Category Idi Amin

Amin’s son defends his late father again!

By Hussein Lumumba Amin
Kampala, Uganda

I read a story about a purported murder of the late Sheikh Shaban Nkutu (RIP) who passed away a long time ago back in 1973. Not only have they suddenly started claiming his death as a murder (they only started making this claim in 2004 after my own late father President Idi Amin passed away in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia), they are also now claiming that it was my late father the President who killed the late Hajji Shaban Nkutu. This is an issue I have previously confronted his own son about three years ago, and I asked him why he was trying to tarnish my late father’s name by now claiming that his father was murdered by Amin?
For the record, it is President Idi Amin who released Sheikh Shaban Nkutu from Obote’s prisons after the military take-over in January 1971. The release was public and involved the famous 51 political opponents that dictator Milton Obote had jailed in 1966 and 1969.

After the release, it is Amin who offered the late Sheikh Nkutu a job in government (he was actually an experienced senior public servant since the days of independence until his imprisonment n 1969) but Mzee Nkutu refused because of his poor health following untold torture and the rough dungeon conditions during imprisonment by dictator Milton Obote.
It is also Amin who then sent the late Nkutu to Nairobi, Kenya for specialized treatment to cure him in vain (the records exist to this day). When the doctors told him that there was nothing more they could do, it is now Shaban Nkutu himself who decided to leave the hospital saying “since I am going to die, let me at least die in my own country and not in a foreign hospital”.
He was then returned home but very incapacitated. He could barely even sit up, let alone walk. It is also President Amin who then offered Mzee Shaban Nkutu security at his home. At the time the Obote’s rebels had started abducting prominent Ugandan’s in the Amin government starting with Ben Kiwanuka just three months before Mzee Nkutu died. Being a previous Obote’s political prisoner just like Ben Kiwanuka, the Amin government had strong reasons to believe that Obote’s would target all those released in 1971 by President Amin. They were all given security after the Ben Kiwanuka disappearance. I have even discussed with one of the very soldiers who guarded the late Mzee Nkutu’s home in Jinja until his death. Indeed he confirmed to me that the late elder died peacefully in his own home and in his own country as he had wished. It is also the Amin government which helped the family in organizing and conducting the funeral. The Amin government also then paid school fees for his children. I know them because we were all put together in the same school called Kabale Preparatory School in Kigezi until the 1979 warbwhen we separated.
I read the news article and noticed that they say his family conducted a pre-burial prayer before he even died.
Why conduct such a thing for a living person?
The only reason is that they knew from the Kenyan doctors that he was soon going to die, and it was clearly visible even to an ordinary person.
The late Hajji Shaban Nkutu then died peacefully at his home surrounded by his family.
It is the Amin government that organized his burial together with his family. He was laid to rest in their family grounds as is the tradition, and all the elder members of his family, plus government officials and their entire village attended. It is only because former Amin government officials are quiet that this scam is going unchallenged. Even the late Allen Kagina’s father, who was District Commissioner for Jinja at the time, participated in the burial.
The media claims that the late Shaban Nkutu was buried twice. In reality he rests in peace in his only real resting place. What happened later is that in 2004, one of his sons called Conrad Nkutu, started writing articles claiming that the late Mzee Nkutu was murdered by Amin and buried in a secret mass grave?
Before 2004 nobody had ever heard about anything criminal around the death of someone called Shaban Nkutu (RIP). Not even the UNLA investigations in 1980 nor the Commission of inquiry of 1974, not even the NRM Commission of Inquiry of 1986 which purported to cover all the human rights violations since independence, tackled anything about a person with that name.
Yet suddenly in 2004, an issue pops out of thin air. All single-handedly engineered by his son who quickly wrote teary-eyed articles in the Daily Monitor where he was Managing Director, and then started frantically showing his own articles to a highly gullible populace, and claiming his own writings to be evidence of some heinous crime. That is how he dragged almost the entire country into a fictitious murder he invented just through crocodile tears and his own newspaper opinion articles full of bogus investigations and bogus claims.
With his connections in government, mostly his uncle Mzee Kirunda Kivejinja who is Museveni’s Deputy Prime Minister, they then put the state apparatus to support their claims. Including bogus tests and even purported clothes that in reality could not have remained intact under the ground 40 years.
It is just scientifically impossible.
They also tried to link it to the fleeing to exile of Amin foreign minister Wanume Kibedi, when in reality Kibedi fled after learning that he was being investigated for the disappearance of the late Ben Kiwanuka.
However, in 2005 Hajji Nkutu’s son led a group of people to Jinja cemetary, picked an unknown corpse from its peace in a public grave, claimed it was Mzee Nkutu, and buried it again in a bogus ceremony organized together with the entire Museveni regime fooled for purpose simply because they failed to ask one professional question. What was the motive of this murder?
The truth is, why would Amin murder someone he had himself released from prison about a year earlier, someone Amin had himself then sent for specialized medical treatment, and a person Amin had himself offered a job in government? If it is a political death, why would Amin murder someone who had even refused to go back to politics and public life because of his failing health following Obote’s torture chambers? Why would Amin murder a fellow Muslim who had previously been instrumental in uniting Muslims before being imprisoned by Obote’s?
If we agree that your enemy’s enemy is your friend, then are we now saying that Amin killed his own friend Shaban Nkutu just for nothing like that?
Only the few people who put critical investigative thinking into the matter have already seen that there is not even a single motive for President Idi Amin to murder Mzee Shaban. On the contrary Amin is the only person in the world who did everything for the late Shaban Nkutu and what we are seeing is just a completely ungrateful family who benefited humongously from the Amin government until he left, including in properties redistributed to Ugandans, but they are either just too greedy to even let their own father rest in peace, and/or are actually just cowards who feared people discovering that they were actually “Amin people” as was commonly said once the UNLA government came with the Tanzanians in 1979 and started slaughtering whoever was said to be even remotely connected to the Amin government.
This whole reburial saga is all just “Kiwaani” concocted single-handedly by one of the late Shaban Nkutu’s own sons called Conrad Nkutu backed by a few colluding family members to get political sympathy, government perks and a big job (Tullow Oil Corporate Manager) from the Museveni junta.
I therefore call on the Uganda Muslim Supreme Council to hold special prayers for the late Hajji Shaban Nkutu, but also for his son. This so that sanity can ultimately prevail and the late Hajji, one of the people who struggled for the unity of Muslims in Uganda prior to his imprisonment by Obote, that his soul can finally rest in eternal peace.
As for his son, despite being quite evil, and cunning enough to
single-handedly organize such serious damaging accusations against my late father, and only starting his vicious campaign just after the late Amin’s 2003 death in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia, I already forgave Mr. Conrad Nkutu and even though I have previously made my thoughts known to him, for several years I have labored to refrain from any public confrontation until this statement now.
I however discussed in detail how the late former Chief Justice of Uganda, Benedicto Kiwanuka was abducted by four unknown men from his chambers at the High Court in the capital Kampala. The abduction took place on 24th September 1972. His captors vehicle speeding off from the court premises was the last that Ugandans would see of him despite a rigorous police manhunt from the moment he was abducted.
At the time of his abduction, Ben Kiwanuka had barely been appointed Chief Justice by President Idi Amin. His appointment to the senior position was on 27th June 1971, and his abduction happened the following year. Little is known about the fact that his disappearance also happened a few weeks after he had been designated by President Idi Amin as the person who would be the next president of Uganda. Back stage discussions were in high gear for the military to return the country to civilian rule as had been promised by Idi Amin right after the 1971 military take-over. It now only awaited the formal announcement. Benedicto Kiwanuka had also been one of the 51 political prisoners jailed by the previous president dictator Milton Obote and he had been freed by the new incoming Amin government just 5 months before appointing him Chief Justice of Uganda. Suddenly, in the year after their releaase and right after the 1972 invasion of Uganda by Obote’s sympathizers, several of these freed politicians started disappearing mysteriously.
The question is why were they disappearing?
The only person who had known ill motives against Ben Kiwanuka and the 51 political prisoners was a possibly disgruntled former President Milton Obote, their captor. He had arrested his political opponents following the 1966 debacle where Obote ordered the army to attack the sitting president Edward Muteesa who fled to exile and Obote then appointed himself president. Obote also forced a new constitution cancelling all traditional leaders and banning all political parties except his own Uganda Peoples Congress party (UPC). This would be known as “The Pigeon hole constitution” following the incident where Obote ordered the military to surround the parliament and forced the Members of Parliament to pass his new constitution, telling them “you will find it in your pigeon holes”. The new constitution was enacted by parliament without the Members even having had the time to read the draft or debate its contents. They were all literally held at gun point.
Prior to the 1966 Obote coup d’etat, the same Obote had engineered the cancellation of Ben Kiwanuka’s premiership at Uganda’s independence in 1962, and got himself chosen as the independence executive Prime Minister of Uganda.
This Obote-engineered cancellation of Ben Kiwanuka’s prime ministership in 1962 was the actual beginning of their political enemity and bitter rivalry.
But in 1971, Obote was now seeing Ben Kiwanuka rising again in a high position in the new Amin government while he (Obote) was the one now kicked out of the presidency by the same army that he had used to kick out the previous and legitimate independence president of Uganda Sir Edward Muteesa.
These were the major political grudges known to all Ugandans, and by 1972, only one person, exiled dictator Apollo Milton Obote, could want Ben Kiwanuka and all Amin government officials dead.
After the disappearance of Ben Kiwanuka, Amin mentioned Obote’s rebels as the main suspects. Indeed the abduction happened just five days after the Obote rebels had infiltrated Uganda from Tanzania on September 17th during the infamous 1972 invasion.
It turns out that as they planned this invasion, God also planned it’s outcome.
They had divided themselves in three groups to attack different parts of the country simultaneously and had with them an assassination list of prominent Amin government officials and Ugandan elites that supported him.
The main military offensive by the rebels was on a military barracks in Mbarara town called Simba batallion. There too around 350 ill-prepared rebels were killed or captured mostly by the local civilian population when the poorly-trained rebels fired away their guns unprofessionally and quickly found themselves out of ammunition, then attempted to hide amongst the population. This episode is known as the 1972 invasion. It is also said to be the reason why Mbarara people were massacred when the rebels returned seven years later, this time accompanied by the Tanzanian forces. An event known as the Mbarara massacre.
The second line of attack in the 1972 invasion was by ship. They crossed from Tanzania to Uganda on Lake Victoria, and were to arrive at Entebbe, attack the airport and State House Entebbe simultaneously, after which another battalion of rebels would fly in by plane and land at the airport.
