have not been paid for three months, teachers are now an internal security threat as they have started stealing to survive. BUT the first thing that comes top of his agenda is STOP THE OPPOSITION? Parliament really created a monster.

UPDF is under SFG, SFG is under Brigadier Muhoozi Kaneiruguba who is under M7 hence the only Ugandan with Vision! Don’t be surprised should the defence jet fighters purchased using your money be used to fight your children if not you & your brothers, sisters & parents-Libyans know it too well!

The constitution has been overthrown and we are being governed by martial law. Well, they say that vision is also about sense of judgement. If you have a vision, you are going to appoint the right people. The whole thing about vision is inspiring or infecting your team with it. So, i doubt whether a one-man vision is no vision. It is solipsism (to use a philosophical term].



President Museveni, Being army number RA/15611, I highly regret having been among the 20000 men and women whom you manipulated to bring you to power in Jan 1986. In this regard, I apologise to Ugandans who are oppressed by your brutal regime.

Throughout my military service, I served under Military Intelligence as an Intelligence Officer for different units before moving to the head office. I took charge of secretarial duties in the office of the Director of Military Intelligence and later in the Deputy Director’s office (then Aronda Nyakarima). Therefore, I had the privilege of seeing it all from the inside.

In 2000, I retired in protest after realising that what had taken place in 1986 had been a mere change of guards and not a revolution. Above all, I was lucky to have jumped out of the system before your security services contracted ‘rabies’ that have made them wreck the country with state inspired gross human rights violations.
I briefly served as a State Prosecutor under the DPP but had to quit for I couldn’t cope up with the police corruption. Later, I took charge of security and law enforcement at the Wildlife Authority. In October 2004, I undertook investigations into a ,3.8 ton ivory consignment that had been impounded in China after originating from Uganda and transiting through the Kenyan port of Mombasa. Already, I got leads that were linking the consignment to some key figures in your government.
Just a day after I had returned from Nairobi, I was kidnapped by your security agents and tortured in safe houses (secret torture chambers). Had it not been for the intervention of the ICRC, I would have disappeared without trace like had been the case with several others.

Later, I was transferred and detained at Nakindye military barracks without trial over fabricated charges of treason associated with the alleged Rwanda backing of the shadowy PRA rebel group that you linked to opposition leader Dr. Besigye. At one time I had to go on a hunger strike demanding for a trial but instead I was brutally tortured only to be saved once again by the ICRC.
During the 20 months of incarceration, I was greatly irritated by your reckless, irresponsible and unfortunate public statement to the effect that “I have put them in a secure place where they can’t escape”. Much as I wanted to regain my freedom, I also wanted to disprove you on this. Indeed, in June 2006, I left Makindye barracks on my own terms though amidst heavy gunfire from your lousy guards. At one time, you also escaped from Amin agents by jumping over a hedge though you had really sneaked into the country for anti-government activities.
Here in exile, your security services have made several attempts to get their claws on my body in total disregard of the fact that am under international protection. Sometime back your then Chief of Military Intelligence Brig. Mugira and Internal Security Chief Col. Roni Balya attempted to lure me into a trap. The two sent to me an email message suggesting that I write to you a letter confessing my alleges treasonous crimes and ask for forgiveness as a pre-condition for my return to Uganda. To me this was the highest level of arrogance and hypocrisy which I treated with the contempt it deserved. How on earth can a whole security chief expect a confession from someone who is in exile that could not be extracted under torture while in captivity!

By law, your powers are limited to pardoning convicts and not mere suspects. Similarly, though you had voluntarily walked into exile in the 1970s, would you have accepted a similar offer from the Amin government for your return?
Mr President, Iam totally opposed to your governance on the following grounds:-
1. You harboured childhood presidential ambitions. With this in mind, immediately after school you joined UPC government security services. To pursue this ambition, just a day after Iddi Amin took over power you voluntarily went into self-imposed exile in Tanzania. While in exile, you ran parallel clandestine hit squads inside Uganda that were responsible for causing a lot of mayhem that were attributed in part to the Iddi Amin regime. At the same time, in exile you undermined other anti Amin individuals and groups in order to shape your own position.

