Category Luwero Bush war

Buganda should celebrate the 14 August!

Prince Mutebi and his brother,omulangira Walugembe, charting to Idi Amin in 1974

By Tony Owana via the UAH forum
33 years ago, senior NRM/NRA operatives slipped Prince Ronald Muwenda Mutebi into Uganda via Busia, ending 20 years of exile and paving for the return of Buganda’s EBYAFFE.Strangely, the 14th of August is not an important day in Buganda and Iam sure most Nkoba za Mbogo and Bazzukulu do not know about it being the date of their renaissance.

I am in possession of NGABO newspaper of 15 August 1986 with the headline ‘MUTEBI YESOZZE KAMPALA MU KASIRISE’ written by Charles
Sinnabulya Mwanje and edited by Grace Simwogerere Ssekkeba and both
men plus Kabaka Mutebi are still alive. ‘New Vision’ reproduced this
old NGABO newspaper during coronation anniversary last year, a copy of which I also have. This reproduction was with permission from NGABO Publisher, Omutaka Ndugwa, Grace Semakula Musoke who is also still alive.

Among those who knew of Prince Mutebi’s secret entry is, Gen Elly
Tumwine, retired NRA/UPDF Brigadier Andrew Lugobe Lutaaya (Omutake w’e Ssese), ex-Director General of Internal Security Maj Gen Jim Muhwezi to name a few.

By the time Mutebi toured the NRA-liberated zones in 1985, Dr. Obote was exiled in Zambia and Col. Ogole exiled in Tanzania. There was no war at Katonga in January 1985 because Obote was still in power and NRA in Fort Portal. Did you mean January 1986? Mutebi visited Masaka in September (I think) 1985 and one of his escorts was
Gen Kasirye Ggwanga. Haji Kigongo was there, Col Amanya Mushega was there, Hon Gerald Sendawula was there and I think Brig Matiya Sewankambo was there too. Those who entertained Prince Mutebi (who arrived in a pickup) included Kalifan Muwonge, father of our late Erias Mulindwa Muwonge.I have video evidence of Prince Mutebi’s public meeting in Masaka soon after the Nairobi Peace Talks started and his visit was facilitated by NRA which was controlling this area.

I Lost my relatives in Luwero but I cry when I see the state of the country now!

We are Proud We murdered you in – Luwero!

I have heard those words over again and again – directly being spoken to me, on assumption that Baganda are docile – you can imagine!

I had last visited Nakyesawa, Nakaseke Luwero Bulemezi, exactly 18 years before I visited again in 1997. When I arrived from Sweden, one of my friends argued me on to go home – quickly!

The following day, I boarded a taxi – which took me to Nakaseke. Nakaseke was still a ghost town. I got a bodaboda, as it is now; there are no regular taxis, between Nakeseke and Kiwoko!

Nakaseke is just some 50 miles away from Kampala but very far from Civilisation!

Our home is spread in five villages (Kiwoko, Nongo, Nakyesawa, Matabi, Lumpewe); I visited three and my uncle’s village and including the main homestead in Nakyesawa. Nakyesawa was a very big aristocrat like, country home of about 25 family members. The rst lived in other homes. I do not know exactly when this huge home was built.

This time around, in 1997, the home was a well-piled piece of rabble. A half foot ball sized cemented coffee drying platform was not speared. It had thoroughly been boomed into pieces in what appeared to be systematic destruction. I stood some minutes, wondering why the house was destroyed and by who. One of the mahogany wallboard which belonged to us – I saw it in a nearby shack down the road.

The rest of the houses, through paths to other destinations I took, were either abandoned with doors ajar, indicating quick exit.

One house, which was round shaped, in over grown coffee plantation, caught my eye – it had two small chairs, appositive each other and a mweso well placed on a bench in the middle. For all the years, and I do not know since when, there had been no players of mweso, or occupants in the house for all the past years. The door on the opposite at the end, was half open, letting in the afternoon sunray of lights, which appeared ghostly. The rays appeared strong, trouncing had on the dust floor of the house.

The silence was maddening. I felt a shudder in my body.