They had hijacked an East African Airways plane and had it waiting to transport the rebels upto Entebbe International Airport but it had bust its tires upon landing at the rebels base in Tanzania, and they were now looking frantically for repairs. Due to unknown causes, the ship that was heading to Entebbe would also sink mysteriously by itself in the middle of Lake Victoria with all its 400 dictator Obote rebels onboard. All died, and their weapons and munitions lost before even setting foot on Ugandan soil.
The third line of attack was by road to Kampala via Masaka. While the other two groups were completely out of action, this third group is the one that succeeded in making some headway. As they were confronted primarily by aerial bombing by Amin’s MIG 21 jet fighters, they scattered and continued their way upto Kampala, infiltrating the country in the process. It is this third group that was now engaging in subversive activities including all the abductions and murders of innocent Ugandans, particularly the prominent officials in the Amin government and the elites who supported Amin.
Ben Kiwanuka was the rebels first abduction operation in Kampala barely 4 days after they crossed from Tanzania into Uganda on September 19th. In the three months that followed, nine more senior government officials and politicians would be abducted and/or disappeared in the exact same fashion as Ben Kiwanuka. These include Joseph Mubiru who was Governor of Bank of Uganda and was abducted the week after Ben Kiwanuka. There was also Frank Kalimuzo; Vice Chancellor of Makerere University; John Kalema, a former Minister of Commerce and Industry, Basil Bataringaya; a former Minister of Internal Affairs, Jolly Joe Kiwanuka (murdered in Nairobi), John Kakonge, Ambassador Michael Ondoga, who was abducted as he dropped his children at Kitante Primary School, plus several other public figures including Hajji Balunywa, Henry Kasigwa and several other people close to the Amin government. Though a few names are remembered by the public today, these deadly operations planned by Obote himself in Daresalaam and implemented by his henchmen in Uganda would take countless other civilian officials and businessmen who were either in the Amin government or now fully supported Amin after the 1971 fall of the fascist Obote I regime/dictatorship that had come to power in a 1966 military coup where Obote had toppled Sir Edward Muteesa and declared himself the new executive president. This was in contrast to the largely ceremonial presidency that existed until then.
as was established at Uganda’s independence.
Meanwhile, the abductions during the early years of the Amin presidency would continue intermittently for almost three years, with one of the last being my own mother the late First Lady Kay Amin (RIP) who was abducted from her private apartment across Kisekka market in downtown Kampala on August 14th 1974. She had noticed some unusual activity in front of her house and called her brother John Adroa who drove immediately to her house.
Upon arriving he found plenty of commotion, and the people on site told him that some unknown gunmen in civilian clothes had just taken Kay Amin by force into a vehicle and driven off barely seconds before he (John) arrived at the scene. He attempted a pursuit but then seeing that he couldn’t get them on his own, he called in the police and security agencies and a manhunt was immediately initiated. That evening while at the president’s office at parliament building, President Idi Amin received the dreaded call that Kay Amin was found murdered after a police search found her remains in the boot of a vehicle as the criminals were in the process of trying to secretly dispose of her remains.
It is most probable that all those who had been abducted before her, had suffered the exact same fate as my late mother. She had been dismembered by the criminals probably to make the disposal of the body easier.
They were most likely trying to get to a remote location, possibly the Namanve bushes or the Mabira forest reserve, both on the Kampala-Jinja highway, area’s where human remains were known to be disposed of in the subsequent regimes after Amin. The very people who in 1972 were rebels abducting Amin government officials. And some of them today conducting highly emotional and eloquent key-note speeches in memorials for the very people that they themselves viciously abducted and heartlessly slaughtered.
What the Amin government found as a clue to the abductions is the list of officials targeted for assassination by exiled dictator Milton Obote. In a book titled the Guardian Angel, the author Arnold Bosaase who was privy to the assassination plans, confesses about how Obote drafted this list at his exile residence in Daresalaam, Tanzania, and then operationalized the murders.The Amin government also found it suspicious that Milton Obote and the international press would immediately claim that the abducted government officials had been murdered, even when no dead body was found. This raised the question how did they know that these disappeared people were already dead? Because only the abducter would know for sure such information at a time when the police was still searching for the lost persons. This confirmed to security agencies that Obote had a deadly hand in the disappearances.
Personally I once asked about all the weapons that were smuggled into the country by exiled dictator Milton Obote to his henchmen for their so-called “covert operations against the Amin regime”. Were these weapons shooting butterflies for eight years or were they rather killing Ugandans, terrorism targeted particularly against officials in the Amin government, some of whom even started fleeing to exile for rear of being murdered, not by the Amin government but by the Obote/FRONASA killers known to Ugandan as “bakondo”?
What exactly were these armed “covert operations”?
It turns out that British journalist David Martin was meeting personally with Milton Obote in Daresalaam and getting this information directly from the actual mastermind of the abductions then writing dispatching the story to the international press.
While the Amin government and Uganda police were still conducting investigations, manhunts for the criminals, and searching for the abducted persons, how else could Obote know that they were already dead except if he had received immediate first-hand information from the actual assassin’s?
Another pattern that was clear is that all the abductees had either been Obote prisoners released by Amin after the military coup in 1971, or had embraced and/or taken up senior positions in the new Amin government and therefore only Obote had a clear motive for their elimination. And it turns out they were all on Obote’s list for assassination when his rebels invaded Uganda. Their disappearances started exactly with that invasion. A mission that was part of a bigger military and covert operation intended to make the Amin government fall.
They did later start economic sabotage of the thriving Ugandan economy. One such operation was to deliberately deprive Ugandans of sugar (they called it “essentials”) and make them disgruntled against the Amin government.
They infiltrated Kakira sugar factory and got drivers to take the trucks of sugar and offload them directly into Lake Victoria. That is how the sugar crisis came about.
However Amin resolved the crisis by not only ensuring the delivery of sugar to retailers but he also built a new sugar factory from scratch. Kinyara Sugar Works, which at the time was only a minor gunnery supplying ingredients for a local alcohol known as waragi, suddenly was transformed into a major industrial sugar production development project. This was done in its entirety by Idi Amin in a space of just six months.
The Ben Kiwanuka disappearance shocked a country that was still in the euphoria of the expulsion of British Asians. A deportation that had happened just weeks earlier in August 1972, and in response to which the entire country was still celebrating.
In the police investigation of the Ben Kiwanuka abduction, one of the secondary leads indicated Foreign Minister Wanume Kibedi as a possible suspect. This is a little known fact about the case. Wanume Kibedi, Foreign Minister in the Amin government, was also an inlaw to Amin who was married to Kibedi’s sister First Lady Mama Maryam Amin.
It was reported to the 1974 Commission of Inquiry that Foreign Minister Kibedi had wanted himself to be the president when the army returned power to civilian rule. After news of Kibedi’s intentions started reaching President Amin, he summoned both Kibedi and Ben Kiwanuka for a meeting and indicated clearly to both of them that the Chief Justice being the most senior civilian government official after the military president and his military Vice President, Ben Kiwanuka would be the civilian official to take charge as interim president and be responsible for organizing general elections within four years. This development is what is said to have angered Kibedi who wanted to be the one to become the president after the military government returned to the barracks. He was counting on his family ties with Amin to outdo Ben Kiwanuka. However Amin was intent on following known government protocol and seniority standards.
A year after Ben Kiwanuka’s disappearance, a soldier named Sgt. Simon Kintu would reveal to the 1974 Commission of Inquiry that he had been secretly contacted by Foreign Minister Kibedi whom he knew personally, and had been asked to eliminate Ben Kiwanuka so that Kibedi would automatically be the next senior civilian official in line for the interim presidency when the army returned the country to civilian rule.
The officer told the commission that after his initial meeting with Kibedi, he went back to work and dodged all subsequent attempts by the Foreign Minister to meet him on the subject. He had simply decided to not get involved in the request to assassinate the Chief Justice. The officer then told the commission that when he later heard the news that Ben Kiwanuka had been abducted and disappeared, “By God I knew it could only be Kibedi.” he said.
Four months after the abduction and disappearance of Ben Kiwanuka, Foreign Minister Kibedi learned of the police investigation determining him as a suspect, he quickly fled to London and requested asylum. That was 11th January 1973.
Thirteen years later, during the1986 NRM Commission of Inquiry, Wanume Kibedi, who had returned to Uganda under the 1980’s Obote II/UNLA regime, was summoned to answer the same accusations about his possible involvement in the disappearance of Chief Justice Ben Kiwanuka. While he vehemently refuted the allegations, he immediately fled back again to exile until his death two years ago in London on 13th June 2016. The Buganda establishment was still considering him a suspect in the disappearance of their hero who had also previously been the first Prime Minister of Uganda at independence in 1962, and whom Amin had actually liberated from Obote’s prisons in 1971, appointed him Chief Justice of Uganda, and treated him well in the one year that he served before he was brutally abducted, never to be seen again.
As mentioned earlier, it was during this 1972 invasion that Ben Kiwanuka was abducted. It was also during the same attack that former Obote minister Alex Ojera was caught red-handed with his fellow rebels fleeing battle. He was sent to a military tribunal and charged with treason for his actions against the country.
Previously, I have found some individuals commiserating about an armed criminal called Captain Tom Masaba who was given the capital punishment (firing squad) by a military tribunal.
Firstly, this Mr. Masaba has today been officially recognized by his colleagues as a FRONASA rebel. Thereby confirming that Masaba wasn’t some innocent person being unfairly witch-hunted. He was what President Amin said he was.
At the time Masaba was being sent by his criminal bosses to murder Ugandan civilians inconsiderately in an effort to terrorize Ugandans. Back then they were infamously known by Ugandans as the “wakondo”. The Ugandan terrorists of those days.
I was shocked to find that a murderous villain of that caliber was now being considered as some gallant martyr. I remember thinking that some people’s brains must have turned upside down to mourn a dangerous criminal who was not even fighting government soldiers. He was actually murdering innocent Ugandans.
The reality is that he was a hard core criminal who engaged in bloody murders and terror. And while most people today have no clue what Masaba did to innocent Ugandan civilians, a few of his colleagues do. Court records still exist about his case. He was put on trial, there was prosecution, defense, and a court ruling. It wasn’t just summary execution for any criminal even though they deserved it. In fact at the time of his execution by firing squad, the relatives of his victims actually wanted him burnt alive instead.
Masaba’s last words to the chaplain was to beg Ugandans for forgiveness for all the murders he had been committing against innocent citizens mostly in the dead of night. Indeed seeing how some Ugandans speak of him today, God must have granted him his last prayer despite my surprise and current protestations.