Iddi Amin was defeated by the main group of Obote’s Kikosi Malum under the able command of Tito Okello, Oyie Ojok, Bazilio Okello and others baked by Tanzania’s TPDF. Your much acclaimed FRONASA played an insignificant role in in the actual fighting. At the time of the invasion from Tanzania, and in major battles before the fall of Kampala in April 1979, your FRONASA existed only by name. Yes, immediately after the war entered Ugandan territory, you embarked on recruiting a personal army from western region especially from among Rwandese refugees.

2. After the fall of Iddi Amin, for fear that a stable post Amin Uganda would not favour your presidential ambitions; you contributed a lot to the instability that ensued. To achieve this goal, you used your strategic and influential positions as Minister of defence, Vice Chairman of the powerful military commission, and leader of your personal armed faction (FRONASA) that was part of the new Uganda army. As a consequence, two post Amin sitting Presidents were ousted within a period of less than two years. The killings in Kampala and your brutal suppression of protesters in 1979 are well documented.

Though you were opposed to the idea of a post Amin democratic election, you contested for the presidency as a UPM flag bearer well knowing that you miserably loose. You were out rightly rejected by Ugandans right from your home village where locals cut down your maize field. Indeed you were freely and fairly defeated right from your own constituency where you were genuinely defeated by DP’s Sam Kutees, your current permanent Minister of foreign affairs. Throughout the country, your party (UPM) secured only one seat in parliament. Though the elections took place at a time the country was governed by the Military Commission for which you were its Chairman, you did not resign in protest against the alleged election rigging. The two major contestants in the 1980 elections were the DPand the UPC and if there was any rigging it was against the DP and not your UPM. If anything, you were in favour of the DP loosing because the reverse wold have denied you an opportunity to launch your pre-planned bloody bush war from DP’s strong hold of Buganda region. Compared to the several rounds of sham and violent elections that have been held under your governance, the 1980 elections was a fairer exercise.

3. For almost two months following the conclusion of the December 1980 elections, you were a free citizen up to the time you voluntarily choose to launch a war against the one month old UPC government. Your guerrilla war had long been pre-planned and not precipitated by the alleged election rigging. As Minister of Defence, Vice Chairman of the powerful Military Commission, and leader of an armed faction (FRONASA) of the new national army, you had in advance made sufficient preparations in terms of logistics, intelligence and personnel. Before the elections, you had retained and set aside a personal army composed of mainly Rwandese refugees who had legally been excluded from the new national army. It is these Rwandese refugees who formed a core of your fighting group who in recognition of their serviced you helped to invade their country Rwanda culminating into the 1994 genocide. You opportunistically solicited financial and logistical support from Libya’s Gadafi though he a short while ago militarily supported the collapsing Iddi Amin regime. You mobilised former soldiers of the Iddi Amin government from the western and central regions and incorporated them into your ethnic guerrilla army.

Aware of Buganda’s historical political strength in Uganda, you chose to fight from Buganda territory. Your aim was to resurrect, foment and exploit the historical differences between UPC (Obote in particular) and Buganda. In the same regard, you opportunistically moved very fast to merge your armed group with that of Prof. Lule to form yout NRM. However, you tactically positioned yourself as the Chairman of the strategic military wing’s High command leaving Prof. Lule as a mere figure head just to hoodwink the Baganda. To further consolidate Buganda’s much needed support, you undermined and sabotaged other pro-Buganda/DP fighting groups notably Kayira’s UFM.

No wonder, after you had exhausted Buganda’s support, your NRM’s founding Chairman Prof. Lule had to die a few months before Kampala fell. By virtue of his position as the Chairman of your NRM, Prof. Lule was slated to become the President of Uganda upon the coming into power of your NRM in Jan 1986. To be sincere, even if Prof. Lule had not died you would not have allowed him to become President. Maybe, at worst, it would have been like the Alex Kanyerengwe/Bizimungu/Paulo Kagame kind of situation in Rwanda.

4. Though imitating the Chinese and Cuban revolutions, your armed rebellion never attracted a mass uprising. Instead, it thrived on building an ethnic army with a mission of dislodging the presumed Nothern region’s dominance of the army and government. People from the northern region were refered to as Anyanyas who in turn refered to those from the Southern and western region as Nyarwandas (Rwandese) because of the visibility of Rwandese refugees in your army. The army officer that you posted to the nothern region district of Gulu as the district administrator, Kayumba Nyamwasa, was later to head the army in Rwanda. This id what gave rise to successive rebellions in the northern and eastern regions that is now taking the form of secession demands.