Not until, we reached the next village in the middle of the forest, where I located my uncle a former NRA combatant – did I realise, I, my companion and boda boda man had not talked to each other!

Why my uncle, had decided to leave in the middle of a forest alone? This was not only shocking to me but raised many questions in my mind. He was so wretched – he panicked on seeing me and he instantly set a fire and black kettle to prepare me a dry cup of tea. We sat on mud bricks and sipped on the dry tea as we barely talked anything to each other, for most part of the 30 minutes. He looked dejected, in shame and had no pride what so ever. He look down most of the time – there was no soldier in him at all but took courage to point to tomatoes he had planted a just a few meters away.

One of my uncle, was a tomatoes farm, he religious grew to make thousands of shillings then in the 70’s.

Onwards, I had managed to locate my cousin, the lonely daughter to my only surviving aunt. She recognised me instantly and directed to where my aunt’s has taken refuge in a small house nearby.

On arrival, I was dumbfounded when Aunt requested to know, why exactly, I had come to Luwero. “Don’t you know, there is a war here, you want to die my son”, she asked worriedly?!! That is in 1997!

I told her I arrived yesterday, and all these years I too has also been worried about your health and situation, I told her. She told me looking fiercely straight into my eyes, “It is good you came to visit but you should equally leave immediately”.

Before she was done, She went through a lengthy list of all names of those who have died or simply disappeared during the war. And then she physically forced herself to see me off!

I pointed the bodaboda, in the opposite direction to visit my uncle some fifteen km away new Kikamulo.

On my way, I stopped over at Matabi one of our other home – our old house was removed and few meters on the left side, a new house was built – the occupants where not known to me. The courtyard had been planted with banana plantations and the big mango tree in the court yard, had also been removed.

I neither asked the occupants who they were, but we talked briefly about other issues and I left.

Uncle recognised me instantly and called his wife: To my surprise and contrary to norm, me whenever I visited uncle, instead of calling on my cousins to chase a big fat cock or pull out a big he goat for me – this time around uncle and his wife, speedily called me to the back of the house, to usher me to some well laid out fourteen graves of my cousins.

Uncle had lost all his children to NRM’s war! He was clearly devastated. From then on we did not talk much – I wanted to proceed to Kiwoko but my other uncle had also died.

I eventually decided to proceed to Kiwoko where I got a taxi to Luwero then onwards to Kampala.

Rebuilding Luwero by NRM

– Before 1980 Luwero was filled with coffee, cotton stores – these bought off coffee and farmers went smile all the way home. These and many others were systematically destroyed by NRM. Other foodstuffs like beans, maize and cassava found market – through government agencies working for foods and beverages. Cassava used to go to Kawempe for protein biscuits Idi Amin made for his army. Ensoga Songa and cottonseeds used to also find their way to Kawempe factories to make cooking oil. Some of these industries where destroyed in 1979. There was a starch-making factory in Luzira or industrial area – were Luwero farmer made a killing. Maize if not bought to find its way to Kenya was sold to Maganjo – who own maganjo these days?

– Bulemezi as well as Buruli fed on each other. People coming here retiring from public or private service returned to the villages and set up small farms. This was the pattern. Hence, Bulemezi and Buruli had so many rich small-scale farmers – but all commercially oriented gradually expanding into large-scale farmers, industrialists and produces. Buruli supplied a lot of milk and fish. Bulemezi supplied food and to some extent labour services. A reason why they were a lot of permanent houses in the region. NRA destroyed all these farms to steal cattle for food. Mind you these riches passed from one hand to another – father to son and so on.

NRM/NRA to rebuild Luwero should restart

– Stores or warehousing system as it were and stop telling lies that every home will get an acre of crops, pigs, cows and goats. Sembeguya has failed to sell of his goats where will all the animals and produce in Luwero be sold?

– Start processing of crops as it were during Idi Amin’s times. Kawempe was a full-fledged industrial town with basically food processing capabilities.

– Physically plan towns of Luwero, Kiwoko(remove NRM/A build mud houses) Nakaseke, Kiwoko, Wobulenzi, Ndejje, Kapeka, Kyankwanzi and Ngoma.