Last year the case of another FRONASA rebel was ignited in the public domain after construction workers, while building a new house on the property of the late James Karambuzi, suddenly unearthed guns he had hidden back in the 70’s. They quickly called the police to retrieve the whole stash of now rusted weapons, and pictures were published in the media of police posing with the find. Mr. Karambuzi who was given the death sentence in 1973 by the military court martial, is a person whom it was claimed that he was an innocent person killed by Amin. It turns out that the Amin government intelligence and CID had actually caught only part of the incriminating evidence back then and justice had actually been served against a dangerous criminal as per the law.
As for Israeli citizen Dora Bloch. Her death was unclear even to President Idi Amin. She had been taken ill to Mulago hospital while the president was in Mauritius handing over the African Union chairmanship and had not even known about her sickness. The Israeli’s raided Entebbe airport barely 15 minutes after he had returned and left the airport for home.
Basically he had not even been briefed that one of the hostages had been taken to hospital in his absence. He was also only told the next day that she had died and was buried at Jinja military Cemetary. It is there that the Israeli’s later recovered a body when Amin was now in exile. They claimed it was the late Dora Bloch and buried those remains in Tel-Aviv.
But to say that Amin had anything to do with her predicament is quite a stretch of the human imagination given the timeline of events and what he himself was told by government security services after returning home and being attacked by an Israeli commando raid. For the record this was exactly his own explanation during a press conference in Khartoum, Susanna’s he attended the 1977 African Union summit. A British journalist had asked him specifically about Dora Bloch.

However, it is the attacks by the rebels, the assassinations they were conducting, the tense security situation, and the fear of Obote’s return that made the elders of Rukungiri write a petition calling for President Amin to remain in office, and they called for him to be designated Life President.

But it is especially the abduction of Ben Kiwanuka that saw all Amin’s plans for return to civilian rule crushed by the abductors.
As the people of Uganda remember Chief Justice Benedicto Kiwanuka, it is highly probable (and incredible) that Obote and his UPC party supporters who fanatically hated Ben Kiwanuka politically as they had imprisoned him and countless other political opponents in 1969, yet he rose to serve highly in government after Obote was deposed, those UPC fans and the real abductors who snatched him on 22 September 1972 during the Obote invasion from Tanzania, are among the people who have been mourning him loudest for the last four decades.
Personally it is an interesting experience to watch them forever condemned to pretend to mourn the very political opponents they hated, the very ones they then jailed following Milton Obote’s 1966 coup. The very people they then murdered covertly once these political opponents were in power under the new Amin government.
To this day, the final words in the official police investigation report on the late Chief Justice Ben Kiwanuka and all other elites disappeared during the Amin regime is: “Whereabouts still unknown”.

It is probably for this reason that Museveni, while talking indirectly about Amin, boisterously stated to a security meeting in 1986 that “I cannot be the president of a country who doesn’t know where people have disappeared”.
Such a statement would only be very meaningful to a person involved in the abductions against the Amin government he was fighting.
Everywhere around the world, investigators struggle with what are known as “Cold cases”. This is where a crime has been committed but no criminal has been arrested because of lack of leads to the criminal or lack of evidence pinning a suspect.
Law enforcement should never be just presenting any innocent Muslim youths, claim that these are the culprits, put them on trial on trumped up charges as is seen to be the case these days in Uganda, and then give them life sentences yet they are probably innocent.
Especially when in reality the real criminals are walking scot-free, enjoying impunity for their heinous crimes just like Yoweri Museveni and his mentor genocide dictator Milton Obote, the two together being the known butchers of Luweero on top of being behind all the above mentioned disappearances, mass murders, national insecurity, crime and terror.


1.Amin promoted and lifted the sports image in Uganda. He provided moral and financial support to sports: In 1972, John Akii Bua won a 400m hurdles gold medal in the Munich Olympics held in Germany the only Gold Uganda has won at the games history. Uganda reached the Africa cup of Nations 1978 and ever since then, has never qualified for the finals

2. He completed the construction of the OAU conference Centre and Nile Hotel. now serena conference center.A Yugoslav company Energy-Project was contracted and worked twenty four hours a day in three shifts and the project was completed in June just ready for the meet.

3. The exchange rate of the shilling to the dollar remained steady between 7shs and 7.50shs between 1971 and 1979 and on the black market it was 16shs.

4. Amin is remembered for the constructing, purchasing and maintaining national assets in foreign lands: Prominent among these was Uganda House in New York, Uganda House in United Kingdom on Trafalgar square and Diplomatic properties in Geneva, Brussels, Nairobi, and Mogadishu. All these properties are in Prime location. Also coffee marketing board property and storage facilities in Mombasa.

5. Credit goes to President Idi Amin Dada for the Creation of Uganda’s first and only national flag carrier, the Uganda Airlines Corporation. He rescued ‘The Flying Crane’ out of the wreckage of the East African Airways, and the Crane proudly traversed the international skies and landed at the world’s airports to the admiration and envy of many. All this was for the purpose of ensuring availability of air transport for Ugandans, visitors and air cargo at affordable charges. Amin saw to it that Uganda Airlines started to the Middle East and Nairobi. Uganda Airlines flew to Nairobi, Rome, Frankfurt, London, Dubai (in Obote II), Bombay, Internally, it had flights to Gulu, Arua, and Kasese. Today, Uganda Airlines is no more, having plummeted from the skies in May 2001 and leaving Uganda shamefully unpresented in the air transport sector and granting the government –owned Kenya Airways (KA), Rwanda Airways, Air Tanzania virtual ownership of our skies to say nothing about regional dominance. KA runs five flights to Uganda per day on a route reckoned to be one of the most expensive but profitable in the world. A known fact is, of the 150 airlines worldwide 70 have majority government ownership, 20 have minority government share holdings. In the European Union, Five major EU carriers presently have government holdings ranging from 90-100 per cent. It’s not true that governments cannot properly run ventures like Airlines. Kenya has Thailand, Singapore, Rwanda and South Africa.

6. Under Amin, Uganda had 65 air force planes. These included L-29 trainers, Twin Otters, MIG-17 and MiG-21( My Late Brother In Law was one of the pilots, a brillliant Guy. Whenever he arrived in Gulu in his MIG 21, he would announce this by flying over our house at a very low altitude, and that was ear drum busting LOUD!!!, Then arrive to our house in a CHOPPER and give us a RIDE of our llives in the Chopper!!!. My first expirience in a Helicopter! ) fighter bombers. Uganda Air Cargo (the cargo unit of Uganda Airlines) 2 Hercules C-130 transport aircraft. Police Air Wing, a full squadron (12) of helicopters. Uganda Airlines, six Fokker Friendship F-27 propeller planes for domestic flights to Nairobi. Two Boeing 707 jetliners. Presidential jet, a G-2 Gulfstream.

7. Early 1970, according to National Housing Statistics, NHCC built flats, marionettes and bungalows in top class residential areas of Bugolobi (872). Bukoto White (130), Bukoto Brown (180), Kololo (80), Nakasero (44), Wandegeya inter alia (136). Middle to low housing estates were built in Luwafu (51) and Mulago. Idi Amin had plans of having apartment blocks like those in Bugolobi in places like; Kawempe, Mutundwe & Kansanga.

8. Amin expanded the Uganda Railways Corporation: The railway transported heavy equipment for inland with relative ease, for until that time the main form of transport into the interior was ox-drawn wagons. It also expedited the export of coffee and tea and encouraged other types of commerce.

9. The Textile Sector: The textile sector was another area which Amin Dada took special care to nurture and expand his intention was to make Uganda the biggest manufacturer of cloth and other related items in Eastern Africa.

10. Satellite links: Amin is also remembered for linking Uganda to the rest of the world by putting up earth satellite at Mpoma in Mukono and at Ombaci in his home region of West Nile. By the time it was set up in the 70s, the satellite station was one of the very few of its kind on the African continent, another being in Nigeria. According to one of his widow, Mama Madina Amin, the Mpoma Earth Satellite Station was Amin’s gift to the Baganda.