During your armed rebellion, you applied and adopted very crude methods of committing atrocities designed to tarnish the then government image. This in turn gave rise to five different categories of people who joined hands with you i.e those like yourself who were driven by ambition of getting into power, those who were unsuspectingly compelled by the situation you had created and craved for change, those innocent peasants that you took hostage and turned them into fighters and supporters, those criminals escaping justice and the Rwandese refugees looking for an opportunity to invade their country. No doubt, such a combination lacked the unity of purpose and would not have managed to overthrow the UPC government had its own military not overthrown it.

Shortly after, you managed to dislodge the military junta only through treachery and manipulation under the guise of the Nairobi Peace Talks of 1986. You owe alot of credit to the Okkellos for having overthrown the UPC government.and handed over power to you. In appreciation, you have alwayd appointed Tito okellos son to ministerial position. If I may remind you, you have forgotten Col Julius Oketa who helped a lot to break the stalemate at Katonga Bridge that cleared the way for an easy march on Kampala in Jan. 1986.

5. Right from its inception, your army was designed to be and is indeed is a personal army. To achieve this goal, you have maintained a personal and historical controll of its recruitment, training, deployment, promotion, dismissal, retirement, procurement/ utilisation of logistics and formulation of its policy and doctrine. This is how you managed to deliberately keep the likes if Eriya Kategaya, Amanya Mushega, Kahinda Otafiire, and other historical members of NRM from the main stream military structure. In the same way, in the mid 90s,driven by ethnic considerations. You diverted Gen Katumba Wamala and Gen. Ivan Koreta to Police and ISO respectively in order to give way to the likes of Aronda and Kaziini to rise to the top office of Army commander. Yet, the highest Kaziini should have gone would have been to be a Sergeant in-charge of the mortuary in a military hospital.

Your army is a private security company funded by the state in the same way Capt FD Lugard raised tan army for the IBEA during colonial days. It is with this personal army that you set up a military government since 1986. Your army has been at the centre if national and regional politics. It is for fear of being linkened to Iddi Amin’s style of governance that you have been slow in in appointing army officers to local administration, parastatals and other government bodies.
In this regard, you have severally warned other national leaders to keep off your army. Amazingly, the then Vice President Gilbert Bukenya went ahead to enlist his son for officer cadet training. The poor chap died mysteriously before completing the Cadet course.

Your personal army arrests, shoots to kill, tortures and detains without trial in safe housed secret torture chambers. Now that the police has been fused with some army units have been fused with the police, it has taken a centre stage in the brutal suppression of dissenting voices. The recent elevation and appointment of your most right hand man and former army chief as Minister of internal Affairs, is a testimony to tougher times for Ugandans in the near future. You wrongly believe that with this personal army in place nothing can dislodge you from power. Thus, driven by the same belief, when NATO intervened in Libya, you contended thus; “….this is a new phenomenon, and if that is the case, we shall have another Vietnam”. To this end, you have always argued for “African solution to African problems” because you believe that without external military intervention, nothing can dislodge the African dictator from power. For the same reasons, of recent you have spearheaded the fight against the ICC arguing that it targets only African leaders.
Indeed, in preparation for another Vietnam, you have created a more personal army (SFH) within your personal army and placed it under the command of your own son. Your recent trip to Russia alludes to this Vietnam project.

For fear of losing grip on the army, you are the Commander in Chief, Chief of Defence Forces and Coordinator of Intelligence Services. All those that you appoint to such offices are mere political aides to you. Gen. Tinyefuza was not coordinating any intelligence services because he himself has been a subject of security surveillance for close to two decades now but unfortunately, he took long to realise this. What a relief to you now that he is very far from your army for you always believed that other than him, nobody else can carry out a military coup.

Of course, those who talk much about your son Muhoozi’s rapid rise on the army don’t know that even before Muhoozi joined the army you already had another son in the same army. You stated this yourself when you filled the Army’s Property Declaration Forms in the late 1980s. You have no intention of handing over power even to your son except that you are preparing him to take charge of the special force that will ensure that your life presidency project becomes a reality.