– Restart the farmers and transport cooperative unions as it were and citizens must run these not state marionettes and thugs.

Less of that NRM leave us alone.
Bwanika, Nakyesawa Luwero. via the UAH forum


The NRA was never a “Marxist” organisation, let alone Maoist. Museveni certainly was not a Marxist. I have written here several times, the man does not understand even simple concepts of dialectical materialism, so how could he ever have been a Marxist or Communist? Show me any document at all that the NRA has written that you would call Marxist or even progressive (socialist). Even their so-called 10 Point Programme was lifted from Chairman Mao’s Ten Point Programme, and the reason for this is that the NRA never had and has never had any genuine intellectuals serving within its ranks. I get very frustrated when people refer to the NRA has having origins in Marxism. How could a fascist, brutal and murderous aggrupation have anything to do with Marxism?


Fact:NRA overthrew or caused the overthrow of the Obote II government.

I think there is no distortion of history when one says NRA overthrew or caused the overthrow of the Obote II government.On the contrary, the UPC approach of hiding their head in the sand as a major political and military crisis developed has contributed to UPC members being misled about the state of affairs in mid 1985.

It was the same reason UPC’s Administrative Secretary Professor Kagenda Atwooki could leave Kampala in early July 1985 to go to Fort Portal and ‘prepare to contest for elections for parliament in December” without even realizing that Fort Portal had already fallen to the NRA and had to be stopped in Mubende by UNLA soldiers who told that indeed Fort Portal was ‘under the control of the enemy” . That story was all over Uganda House, Kampala and Makerere to the extent that Prof. Kagenda Atwooki actually became a butt of jokes for being someone who could not even read the signs tat is goenrment was collapsing.

The internal collapse of the Obote army was directly related to losses they had sustained in Luwero, where Acholi officers started questioning why the majority of those dying at the front were Acholi.

It was the same reason Brigadier Smith Opon Acak went with a huge wooden bar and nailed shut Brigadier Langoya’s office at Republic House.

These were the events preceding the infamous ‘uncoordinated movement of troops’ as captured by the Vice President and Minister of Defence then.

The bombing of the house of Major Ocero Nangai and the detention of Odong Latek and others, forced Lutwa to take take a decision and call some Lango elders including Yoweri Hunter Wacha Olwol (still alive), to ask Obote to convene a meeting of senior leaders from te two tribes. A meeting was called and guests made to wait till mid nigt only for Obote to turn up and postpone it, forcing Lutwa to lose his. The next day Lutwa took a diversionary trip to Moroto, on the pretext of meeting troops there for a previously arranged program, then went on to Gulu were Bazilio had already hardened his position and was swearing never to return to exile again; which merely hastened the fall of the Obote goernment.

You know fully well that when Bazilio Okello decided that they (Acholi officers and men) were not going to take it anymore and started mobilising troops in Gulu in reaction to orders that were issued to arrest him, Fort Portal had already fallen to Commander Chefe Ali (Elijah Twine) and Commander Fred Rwigyema (Emmanuel Giisa).

Indeed local UPC leaders in Gulu; Yusuf Adek (still alive and you can call him) and Seerino Lanek told Bazilio they could still reconcile him with Obote but Bazilio said Obote had made the army weak and should come to Gulu if he wanted reconciliation. Adek and Lanek actually were given passage to Kampala but could not see Obote for reasons yet unknown.

Or perhaps you did not know but these were the facts. Indeed, Major Okwera of the surrendered UNLA unit in Fort Portal convinced NRA commanders that he can go and talk Bazilio Okello into some form of another ‘solution’ and went straight to Gulu, via Hoima and Masindi, by-passing Kampala. Unfortunately for him, Bazilio had already ordered that any soldiers coming in groups from South of Karuma Bridge were possibly sent by Obote to arrest him and should be shot on sight. That was how Okwera was ambushed and killed near Karuma.

Forget the false stories that Museveni had already fled to Sweden and NRA was fleeing to Zaire by 1985. Only the previous year NRA had in the most humiliating defeat to UNLA, overrun UNLA’s 15th Battlaion and School of Artillery in Masindi, taking almost the entire armoury of UNLA on 20th Febraury 1984. They actually spent nearly the whole day in town before leaving for Luwero Triangle. I happened to be in Masindi that day and saw with my own eyes what happened and straight away knew that Obote was in trouble despite what his politicians and army officers might be telling him.