11. Amin returned the body of Sir Edward Muteesa II for a state funeral with full honors: Muteesa who was Uganda’s first President had died in London on 19th November 1969. His death was attributed to poison administered by his political enemies and his body had reposed in Kensal Green Cemetery for close two years. Amin haters attribute the attack on Lubiri palace on him forgetting that Amin being the army commander then, he acted on the orders of the commander in chief then Dr. Milton Obote it’s like today blaming General Kale Kaihura for blocking Kabaka Ronald Muwenda Mutebi from visiting Kayunga, general Kaihura acted on the orders from the commander in Chief Yoweri Kaguta Museveni.

12. On 4th August 1972, Amin was touring Tororo in eastern Uganda when he announced a dream he had had and whose implementation would have far reaching effects on the lives of all Ugandans, altering their attitudes forever. In the dream, a higher power had directed him to rid Ugandans of foreigners who were “milking” the economy at the expense of native Ugandans. The President directed Uganda’s 70,000 Asians (mostly Indians) 90 days to denounce their British citizenship or leave the country.

13. The expulsion of the non-citizen Asians in 1972 destabilized the economy for a year but the event laid the ground work for the emergence of a Black Ugandan business class.Idi Amin Empowered Us BLACK Ugandans to manage our economy. Kenyan and Tanzanian businesses are mostly fully foriegn owned! We Ugandans, albeit corruption, manage our own destiny. Thanks to Amin.

14. People have never asked why Asians who arrived without bags in Britain and Canada suddenly became rich in no time and thought it was their hard work. No, they arrived in Europe and Canada with good “entandikwa” from Amin!

15. Genesis of URC: President Idi Amin created the Uganda Railways Corporation (URC) after the 1977 dissolution of East African Railways & harbors Corporation, which had begun after world war.

16. President Amin provided Uganda manufactures with additional support through the Uganda Development Bank, which supplemented UCB. The Uganda Development Bank and the Credit Guarantee Fund were established under the Uganda Development Bank Act, 1972, during Amin Dada’s regime and commenced business on 10th November 1972. UDB was a state-owned development finance institution, which channeled loans from international sources into Ugandan enterprises and administered most of the development loans made to Uganda. By 1986 and up to its closure, UCB was the biggest Commercial Bank in Uganda with nearly 300 branches. Today, the UCB story is a very sad story. The bank was sold in 2000 to NRM/O thieves!!.

All these achievements, for a government run by semi-literates like Amin, Mustapha Adrisi, and Yusuf Gowan. Today, with PhDs and MBAs in power and in the private sector, we can’t maintain 20 percent of what Amin left behind

Those of us who experienced Idd Amin’s rule first hand cannot forget the horror

By Richard Mulumba,
I was 9 years old in 1971 when Idd Amin came to power and 18 years when he was deposed in 1979. At first people were elated and welcomed him when he overthrew Dr. Obote in a military coup. Dr . Obote had ruled the country under a state of emergency , had abolished the 1962 independence constitution abolished kingdoms that were dear to some people and set up his own constitution of 1967 without the consent of the people. At the time of the coup many opposition politicians were in jail without trial.

By the time Amin left however close to half a million people had been killed extra judicially and the economy was in shambles. Basic commodities like sugar and soap were scarce and life was nasty short and brutish like in the historical natural state. People opposed to the regime were shot by firing squad in public (and so were some criminals I must add). Just before he was removed from power he had killed the Archbishop of the Anglican Church, the Inspector General of Police and a prominent minister in one fake car accident. You can imagine the horror and the shock we must have felt.

I must point out though that a few individuals and groups benefitted from Amin’s rule. These include the native business community to whom he allotted the business of the Indians after he expelled them (most of them ran the businesses to bankruptcy). Members of Amin’s ethnicity and some moslems had also been favoured and so were most of the soldiers. These hardly knew the scarcity of commodities and the insecurity the rest of the country experienced.

While unleashing the terror onto the Ugandans and those foreigners unfortunate to cross his path, Amin identified with the pan African and pro Palestinian causes. This made him a hero to some people especially in Africa and the Arab world. Indeed some of his greatest buddies were the late Gaddhaffi and Yasser Arafat.
In short those of us who experienced Idd Amin’s rule first hand cannot forget the horror and the economic deprivation we underwent while those that benefited from his rule and those who came after his rule are fascinated by his anti-western outlook and pro pan African speeches.

My grandfather died during Amin’s regime

By Tweheyo Twhy Brian Besigye,

I was born 8 years after the rule of idi Amin, my grandfather died during Amin’s regime, and it said he was killed by Amin’s military men. So when am asked what I feel about Amin, i have mixed emotions and views… I loathe the man for robbing me a chance to know my grandfather but at the same time as I read history, I respect some of his leadership methods. Yes the man killed a lot of people, but which president of Uganda hasn’t?, Obote? Museveni?…No, they all kill innocent people; the only difference is Amin wasn’t smart enough to do it discreetly.
Yes chasing Indians the way he did might have not been the smartest move, but here we are told to believe Indians are creating jobs, although in the last years, Indian companies in Uganda have been profiled as paying workers less than 2000ugsh a day ($0.5) that’s for a 10hour work day… How do you expect a human being: moreover a man with a family to survive on that, ….they are selling contaminated packed water from dirty factories, selling expired goods, and all kinds of atrocious things…..maybe the man was right to try and develop his indigenous citizens before allowing another colonisation and exploitation from india.

They say he was tribalistic, but in museveni’s regime all big offices in the country are occupied by his tribesmen, same as during Obote’s regime. And one can say the same for more than 80% of African nations and most parts of the world. A lot of views I have about the man, but let me stop here, because most people who want to sacrife the man would not do much different if put in the same position. I rest my case, Amin RIP.

Amin without bias, had a patriotic presence for his country

By Muzzukulu wa Ndugwa,

Idi Amin was a self-styled, ambitious Ugandan leader (1971-79). He never believed in advisers and never trusted anyone. He believed in his own conscience. That means he was unpredictable. Because he was raised from a poor family of the Kakwa ethnic group of the Nilotic origin in Northwestern Uganda, he grew with empathy. He had a feeling of “what man has done man can do”, which helped him to enforce rapid development of his country.

Amin without bias, had a patriotic presence for his country. This is reflected in the deportation of Indians on grounds that they were exploiting Ugandans. In other words, he was the law in Uganda. And during his reign (according to Historical currencies) five hundred and ten Uganda Shillings (510/=) were equal to 1$US Dollar as opposed to three thousand six hundred fifty shillings (3,650/=) of today. Which means in terms of growth, Uganda has fallen back thirteen times; yet on face value, would have grown more that thirteen times since that time. In that, by now the 1$US Dollar would be at 39/=(UgSh) on face value. In anticipation, since he loved rapid development, e.g (Mpoma Satellite Station) , the latest technology in Africa, which some European countries could not afford having at that time, and his vigilance on corruption, Uganda would have been a fastest growing nation in the world.

Uganda during Amin was far much better than Uganda now

pecadilloesAmin was more productive in his short reign than Museveni in 30 years.Uganda during Amin was far much better than Uganda now during his regime. U only have to drive along Salama Road Makindye to Munyonyo, better still after 6pm, to experience HELL on earth aka Uganda under the delusional guidance n vision of Museveni.

The IDIOT Amin left Us with the only international airport we have to date ” Entebbe International Airport.” – he also created the Uganda Railways Corporation (URC) after the 1977 dissolution of East African Railways & harbors Corporation, which had begun after world war.

Early 1970, according to National Housing Statistics, NHCC built flats, marionettes and bungalows in top class residential areas of Bugolobi (872). Bukoto White (130), Bukoto Brown (180), Kololo (80), Nakasero (44), Wandegeya inter alia (136). Middle to low housing estates were built in Luwafu (51) and Mulago. Idi Amin had plans of having apartment blocks like those in Bugolobi in places like; Kawempe, Mutundwe & Kansanga.

Amin hosted the Organization of African Union (OAU): No one seriously believed the Organization of African Union (OAU) heads of state would come to Uganda so soon if ever.

Credit goes to President Idi Amin Dada for the Creation of Uganda’s first and only national flag carrier, the Uganda Airlines Corporation. He rescued ‘The Flying Crane’ out of the wreckage of the East African Airways, and the Crane proudly traversed the international skies and landed at the world’s airports to the admiration and envy of many. All this was for the purpose of ensuring availability of air transport for Ugandans, visitors and air cargo at affordable charges.

Amin saw to it that Uganda Airlines started to the Middle East and Nairobi. Uganda Airlines flew to Nairobi, Rome, Frankfurt, London, Dubai – ETC

Amin the Idiot built more hospitals, roads, airports, schools etc in such a short time than M7.

The man he calls an idiot never sold his country to himself like the idiot Museveni.

One day some one will cal him an idiot, but how will muhoozi feel!!? Oh, i just called him so. Kanve wano tebansiiba.



Top: 'President Amin shakes hands with the commandant of Entebbe Airport, Mr Kalembe, at Entebbe Airport before he commissioned the new runway.' Bottom 'General Amin and the crowd stand for the National Anthem shortly after the President arrived to commission the new runway.'

Top: ‘President Amin shakes hands with the commandant of Entebbe Airport, Mr Kalembe, at Entebbe Airport before he commissioned the new runway.’
Bottom ‘General Amin and the crowd stand for the National Anthem shortly after the President arrived to commission the new runway.’

Fellow citizens, fellow Africans.

First I would like to thank God Almighty for this opportunity to write about this difficult issue.

As the 40th anniversary of the famous Entebbe raid is being comemmorated, Ugandans are confused about the event.

Israeli Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu is scheduled to be in Uganda to remember his fallen elder brother who perished in Entebbe.

But with the event has come all sorts of stories about the original incident.

Interestingly all of them point at writing the raid in a manner that puts Israel as the injured hero while demonizing Field Marshal Idi Amin and also ignoring what caused the incident to occur in the first place: The plight of the Palestinians that is today being recognized by the entire international community as an illegal occupation, mistreatment, confinement, land grabbing and indiscriminate bombardment of palestinians including their women and toddlers by an ever more murderous Israeli army.