6. You fought and took over power during the cold war era and no doubt you were pro east. Your political indoctrination (political education) teachings emphasised that the struggle was against western imperialism while describing israel as zionists and the west as imperislists. These cadre courses were muddled along the teachings of Mao, Stalin, Fidel Castrol and Gadhafi among others as your role models. To win western suport, you have exploited the global fight against terrorism. Domestically, you have used the global fight against terrorism as a tool to brutally suppress dissenting voices. By having your personal army in Somalia, you have held the West at ransom. In 2011 as the world was waiting to see if you would seek another term in office, Kampala was hit by a terrorist attack allegedly by Al-shabab as if Kampla was a softer target than Bujumbura! Amidist the confusion that ensued, you embarked on election campaigns for a third term in office. When the recent UN report implicated you in supporting the rebel M23 in DRC, you shamefuly protested and threatened to pull out of Somalia. Initially, to ensure continued western support you had intended to deliberately prolong the Somali operation. Kenya’s intervention and rapid successes prompted your troops for the first time in many years to push beyond their traditional encampments at the airport and the presidential palace. As was he case with the Rwandese troops in the DRC’s town of Kisangani in the early 90s, I believe at some point your troops will clash with their Kenyan counterparts inside somali. You created and armed different militia groups in the DRC. It is you who made the ICC indictee militia leaders like Jp Bemba, Tom Lubanga, and Bosco Ntaganda what they became. Your army entered the CA Republic and and brutally suppressed the mutiny. You personally flew to the DRC’s northern town of Gbadolite to welcome back your victorious troops from the CAR. In appreciation, you ordered for them plane loads of fresh meat from Kampala. Instead, it is MLC’s JP Bemba who was acused of committing attrocities in the CAR.

You ordered then Col Angina to retrive all the UG (Uganda) enscrypted AK 47 assault riffles that had been supplied to the deserting militias in Ituri. Although the supposedly scapegoat Gen Kaziini mysteriously died, the overwhelming evidence against other key players is live and kicking. It is this impunity that has made you to once again indulge in the DRC’s internal affairs by supporting the M23.
No doubt, to futher attract western support, you would wish to forment and get involved in the Juba/Khartum misunderstandings. Driven by ethinic considerations in relation to the Luos of Northern Uganda, you were not in favour of Railla Oginga’s victory. Once the revenues from the oil production are in place, you will be able to finance military expeditions in the region.

7. Having come to power through treachery and high level political manipulation, you have continued to hold it fraudlently. You defiled the infant constituton toremove presidential term limits. Throughout all the sham elections you have conducted, you have never and can not win in a free and fair elections. In the last elections, you shifted from your traditional methods of violence, intimidation and ballot box stuffing. Instead, you ambushed the opposition by a last minute emptying of the national Treasury to bribe voters, polling assistants and a big section of the opposition polling agents. Thanks to your policy of delibarately keeping big sections of Ugandas in abject poverty such that a kilogram of sugar can influence the voter’s decision.

Now that you have exhausted all the rigging methods coupled by mounting pressure to relinguish power, what is remaining is to bend the legislature through intimidation, threats to life and bribery. Your NRM parliamentary caucus conveys your wishes to the majorty NRM members in parliament for passing on the floor of the house. You expell elected members of parliament who tend to tow independent thinking. Your recent elevation and apointment of your right hand man and former Army Chief to the Ministry of Internal Affairs is some kind of an indirect declaration of a state of emergency in the country. Ugandans should expect the worst in as far as civil liberty, justice and law enforcement are concerned. This is what you meant by the recent coup threat. Sincerely, a coup against who and by who! Your private army has invaded courts of law to influence and reverse court decisions. Your NRM Cadres are taking up strategic positions in the Judiciary. You have incorporated the police into the military. The colonial era law of Preventive Detention has been reactivated and enforced against dissenters. Your current efforts to spearhead opposition to ICC are designed to propagate impunity.

Your mentor, Tanzania’s former President Nyerere applied the above means to retain power. He only succeeded in having his countrymen succumb to oppression, economically destroying a naturally endowed country and creating an impression to outsiders that the country was peaceful. However, current figures indicate an alarming rate of citizens killing police personnel in broad daylight reprisal attacks.
When you took to fighting in 1981, the them President Milton Obote described your group as bandits. When you took over power in 1986, you promissed to cteate a middle class. Instead, a top class comprised of your family members and cronies has emerged from the 27 years of institutionalised baditry. Outright plunder of public resources, corruption, abuse of office, nepotism, secterianism and political patronage that the country is witnessing has never been witnessed before. Its a lasting legasy that you will be remembered for.