Here I am referring to the stories peddled then and later and now by Obote’s supporters, as being being mere propaganda. It is true of course that Museveni went to Sweden in March 1985 to see his family which ad been relocated there several months before from Kampala.

If you read the literature of the war quite well, you can even ask Col. Samson Mande who now lives in Sweden and opposes Museveni, that it was a High Command decision that Museveni goes and does some diplomatic work for the NRM/A in Europe since the war was entering a decisive stage. In fact seeing is family was the lesser in importance for Museveni European sojourn at the time but apparently helped with mitigating costs of his stay in Euroe

The NRA firepower had been increased by nearly half only in the previous months through the overruning of Masindi Barracks on 20 February 1984 and you say such a force was weak and now on the verge of defeat?

On 17th March, 1985, the ABC (Australian Broadcasting Corporation) Television crew interviewed Museveni on the compound of his wife in Gotenberg, Sweden and he said ” Even now we can kick Obote out of Kampala any time if we want but we do not and will do it at the right time……Tbut there are already signs his own army, having suffered heavily from our victories, may be too tired and can remove him themselves…they may pull it off but but it does not matter to us. We shall remove them when the time comes not too far from now”.

I do know of course that some of us have horned the skills of covering up the truth for so long they actually believe that the more time you tell lies, the more likely it will be believed.

Of course for those of us who studied in Bunyoro and sometimes had to go to Kampala via Luwero to visit family and relatives already had to contend with the spectre of using the road that already been nicknamed by many in northern Uganda as ‘Lam Dogi’ (Kampala-Gulu iway up to around Kafu. Lam Dogi literally meant ‘pray to your God or ancestors before using that road’, because of te numerous ambuses wic killed among oters, my uncle, a UNLA soldier and Ms Achola, sister NRM’s man in Apac District Sam Opio Oceng. Achola was particularly very close to Obote personally.

Again, I happened to be in Masindi and saw just as the Bazilio troops came and took over Masindi without a shot on 25 July 1985 and moved on to Kampala the next day. The talk was that ‘Obote weko Acholi ka too kun Opon tye ka denge ki mato whisky kun mako dok bene nywaro lutino Acholi ki Kampala” (Obote is leaving the Acholi to die at the war front while Opon is boasting around, drinking whisky and arresting and abusing Acholi in Kampala!)

It was never a DP coup because DP had already been emasculated in Kampala and all their Busoga MPs made to ‘cross the floor to UPC’ but Andrew Adimola and Fr. Jon Scalabrini in Gulu and Dr enry Obonyo and oters in Kampala, just took advantage of a situation that was already irreversibly bad to stake some claim to the proceedings.

Did you even know that President Obote in a panicky mode actually sent Prime Minister Otema Allimadi and Dr John Luwuliza Kirunda to Dar es Salaam that last week, to ask Nyerere to deploy TPDF to rescue him and instead Nyerere kept the Obote delegation under virtual detention in a Dar hotel?. Ask Peter Otai in London. Major Butiku (Nyerere’s Personal Assistant at the time) is still alive and you can ask him or Bernard Membe or Prof. Philemon Sarungi or Prof Juma Kapuya about why Nyerere did that.

Therefore any military strategist would tell you that it did not matter by whose bullets Obote was forced out. His army could not have forced him out if they were having it well against the NRA. The only argument could be that perhaps a united UNLA would have taken the NRA a little longer and a few more months to dislodge. But UNLA, whether under Obote or Lutwa-Bazilio, would have fallen all in good time. I had so many relatives in that UNLA and that was their assessment too, though the politicians in Kampala at the time behaved as if nothing serious was going on.

Did you know that even after Kampala had fallen many UPC leaders in northern Uganda never understood that there was a big fallout within UNLA?