Let me warn our African youths that politics especially in the international arena, is a sad doctored game.

The western media has done such a good job in manipulating history that todays African can be found celebrating Israeli action’s.

And even when Israel mistreats African refugees, and discriminates against black jews, todays African Union has it’s mouth zipped shut and fails to write even a simple protest note.

In the days following the raid on Entebbe, the entire African continent rose to condemn the attack.

All the African Union member countries (known then as the Organization of African Unity) immediately issued a strong condemnation, and each African president sent their condolences for the soldiers who were killed.

That was the African outrage back then. And that is what the western media has managed to progressively change.

I noticed that there were several telling aspects about the hijacking and the subsequent raid that are also mysteriously missing from their narrative.

So let me try to set the record straight today.

When the plane had just been hijacked after taking off from Athen’s and heading to Paris, all Arab countries had refused the hijackers permission to land on their respective territories.

When Amin narrated to us those events, he mentioned that the Palestinian’s initial intention had been to fly to an arab country.

Uganda had not been anywhere in their plans.

All the Arabs reportedly feared that it was a fake hijacking organized by Israel to get to the Palestinian government and then send a military operation to destroy it and probably kill Yasser Arafat as well.

On June 01 2007, Israels Haaretz newspaper reported this claim saying: “Newly released British documents contain a claim by an unnamed contact that Israel’s Shin Bet security service collaborated with the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine to hijack the June 1976 flight from Israel that was diverted to Entebbe, Uganda.”

The report had been first aired by the BBC just a few days earlier.

That was what allegedly made the Arabs refuse the plane any landing permission in any Arab country.

It is only then that President Amin was contacted to solve the situation.

The dilemma he found was that the French Airbus would soon crash in the Mediterranean sea killing all passengers.

It was remaining with hardly 30 minutes fuel as it circled above the sea waiting for landing permission.

President Amin then had to first had ask Libya’s Col. Ghaddafi to approve the planes refuelling in so that it could make the 3 hour flight to Uganda.

That intervention probably saved all the hostages and crew from n.imminent plane disaster at sea.

When they finally arrived in Entebbe, the hijackers first refused to anyone to board the plane or anyone to leave.

The plane remained on the tarmac with all the passengers, the crew, and the hijackers for hours.

Idi Amin himself came to the airport and communicated to the hijackers from the control tower. He then managed to convince them to come outvof the plane and move into the old airport lounge which was now the airforce base.

He had to promise them that he would initiate their negotiations with Israeli authoritie, some of whom he knew personally when Israeli’s were training the Ugandan army until 1972 when Amin expelled them with the British.

'President Amin speaking at the commissioning of the new 10,000-ft runway at Entebbe last Monday.'

‘President Amin speaking at the commissioning of the new 10,000-ft runway at Entebbe last Monday.’

Idi Amin is the one who then ensured the hostages comfort and nourishment.

Being a serious security situation on Ugandan soil, he therefore stationed Uganda army soldiers outside the hostage crisis perimeter.

That also kept the situation inside the building in check as he didn’t want the international crisis to enter the country beyond the airport lounge.

He had hopes that the problem would go away peacefully.

Had Amin taken sides, the hostages would have probably been taken to Uganda’s Luzira maximum prison or possibly to the much dreaded State Research bureau where chances for an escape would be almost zero.

Muki ‘Moshe’ Betser, deputy commander of the Sayeret Matkal unit that led Entebbe assault, had trained Ugandan soldiers before Amin expelled the British, and the Israeli’s in 1972.

Talking about Ugandan soldiers in a recent interview with Haaretz newspaper he remarked that “When they are in THEIR wars, they fight like lions. But if it’s not their war, they can be quite indifferent.”

That was the Ugandan public opinion at the time as well on.the crisis: It wasn’t our war. And it is for the same reason that Amin kept the issue at the airport. He then worked hard to get a quick conclusion to a crisis that even him didn’t want.

That is the reality that Israeli politics doesn’t want known because in order for the Israeli action in Entebbe to be considered acceptable under international law, they had to make the false claim that Amin colluded with the hijackers.

Field Marshal Idi Amin is the one who established contact with his old Israeli acquaintances particularly Col. Barlev.

It is then that direct negotiations started between the Palestinians and the Israeli”s.

In a Voice of Uganda report, President Idi Amin clearly stated: “It was not my intention to accept them to land with the hostages in Uganda. I accepted them purely on humanitarian grounds. The hostages were even made quite comfortable. This has never happened anywhere else.”

Meanwhile, Amin would always come and chat with the hostages almost on a daily basis as he was trying to calm their fears and update them about developments.

One thing he made clear to them, the African Union, and the international community from the very beginning, was that this was a crisis between Israel and Palestinians. Not Uganda.

That is what Israel doesn’t want known.

Amin limited Uganda’s role to:

1 – Connecting the two sides to negotiate.

2 – and providing for the hostages immediate needs.

Let it also be clear that Amin’s daily visits and personal concern is what ensured that the hostages were not mistreated by their captors.

The palestinian’s feared how he might react given Amin’s courteous, casual and personal approach in his interaction’s with the hostages.

Even a deadline by the hijackers was a non-starter because then they risked antagonizing themselves directly with the much feared Amin from within his country. They knew that the Ugandan president didn’t want any further escalation or more problems happening on Ugandan soil.

He had insisted on humane treatment and provided the hostages with clean beddings and food that was brought directly from the nearby Lake Victoria Hotel, a popular 4 star government owned tourist hotel.

In fact it is Amin who managed to get the first half of hostages freed after only three days. The Palestinians had insisted that in exchange, they be allowed to bring in 4 more comrades.

Amin obliged for the sake of getting hostages freed and a quick ending.

Has anyone ever heard any recognition from Israel for that important development?

The French government did at least say thank you officially. And one french citizen even wrote to Amin a genuine ‘thank you’ letter.

20-year-old student, Miss Louise Kauvitis was one of the passengers on the hijacked airbus. She wrote: “I am deeply indebted to you for my wellbeing. If not for you, I feel I would not have survived the dramatic experience of the hijack… I hope you will regard this letter as my personal thanks. You are a great man and I am again deeply grateful to you for my being back home in Canada.”

The former french hostage honestly knew that without Amin, the crisis might have had a completely different and disastrous outcome for the hostages from the very beginning and particularly during their stay in Entebbe.

It must have been quite an experience to hear all that the international press was saying about Idi Amin, and then you finally meet the man and find him doing everything possible to make you comfortable, and most importantly trying his level best to ensure that you return home safely.

That was the reality at the time, and both the french authorities and the Israeli’s know this.

If the media was honest, they would for examplr have interviewed the French pilot, inquiring about the initial destination of the hijackers, how all arab countries refused them permission to land, how the plane came to be diverted to Entebbe, and how that was the miracle that saved them from a sure air disaster.

However by the time the crisis was over, Amin had been attacked, his soldiers killed, his jet fighter planes blown, and some people were now celebrating victory over him instead.

This is a good case study about mass manipulation and engineered news politics.

In regards to Entebbe, it must be noted that the British and the Israeli’s were already disgruntled because Amin had expelled them from Uganda 4 years earlier for exploiting the country’s economy and it’s resources.

So the Entebbe event was an opportunity to fight Amin even when he clearly wasn’t fighting them.

As the movie about the Entebbe raid was being made, the Israeli soldier who took over the operation after their commander was shot, was astonished at the inaccuracies.

He then reportedly told Israel’s Haaretz newspaper: “The only thing they got right is the scene of the Mercedes disembarking from the plane.”

When he thought about informing the movie crew about the inaccuracies, the producer one Golan, responded with a reassuring pat on the shoulder and reportedly said: “I’m going to create for you guys an Entebbe you could never have even dreamed of.”

The media in conjunction with the entertainment industry have basically created the public narrative that certain people want the world to have in order to legitimize themselves on stolen Palestinian land.

The information that public opinion reads concerning the Entebbe incident, makes it seem as if Amin was a hostage taker.

They are intentionally silent about any assistance he might have made to the Israeli hostages during that difficult time, and the sacrifices he had to make to satisfy the palestinians wishes.

I have pasted below the most pragmatic article I’ve ever come across about the Entebbe raid. It includes actual quotes from the Voice of Uganda.

Reading through it, one can see the true neutral role that Amin tried to maintain even with his known links to both Israel and the Palestinians.

It also includes the strong condemnation of the attack by the entire African Union.

In a press statement at the time, UN Secretary General Kurt Waldheim considered it a “serious violation of the sovereignty of a State Member of the United Nations. An act of direct, flagrant aggression and an outright violation of the Charter, especially of Article 2, paragraph 4, which states: ‘All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any State, or in any other manner inconsistent with the purposes of the United Nations.'”

Kenyan government support for the attack was yet another stab in the back from a fellow East African nation. Their evasive response when asked by the African Union about their involvement says it all about who was guilty. Kenya basically feigned knowledge of the attack when asked by fellow Africans.
(see them also in article link below).

One will also find Amin’s direct request to Israel that they compensate Uganda for the soldiers killed and the military equipment destroyed. He did this because he had been helping resolve THEIR crisis.

Even if Israel claims it had to intervene to save it’s people, Amin offered them a means to make amends by at least paying compensation for the Ugandan losses they caused.

The response he got was pure arrogance from the Israeli side. They decided to mock Amin instead.

Worse still, in an unscrupulous effort to justify their illegal action, they started the claim that Amin was an accomplice to the hijacking.

Idi Amin supported the Palestinian cause. A legitimate grievance as is being recognized by the entire international community today.

And the reason for the Entrbve crisis was that the Palestinians wanted their people freed. Their country as well.