Though traditionally in the Defence sector whose accounts are not open to public scrutiny, swindling of public resources has in recent years spread to all the other corners of the Uganda society. Because the vice is a means of ensuring loyality and luring fence sitters into your NRM clique, your government lacks the moral authority to stop it. Because of pressure especially from the donor community, there is selective and inconclusive criminal proceedings. Once news headlines are made, the suspects are exonerated, set free, promoted, transferred, reinstated or reassigned. However, to please the donors, a few unlucky beneficiaries may face full criminal proceedings more especially those whose political clarity is doubtable.

The situation pertaining to your authoritarianism is expected to worsen once the oil production commences for you will not be listening to ‘lecturers from the west’ over democracy, human rights and rule of law. The country is more divided now along ethnic lines than ever before. Your advocacy for an East African federation is aimed at nothing else other than securing a regional military alliance that will intervene to avert any threat to your life presidency project.

Therefore, your senseless war following the ouster of Idi Amin was not a revolution but a change of guards. It retarded the country’s economic growth on equall footing. Currently, economic growth is a privilege your family and cronies who have unlimited access to public resources. Thank You

Tugume Sam
Member of UAH

Safe Houses:When the oppressed bite each other, instead of biting their oppressor or the cage trapping them, that is horizontal violence.

Interpersonal and intergroup group violence is so pervasive in Uganda that, what we see as torture in safe houses is just an aspect, if not a secondary or even tertiary symptom of a much bigger disease.

Those so-called state agents are not imported from mars. They are brought up in homes where spouses barter their partners. Many of those characters have seen their mothers being tortured by their fathers. Many have had their lips scalded by mothers when two grains of sugar were seen there….’abye sukali wange’. Many have grown up in homes where the husbands/dads are terrorist beasts, who, when they return in the evening after their war gin (waragi)/tekwe/foot-and-mouth drink (mwenge bigere) sessions, every body hides under their beds. Even the geckos and mice of the home scamper for cover because they know the husband is back.

The head teachers of the schools behave exactly the same way as those husbands…terrorists who cane the lights out of their pupils. Even the parish priests/sheikhs behave in the same way: they abuse and torture their flock…we have seen some in the news that sodomise young men in their flock. The nurses in dispensaries will whip the kid that is scared of the quinine injection, or scared of the pain of having a fracture set without anaesthetic…torture in itself.

So torture is all around! One of the modes of correcting wrong doers in Uganda is by killing them. You have 5 instances on your law books in which you reform wrong doers by killing them.. Every now and then you hear people saying: kill defilers, kill child sacrificers, kill embezzlers, kill reckless drivers, kill witch ‘doctors’. Civilians kill each other daily in frenzies of mob justice…they kill even the goats and chicken and banana plantations of victims of lynchings. If you are so liberal with “Kill”, why can’t you torture? When you torture you are being nice, in fact.

What we are experiencing is what psychologists call “horizontal violence”. When mice are trapped in a cage and they fail to find a way out, they start biting each others’ tails and ears off. By the time they are freed, they are even too weak to run away. When the oppressed bite each other, instead of biting their oppressor or the cage trapping them, that is horizontal violence. When they bite the cage in order to free themselves, that is called vertical violence…liberation. Ugandans, like all entrapped organisms have opted for horizontal attacks on each other….Kony cutting off ears of fellow Acholis in order to overthrow YK Museveni (and then a genius like one UPC supporter from Canada….. rationalizing or white washing Kony’s action by saying it is Kabaka Mutebi doing that)…all that is horizontal violence.

When you recruit someone from such a social context into the armed forces, what you have is someone who knows only one mode of interpersonal interaction: inflicting pain. Such a person will not disappoint. As they say, when the only tool one knows is the hammer, everything starts to look like a nail…even politicians will use the hammer as their campaigning symbol….Ssenyondo!

Bottom line, Uganda is a pervasively violent society, and the security agencies are just a perfect mirror image.Is there something called legal torture? Do state agents torture in order to find some use for the safe houses, which would otherwise stand idle? Are there types of houses that are specially constructed to be used as safe houses? Won’t you set caves on fire also?

Lance Corporal (Rtd) Otto Patrick

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