This unseriousness could be seen by the farcical visit to Masindi on 20th Februay 1985, by Peter Otai, Chris Rwakasisi, Brig. Smith Opon Acak, Prof Ephraim Kamuntu and Ogenga Otunnu, to ‘commemorate’ the humiliation of UNLA the previous year by NRA at Masindi where their prescription for the humiliation was to appoint a ‘UPC man’ Captain Robert Ssekidde as the new battalion commander to replace the disgraced Major Tom Mukwana, and giving everyone who turned up at Masindi Hotel free beers. They were addressing the symptoms of the malaise, in my view.

For your information, I have many friends who are DP supporters but I have never been a DP supporter just as I have never been a UPC supporter though I have relatives who supported or support UPC. Joseph Ochieno is my friend and I follow his comments in and on European TVs and radios and he even bought me dinner sometime in London.

By the 1980 elections, I was too young to vote but the elections found me visiting a relative somewhere in Apac South Constituency. Truth be told, if I was of voting age, I would have voted UPC in 1980 because of crowd mentality and all that and because I actually thought then that Obote was the answer to our problems, especially after Amin.

But even then no nobody in that constituency exercised their vote because somebody detained DP candidate (and Moses Ocen’s father (Akbar Adoko Nekyon) at a ‘person-specific road block’ on the nomination day soh e could not get nominated and Henry Bobson Milton Okello Makmot ‘went through unopposed’ , as John Peter Onebe read out results on Radio Uganda.

Point being that whether one likes and support Museveni or not, it does not cover up the fact that he caused the fall of Obote, directly and indirectly. The generals he finally kicked out in 1986 were only months before ‘Obote’s generals’ only reinforced by a motley crew of Amin generals, Buganda federalists etc keen to join anything anti-Obote, who promptly changed sides!

This false belief in the strength of a leader made some local UPC leaders in Lango to go around getting cows from locals promising that Obote was coming back in a few weeks and had indeed made it easier by luring Museveni from the bush into Kampala and Museveni would now be removed even more easily.

Emmanuel Amute, Okello Etot, Otim Opul, Boi Oli and others actually did this, even when their rebel group operating in Lango had already been nicknamed by locals as ‘Cel Ibong’ (shoot and ransack the pockets).

They would tell people that proof that Obote was about to return was that he had in a coded message, sent thousands of bicycles then being sold in Lango region with the trademark name Road Master Industries (RMI). They said the RMI mark actually stood for ‘Remove Museveni Immediately’ and the Luo coded version was ‘Ryem Museveni Ilo'(RMI) or ‘case Museveni from Power’.

Billie Kadameri
UAH in Paris

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Who is Amama Mbabazi?(By Timothy Kalyegira)

A Protestant Mukiga from Kinkizi, John Patrick Amama Mbabazi studied Law at Makerere University. Worked in the Ministry of Commerce during the Idi Amin years. Was an officer in the State Research Bureau intelligence agency.

Even as he worked for the Amin government, he and Ruhakana Rugunda started a secret anti-Amin guerrilla group in 1972.

After the defeat of the Kikosi Malum and FRONASA guerrilla groups by the Uganda Army in Sept. 1972, Yoweri Museveni decided to give up his armed struggle.

At this point, Museveni got information that a man called Amama Mbabazi had formed a secret group. Mbabazi agreed to join hands with the demoralised Museveni and set about re-organising FRONASA into a more effective guerrilla force, setting up cells in many parts of Uganda.

His organisational ability was already evident at this time. While Museveni and other FRONASA leaders were in Nairobi, Dar es Salaam and Lusaka, Mbabazi remained behind in Uganda, running almost single-handedly the secret FRONASA activities in Uganda.

Mbabazi, meanwhile, is the man who led a delegation of elders and opinion formers from Kigezi in 1976 to propose President Amin as “Life President”. He worked briefly at the Ministry of Defence in the late 1970s.

He joined the Uganda Patriotic Movement party in 1980 and after the PRA attack on the Kabamba infantry training school in Feb. 1981, led by Museveni and Lt. Sam Magara, Mbabazi and other NRM leaders lived in exile.

While in Nairobi, Mbabazi created an intelligence network for the NRM and at the same time coordinated the settlement of NRM families in exile, finding them homes and schools for their children.