But from the very beginning Amin had been dragged into this incident. And that is the reason why he was completely caught off guard by the assault.

He was genuinely trying his best to end the crisis peacefully and hoping to be there to see the hostages off to their original destination.

A position that he had endeavoured to explain to the African Union summit in Mauritius, and to the continent’s people at large.

And despite everything that Amin did to save the situation, they decided to carry ridicule him and shout victory over him after the raid.

The Ugandan soldier who shot Israeli Prime Minister Benyamin Netanyahu’s brother at Entebbe was Captain Rafael as we ordinarily called him. I never got to know his family name.

Contrary to what is portrayed in the movies, he shot the Israeli commander dead with one shot from his service pistol and not a sniper rifle.

Capt. Rafael was also the commander of the Ugandan soldiers guarding the hostage perimeter.

So it was literally a cowboy style face-to-face draw between the two commanders when the Israeli’s entered the building.

Captain Rafael was faster.

He was also an Israeli trained commando, the batch that had received extra paratrooper training in Greece. He then did some commando maneouvres that enabled him to literally dodge Israeli fire before jumping from the first floor balcony and escaping with Israeli’s still trying to shoot him.

He died of natural causes around 1995, and it is in his hometown of Tororo, Eastern Uganda where he was quietly laid to rest.

However in 1976 right after the burial ceremonies for the Ugandan soldiers who had died during the Entebbe incident, President Idi Amin awarded Captain Rafael with Uganda’s military cross medal.

That one clean shot which killed the Israeli commander Colonel Yonathan Netanyahu is literally the shot that saved Uganda’s honour, if not the whole of Africa’s at the time.

As an African, wouldn’t it be befitting that I lay a wreath at Captain Rafael’s grave every 4th of July?

But Uganda needs to get out of Israel’s politics where they are now inviting us to the raid’s celebrations.

There is no bigger sign of political ignorance and ideological bankruptcy than seeing a Ugandan or an African celebrating what Israeli’s did.

We here people make perfect speeches about standing shoulder to shoulder to fight terrorism. Yet we also hear that they are the same people sponsoring, arming and training groups like ISIS. We hear that they are the people plundering Africa’s minerals. We hear that they are the people providing backdoor weapons that fuel conflict in Africa. We hear that they are the people who are deporting so-called undesirable African refugees from their country to Uganda of all places.

We cannot hangout indefinitely with someone without at least inquiring what should be done so that there is peace in their neighbourhood.

The whole world today is recognizing the Palestinian state. Including the vatican last year.

Belgiu, Ireland and France are in the process of doing so, while the British parliament already voted a bill in that direction.

So why don’t Israeli’s use the travel funds and the time at the Entebbe event to sign the long-awaited peace deal with Palestinians instead.

That way maybe even the palestinians could join them in Entebbe one day to remember the conflict, and both sides could then together declare “never again”.

Let’s put aside religion for a quick second.

Nobody on this planet would like what is happening to Palestinians to happen to them.

All those claiming to value human rights yet expressly approving inhumane behaviour and the suffering it continues to cause, are the purest oppressors.

Some of them can be found complaining about far lesser infringements of their rights by their own governments, but will support untold horrors on Palestinians. How does the dictionary define such persons?

There are about 77 different UN resolutions against Israeli’s over the years. These involve unlawful attacks on its neighbors; its violations of the human rights of the Palestinians, including deportations, demolitions of homes and other devastating collective punishments; its confiscation of Palestinian land; its establishment of illegal settlements; and its refusal to abide by the UN Charter and the 1949 Fourth Geneva Convention relating to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Times of War.

In comparison there is only one resolution against Palestine; Resolution 1435 calls on the Palestinian Authority to “meet its expressed commitment to ensure that those responsible for terrorist acts are brought to justice by it”.

So if we look closer into the issue, we realize that it is all the continuous illegal actions by Israeli’s as mentioned above that are causing the resistance action mentioned in the one resolution against palestinians.

Yet the so-called Two-State solution was already contained in a UN resolution 70 years ago.

On November 29th 1947,
Resolution 181 already recommended the partition of the British Mandate for Palestine into Arab and Jewish states, and the City of Jerusalem.

Where is that partition engineered by the British, and so, which side exactly is the problem here?

It is worth noting that even this resolution was achieved without any consultation with the palestinian people.

The same thing happened when Britain first agreed to the Balfour declaration with the zionist movement back in November 1917.

There is one country, Britain that has created the mess in Palestine that continues to this day.

They have since quietly “Brexited” from shouldering their responsibility in the Isreaeli-Palestinian conflict, yet they are the direct cause for the war, the countless dead, and the countless more refugees and displaced palestinians.

We should also note that it was in 1987 that the Palestinians under Yasser Arafat finally agreed to the forced partition of their land, and also agreed to renounce terrorism. But surprisingly Israel turned around and immediately rejected that Palestinian agreement. That is basically the situation that prevails to this day.

It seems that Israel now wants terrorism to continue so that they can use the excuse to bombard the Palestinians and grab their land until they take the whole territory for themselves.

Mr. Benyamin Netanyahu and his new Defence Minister are people who have publicly stated that there will never be a Two-state solution.

But that is quite worrying if one thinks about what they’ll have to do to palestinian families in order for there to be only Israel.

It would be nothing less than genocide comparable to the holocaust.

What bombardment and mass terror will they have to instill in Palestinian populations so that they flee from their own land?

That is why such statements and the people who have said them have to be strongly condemned by all the countries, the people, and the international institutions that said “Never again” after the Rwanda genocide.

Let me remind Africans what Nelson Mandela said: “We know too well that our freedom is incomplete without the freedom of the Palestinians.”

It is for that reason that a couple of months ago, the Nelson Manuel Foundation and the people of South Africa sent a 6 metre tall Madiba statue that stand today in Palestine.

It was a definite show of solidarity that all Africans and all right thinking people across the world should emulate.

Last Tuesday, UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon finished his farewell trip to Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories.

He used the occasion to urge some political will for a two-state solution as “the only way to meet the national aspirations of both peoples.”

On the Israeli blockade of Gaza, he said: “It suffocates its people, stifles its economy and impedes reconstruction efforts. It is collective punishment for which there must be accountability.”

The UN chief also expressed understanding for Palestinian frustration saying: “I’m aware that many Palestinians question the feasibility of reaching a just and lasting peace with Israel. They hear talk of peace but they see violence. They still live a life of checkpoints, permits, blockade, demolitions and profound economic hardships faced with growing indignities and the humiliating occupation that will soon enter its 50th year.”
Remember Gaza has been strangled by a tight blockade and its residents have witnessed three major Israeli offensives.

In 2014, more Palestinians were killed by Israel than in any other year since 1967. Violence and fatalities were at their highest since 2007.

Following the most recent Israeli war against Gaza in 2014, a UN inquiry found that Israel was responsible for striking seven official sites used by the organisation as civilian shelters.

Concerning children killed in the war, the UN Secretary General said: “I met so many of the beautiful children of Gaza. More than 500 were killed in the fighting. Many more were wounded. What did they do wrong? Being born in Gaza is not a crime.”

The number of Palestinian children killed during the 2014 war led to efforts to include the Israel Defence Forces on a UN list of serious violators of children’s rights.

As the two-year anniversary of the beginning of the 2014 Gaza war draws near, most of the 11,000 homes destroyed and 6,800 severely damaged or rendered uninhabitable remain in ruins, largely as a result of the Israeli-led blockade.

Is Mr. Netanyahu going to catch a bus to go and comemmorate that anniversary that is just a few kilometres from his home?

Meanwhile, I cannot visualize that a morally upright entity can be the target of 77 UN resolution’s for the last 70 years and still can’t abide by a single one of them.

If it was an African state I imagine the western outrage at the “unbecoming behaviour” by a pariah.

No country has reached that level of international lawlessness, flouted that many resolutions.

Neither Saddam Hussein, nor Ghaddafi, not even Polpot reached those numbers in contravention of international law.

Though I desire global stability and the predictability that Mrs Hillary Clinton represents the most between the two candidates for the next US presidency, maybe what is needed is an independent radical like Mr. Donald Trump who can break a defunct world order that happens to still be in place, and which is now increasingly perpetuating mediocrity and intentional stagnation on the Israeli-Palestinian issue.

May the souls of all who died on that day rest in eternal peace.

For God and My Country.

Signed: Hussein Lumumba Amin
Date: 04/07/2016

Kampala Uganda.

(Article “The Political Fallout From Entebbe Raid”:


March 1974 'Okuva Ku kkono: Mukyala Sara Kasozi, Muky Yudaya Matovu Muka Chief Kadhi wa Uganda, Mama Madina Amin muka President wa Uganda, ne Muky. Safiya Ssemakula. Ekifanaanyi kino kyabakubwa ku lunaku Muky. Yudaya Matovu lweyakyalira Mama Madina mu Command Post ebbanga tono eriyise'

March 1974
‘Okuva Ku kkono: Mukyala Sara Kasozi, Muky Yudaya Matovu Muka Chief Kadhi wa Uganda, Mama Madina Amin muka President wa Uganda, ne Muky. Safiya Ssemakula. Ekifanaanyi kino kyabakubwa ku lunaku Muky. Yudaya Matovu lweyakyalira Mama Madina mu Command Post ebbanga tono eriyise’

According to Paul Lam, ‘Amin’s official wives were late Kay Amin, Sara Muteesi Amin (commonly known as Mama Malyam), Sara Kyoloba Amin (now living in London), late Nora Amin, a Lango (and not Taban’s mother) and Madina Amin.Kay Adroa Amin died in 1973.

‘Sara Muteesi and Nora Amin were dismissed by Amin in 1975, in the presence of local and international journalists, in the gardens of State House Entebbe.’

‘According to a Radio Uganda broadcast, quoting a military spokesman, the 2 wives were dismised because “they were not coping with Amin’s supersonic speed of running the country and that they were involved in smuggling of textiles to Kenya”.

‘After living State House, Nora Amin was allocated a Custodian Board house on Buganda Road, opposite Buganda Road Court, next to King Kigeri of Rwanda who was in exile in Uganda.’

‘She died of natural cause in 1977. I can confirm to you this because I got it through a credible source, who was a close friend of Nora Amin.’

‘You may wish to check whether Taban Amin’s mother was also called Norah.’

President Amin cuts the tape to officially open the Libyan Arab Uganda Bank for Foreign Trade and Developmet. On the left is Mr Abudulla A. Saudi, Chairman and General Manager of the Bank; and extreme left (with glasses) is Mr Clhadi M. Algaghih, the Bank's Managing Director. On the right is Uganda's Minister of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, Mr. E.B. Wakhweya.' Uganda Argus, January 25th 1973

President Amin cuts the tape to officially open the Libyan Arab Uganda Bank for Foreign Trade and Developmet. On the left is Mr Abudulla A. Saudi, Chairman and General Manager of the Bank; and extreme left (with glasses) is Mr Clhadi M. Algaghih, the Bank’s Managing Director. On the right is Uganda’s Minister of Finance, Planning and Economic Development, Mr. E.B. Wakhweya.’
Uganda Argus, January 25th 1973

Amin’s son, Hussein Juruga also wrote on the UAH forum that his father never killed his step mum:”’Nora Amin succumbed to cancer at Mulago hospital where she had been unsuccessfully treated for days.Mama Nora is survived by two children. Issa and Fatuma Amin.But for those implicating Amin as many have authoritatively done in this forum, yet Mama Nora died painfully in the hospital while Mr. Kyemba had run away with 7m USD State funds for health equipment, is just heartless.I doubt this can be settled once and for all. Especially if it is for a simple post here in UAH. But for your “records”, Taban’s mother (RIP) is a totally different person.”


The fall of the Amin government on April 11, 1979 was greeted with euphoric optimism throughout the country, except of course for his remaining supporters; those who benefited from His regime, the small South Sudanese and Congolese community that were part of his security apparatus and Nubian community that were seen as forming the backbone of the Amin regime.

In the days after Yusuf Lule was sworn in as president, his somewhat clueless administration was enjoying its honeymoon, oblivious of what was happening in the countryside as the Tanzanian liberators and their Ugandan counterparts made moves to drive Amin out of the other parts of the country not yet under control of the new government.

But TWO DEVELOPMENTS, not entirely of Lule’s or UNLF’s making, were taking place, never really ever been covered in detail by historians and commentators, that would have far-reaching ramifications for the political stability of Uganda and the socio-political re-engineering that would forever change things in northern Uganda.


Because of the perception in Acholi and Lango that the Amin security apparatus was dominated by Sudanese and their ‘Kakwa’ cousins, just after Amin fell, all his straggling and fleeing fighters were labelled ‘Anyanya’, and though there were genuine Sudanese in Amin’s security system, a lot of them were actually just ordinary Ugandans, though the majority were from West Nile. So everybody in Amin’s security, who was from West Nile, became ‘Anyanya’ or ‘Ogwadi’ a derogatory term referring to Lubgara, as they fled north-west through Lango and Acholi. But of course we do know that a good section of Aringa were not happy with Amin, in the aftermath of the foiled Brigadier Charles Arube coup attempt and the suspected ‘staged’ motor accident against Vice President Mustafa Adrisi that failed and partly crippled him. Sections of Madi were not happy with the attempted assassination against the influential Brigadier Moses
Ali while a section of Lugbara were not happy the Amin killed foreign minister Lt. Col. Michael Ondoga and the suspicious death of his wife Kay Adroa Amin, mother of Hussein Juruga Amin. All these were west Nile tribes supposed to have ‘enjoyed’ under Amin.

Because Nubians were seen as beneficiaries and those who propped up Amin, they had to make quick arrangements to flee East Lango (Lira), West Lango (Apac), East Acholi (Kitgum) and West Acholi (Gulu) in a huff. Hence Shaban Ligu, the most prominent Nubian trader in Lira led the flight. Lira had a huge Nubian community and indeed Amin had set the infrastructure to build the second largest Mosque in Uganda near the current Lira hotel, where the unfinished structure still stands to date.

The Nubians and West Nile Muslims were right to flee because the local population was in a very vengeful mood. For example, ABDALLA AMIN ORYONO, a local Lango Muslim in Apac who was seen as a confidante of the Amin local apparatus, was ‘picked up’ on 12th April 1979 as he walked the streets of Apac, Obote’s home town, lynched publicly and had his eyes gouged out before being stoned to death. He had probably never even met Amin in his entire life! His ‘crime’ was sharing a name with Amin and previously boasting of having been to Mecca.

Whereas these despicable scenes of revenge killings took place having started somewhat spontaneously, they were seen as ‘acceptable’ because the locals were seen as ‘letting off steam’ for the trauma they had suffered under Amin for eight years.

The Amin security had itself already poisoned the minds of the people because in the last three weeks leading to his fall, and probably quite aware that the government was heading for a fall, his State Research Bureau had gone on rampage rounding up dozens up businessmen and anyone of standing in Apac town, who were then ferried to Lira, never to be seen again.

In fact by the day of the Amin fall, Apac was a ‘women’s and children’s only’ town as all remaining adult men had sort of ‘melted’ into the villages.


The fall of Amin found me visiting my maternal uncle Abel Oyuru Aguru in Bar Odong, two kilometres from Apac. I was helping to tether the goats to feed that day near the roadside when a blue Peugeot 404 Saloon, full of soldiers in full combat fatigue came by and screeched to halt on the Apac-Akokoro road.
My uncle, a former Obote I soldier who was coming back from his ‘hiding place’ where he had also been cultivating his garden, saw them from 100 metres away and thought the soldiers were stopping to try and arrest him!

At his age of almost 50, he took off like a real athlete and later said he ran for nearly one kilometre before stopping! But it was false alarm as the vehicle was actually carrying Taban Amin and his bodyguards, who wanted to pick someone or something at his mother’s place in Ibuje (twenty kilometres on the Apac-Akokoro road), before proceeding to wherever he was going. Taban Amin’s mother Norah was from Ibuje and the person they met and stopped to talk to was his uncle.


Because I actually do not want to comment or twist facts just to ‘tarnish’ Amin’s name as Hussein Juruga Amin and Edward Mulindwa had always implied, I will correct something that will make my brother George Okello unhappy; Amin DID NOT KILL HIS WIFE NORAH, as has been repeated in this forum by George and others. Maybe Amin divorced Norah or just separated because by the April 1979 fall of Amin, Norah was living in Ibuje. It was known that she was ‘traumatised’ and ostracised’ by locals for being a wife to person who hard ‘butchered’ Langi and caused much suffering to them.

Norah in fact lived a quiet life, to a very ripe old age and died in December 2012 and was buried by Taban Amin and her other relatives in Ibuje.

Taban Amin is alive, living and working in Uganda and can be contacted by anybody to and would tell whoever wished to know that he buried his mother only a couple of months back. The question is; Kampala was falling that day but why was Amin’s favourite son already hundreds of miles away fleeing. It meant Amin had already given up on winning the war days before the Tanzanians and Uganda exiles entered Kampala.

Barely minutes after Taban Amin drove back or was driven back towards Lira, Radio Uganda announced that Amin had been overthrown. Understandably there was widespread jubilation.

The day after Amin’s fall, I first learnt of the term ‘looting’, as people descended on any government office or stuff they could lay their hands on, starting with the ‘Foods and Beverages Depot’ which did not have much except for a certain alcoholic drink called ‘Red Top’ which people drank, got drunk and moved on to loot even the old recoiling type of telephone handsets and fire extinguishers from offices!

DAY 2 OF LULE: Police and SRB Boss

For reasons which became only obvious later, Idi Amin decided in late March 1979 to summon policemen from across the country to join in the war effort. Apac police sent out 20 of its thirty police officers to Kampala but barely one week later, they returned with their army uniforms, having taken no part in warding off the Tanzanian juggernaut.

Idi Amin’s local boss of the State Research Bureau, Lt Philly Katema, who had coordinated the arrests of the local businessmen and prominent people only a few days earlier including his own boss the District Commissioner Karamuzi, found himself stuck in Apac, seemingly clueless. Karamuzi was luckily the only survivor among those taken to Lira by SRB and came back to Apac on foot, walking 55 kilometres through village paths and hiding in a village close to town until he was sure Assistant District Commissioner Katema was no more in Apac.

Katema’s next door neighbour was the District Police Commander, a Mr Mpaulo from Busoga.

On 13th April 1979, as Lule was being sworn-in in Kampala, a bearded gentleman called Adoko-Cuda walked casually to Apac police station, followed by four other people, one of them carrying a sack.

He asked for the keys to the police armoury and when the police officer on duty asked him why, he gave him one hot slap, his other friend pulled out G3 gun and the policeman promptly led them to where the weapons were.

They took them as they were joined by about ten others; and proclaimed themselves the local liberators!

They then rather stupidly, proceeded towards Katema’s house just two hundred metres away, tried to approach it from the front and Katema fired in the air towards their direction using a stuttering rapid fire gun; they fled and hence began a cat-and- mouse game that lasted three days until Katema was smoked out of his house on the very early morning of 15th April, 1979.

The District Police Commander who came out to find out what was happening at Katema’s house was also shot dead. The bodies of the two men were taken in a government pickup commandeered by the group, driven to Ibuje and dumped on the east side of the Ibuje Mountains.

I recently was surprised to bump into a Ugandan Munyarwanda called Emma Masumbuko who lives around Lugazi and said he is Katema’s relative but never knew what happened to the SRB man. Now he knows. Masumbuko is an avid supporter of local football club SC Villa.

The local ‘liberators’ considered Apac liberated, and started hit and run and ambush operations against Amin troops fleeing up north using the various local roads in the Lango sub-region.


Two weeks into Lule’s presidency, something rather ugly started happening, never before publicly acknowledged but which may have set the tone for events in future.

Binaisa (R) with Yusuf Lule on the left who had introduced a bank for Africans in 1959.4th President, 4th Prime Minister, and 5th President.

Binaisa (R) with Yusuf Lule on the left who had introduced a bank for Africans in 1959.4th President, 4th Prime Minister, and 5th President.

The months of March and April are usually the start of the rainy season and in these areas and it means also the time for plentiful harvests of the various families of wild mushrooms that the locals cherish.

It so happened that for decades, Bahima cattle keepers, known popularly as Balalo or locally in Lango and Acholi as Olari, had settled in Lango and Acholi and many of them worked as hired tenders of cattle, with services paid for in cash or kind by the cattle owners in many parts of Lango and Acholi.

With time they amassed their own herds and many separated from their former bosses and started their own kraals or simply moved nomadically with their cows around the region.

Many were in the sub counties of Ibuje, Akokoro, Chawente, Nambieso, Aduku, Inomo, Teboke, Loro Kwera, Namasale, Muntu, Awelo, Awelo, Amolatar and elsewhere in Lango and Acholi.

After the initial looting of any government property in the hours and days after Amin, the looters ran sort of what to plunder and having tasted new found freedom against authority, decided that after all the Balalo cows constituted an item for looting since the owners amassed them in these regions anyway.

Nearly all Balalo cows were looted, and fortunately hardly any of the victims reported killed, with the rest of the victims fleeing to neighbouring districts in Bunyoro, Buruli and Busoga.

It was the first injustice really, against a people who in fact seemed to have nothing at all to do with Amin’s tyranny.

The looting of Balalo cattle was nicknamed by locals as ‘Puto Obwol a Lule”, or “harvesting Lule’s mushrooms”.

It was yet another dark episode in the history of the country’s political instability. The victims never got redress nor acknowledgment of this injustice from all subsequent governments. Among those who lost hundreds of cows were said to be two uncles of one Elly Tumwine, the future head of the NRA, the government army, as well as relatives of many other people who were later to become prominent in Uganda.

Just as the Balalo fled Lango and Acholi, the Karamojong also suddenly disappeared, stealthily going back to Karamoja without alerting their employers.

Many families had also employed Karamojong cattle keepers to tend to their cows but the Karamojong never really cared about amassing their own herds and only wanted milk and money to continue working for years.

A few months after the fall of Amin, after Lule had already been overthrown and after the Karamojong had apparently looted a full armoury at Moroto Barracks in the aftermath of Amin’s fall, a new term entered the vocabulary of the region; cattle rustling.

It was initially limited to Olilim, Amugu and Otuke in East Lango, present Lira Otuke and Alebtong districts. In fact before being deployed by Chief of Staff David Oyite Ojok to beef up the Obote faction of the UNLA in Kampala, the local Lango militia which started from scratch that morning in Apac and grew into a bigger force, was first deployed to fight the Karamojong cattle rustlers, known as ‘Alok’ in eastern Lira and many got killed there at the hands of rustlers who in fact now had their own ‘field commander’ named ‘General’ Apalolirisi Lotyang.

Karamojong cattle rustling were eventually subdued under Obote II, after negotiations with some Karamojong leaders and elders but the rustlers were never disarmed.

The rest of the story is known then fast forward to 1987. The new NRM government had been in power for hardly a few months when they were confronted by multiple rebellions in Acholi, Lango and Teso.

The rebellions were two-faced in nature, in Acholi and Lango.

Former UNLA fighters returned from their exile in Sudan to start a full scale war in August 1986 while Alice Abongowat Auma also started her ‘Holy Spirit’ war immediately with full scale conventional attacks. Those in Lango never really cared about the rebellion in Acholi as many still blamed the Acholi for the fall of the Obote II government.
Down in Lango, there arose two types of rebellions, lacking central leadership and just almost a copycat reaction to the Acholi rebellion. Because the Lango rebellion lacked central command and was led at a localised level with leaders like former Jinja District Commissioner Wilson Okot Chono, Otim Opul, Emmanuel Amute and Okello Etot of Kamdini from their different locations, it did not even have a name, so they became known to locals as ‘Olum Olum” or ‘Bushmen”. One telling aspect was that very few or none of the Lango army officers who ‘fled’ home after the Okello coup was interested in the local rebellion. All the above leaders who appeared to lead the rebellion in different areas were actually local UPC leaders, businessmen or opinion leaders.

The other element of the Lango rebellion was really localised thugs, who had guns and felt the adrenalin to do things, rob people and pretend that they were fighting Museveni. This group was known as “Cel Ibong”, a euphemism which translates roughly as “shoot dead and rummage through the victim’s pockets for something to steal” and was also known in some parts ‘Wia pe” or “I am crazy” or “don’t joke around with me because I am nuts”.

Indeed the tenor of the rebellion was well encapsulated in a speech by then Lira Special District Administrator JOI Jimmy Kabegambire when he said “Celi Ibong are not serious; Olum are very serious but we shall fight both”

As the Lango rebellion went on, Karamojong cattle rustlers resurfaced, with more ferocity. Te highly mobile and fast moving groups not only looted cows in Lira but went as far as Apac.

It soon dawned on people that the Karamojong were benefitting from an excellent spy system because they knew who owned which kraal and many times called out and humiliated the owners by calling out for example that “Daudi, dyangi titidi, bin imedi sente iye” or “Daudi, the cows are quite few, come out and add more money to us besides the cows”.

It soon became apparent that the Karamojong cattle keepers from the 1970s and early 1980s who ‘disappeared’ and went back home were leading and directing the raids.

NRA’s response was rather lukewarm, as the army told local leaders that though they were the government army; they still largely moved on foot and lacked transport for rapid deployment to counter the raiders or to rescue the cattle.

There were some ambushes and attacks against the raiders and cows were recovered though some soldiers were accused of stealing the recovered cattle. Indeed I remember Lira Brigade Intelligence Office one JOII Fred Toolit (current Brigadier Fred Toolit), arresting some soldiers and having them tried publicly, in an effort overseen by his boss SO Stanley Muhangi.

Still there was a simmering suspicion that the NRA initially did not do much to stop the cattle rustling. Indeed some NRA officers had argued that their priority was stopping the rebellion and dealing with cattle rustling problem later.

Later, one Lango politician intimated that since many NRA commanders were Banyankole, they may have turned a blind eye to Karamojong cattle rustling in Lango as ‘payback’ for the cattle the Langi stole from the Balalo in 1979.

There has been no empirical proof that this was the.

I am a not a Mulalo nor Munyankole but while I appreciate that government is compensating people in Lango, Acholi and Teso for cattle that were stolen by largely Karamojong and local rebels, the same good gesture in correcting ‘historical injustice’ should have been extended to those unfortunate Balalo. Problem is that many have since died and even if survivors exist, perhaps they don’t care anymore since they settled elsewhere and rebuilt their lives. It is however heartening to see Balalo back in Lango and being treated well.

Of course, back to the Lango rebellion, earlier mentioned, it soon petered out as NRA established itself in parts of Lango, with a brigade headquarters based in Lira. The army had to contend with Lakwena, Kony and the Teso rebellion. The Lango rebellion simply melted away, indeed despised by the locals, most of whom nevertheless did not like Museveni and the NRM at the time that much.

Billie Kadameri via the UAH forum


I know what it means to be the son of a man hunged for a crime he did not commit. That man was Kasiim Musa Obura then IGP in Amins government. While it is true that many people died during Idi Amin’s government, including Obura’s first born [Airforce Cadet John Obura], many of those who died were never killed by Idi Amin or his machinery of government and my investigations over the last 35 years has revealed shocks each time. Only the truth shall set this country free!

There was a lot of internal subversion teams that fed Amin government with a lot of misinformation, disinformation and total lies, such as sending letters signed by forged signatures of Oyite Ojok thanking for certain people in Uganda who did nothing at all in the fight against Amin, often thanking them for their contribution to the anti-Amin struggle from inside Uganda. Which information was used to by the Amin government to condemn many people to death at the time in the 1970s.

I lost more than 20 other relatives on top of my brother [first born in my family] in 1977 alone. This happened even when my father was serving in the same government. But when the liberators came in 1979 everyone who was associated with Amin was condemned to one crime called “Amin’s Men” and the rest was history. Of course it is too late for many of us now. The key lesson for those who are younger in Uganda is never to allow such things ever take place in our country again. What I think this country needs is a truth and reconciliation process because we need peace based on the truth not gossip and perceptions against certain peoples.

When I talk about my father I never at any one time say his hands were 100% clean, because there is no doubt that he worked in tough times and I would not be surprised if ever he killed anyone. For that reason I offer on behalf of my late father and his entire family a call to forgiveness to any family who may have evidence that my father killed their relative. I sincerely ask for forgiveness for the sake of peace and reconciliation. We need it in this country if we should move forward together. Revenge will never take us anywhere and my father asked me never to be any part of people looking out to revenge at all and I am keeping my promise to him which I gave to him while he was on his death raw. A few month before he met his death in Luzira my late father [KM Obura] told me to lead my family in reconciliation and peace with the rest of Uganda. That is what I stand for now, I am not about looking to point fingers at anyone, anywhere, even the ones responsible for my relatives, my brother and or fathers death. I am totally committed to forgiveness, peace and reconciliation and a brighter future for Uganda. I carry no bitterness in my heart and I am a happy man for that reason.


Leonard Okello.
UAH member
Son of Kosmas Martin [alias Kassim Musa] Obura

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