He also coordinated the NRM’s contact with foreign governments and is the man who created the structures of what is now known as the NRA/NRM.

After the NRM came to power in Jan. 1986, this stealthy man was named the first director-general of the new foreign intelligence agency, ESO.

He worked and lived out of sight of the Ugandan public, establishing links with such intelligence agencies as Israel’s Mossad and gained much experience from them.

During the 1994-1995 constitution-making process, Mbabazi took charge of the behind-the-scenes formulation of the clauses and sections of the constitution and the 1995 Ugandan constitution can be said to be the partially secretive work of Mbabazi.

The 1995 constitution is a Amama Mbabazi constitution, for all intents and purposes.

He was part and parcel, if not a lead architect, of many of the domestic and foreign policy maneouvres of the Museveni government in the 1990s, from the secret operations in support of the RPF rebels of Rwanda and other secret regional moves, to managing (or stage-managing) general elections, Uganda’s relations with the West.

Ever the clandestine operator, he was also building his own clandestine network of supporters and operatives in every section of the government and civil service, as well as intelligence agencies, in the same way he single-handedly built FRONASA and then the NRM external intelligence in the 1970s and 1980s..

Much of President Museveni’s attention and energy was focused for the 2000s decade on dealing with a new political challenge from Colonel Kiiza Besigye, his main challenger in three general elections.

Taking advantage of this, Mbabazi stepped up the expansion of his clandestine network until by 2010, it consisted of a virtual government-within-a-government.

When the Vice President Gilbert Bukenya in a May 2005 interview with the then Daily Monitor Managing Director Conrad Nkutu warned of a mafia running the Ugandan government, he mainly had Mbabazi in mind.

Bukenya would later retract those claims at a press conference, with Mbabazi standing calmly by his side.

Even while he was publicly perceived as aloof and arrogant, Mbabazi continued working quietly behind the scenes to build up support within the NRM party.

By the time of the NRM’s Delegates’ Conference at Namboole Stadium in Aug. 2010, Mbabazi was the second most popular leader in the NRM behind only Soroti’s Mike Mukula, and these two were more popular among NRM officials countrywide than even President Museveni.

This partly explains what later emerged in the media as Mike Mukula’s presidential ambitions and naturally what fired up Mbabazi’s presidential ambitions even more.

Mbabazi won the contest to become the NRM’s Secretary-General and after the 2011 general election was named Uganda’s Prime Minister.

He lost no time in taking advantage of both positions and within a year, he was receiving support from both the Chinese government and Western governments in his personal capacity.

His national political network, in the meantime, was growing ever more powerful.

His wife Jacqueline head of the NRM Women’s League and her sister Hope Mwesigye and the Mbabazi’s daughter Nina started to lay the groundwork for a fully-fledged campaign for Mbabazi as the next president of Uganda, despite public denials and evasiveness by the Prime Minister.

Because Mbabazi is so integrated with FRONASA and the NRM, it became difficult for President Museveni to deal with this new challenge without risking the breakup of the entire NRM and possibly his government.

Museveni chose to procrastinate in the face of urgings by his family and close aides to dismiss Mbabazi.

The president appeared to be torn between his gratitude to Mbabazi for his many loyal years of crucial organisational work for Museveni, his personal discipline, and pressure from the First Family alarmed at the prospect of a Mbabazi presidency.

These developments, simmering in the background for a decade, finally entered the mainstream public news when in Feb. 2014 at a retreat of the NRM party at the National Leadership Institute at Kyankwanzi, a move was made to deal with Mbabazi before he went out of the president’s control.

A snap vote was called to test party loyalty and send a signal to Mbabazi, over who should be the sole NRM candidate for the 2016 general election.

Over 200 votes were cast for Museveni — including one by Mbabazi, to rapturous applause by the NRM officials present.

But it was soon clear that this matter was by no means over and crisis meetings at State House were held in early March, at which Mbabazi was roundly condemned by NRM MPs and cadres.

President Museveni intervened, reprimanded the NRM leaders who had been heckling Mbabazi to stop it.

He reminded them of the crucial role Mbabazi had played in the formation of the military and political structures on which Museveni rode on his way to power, that is, FRONASA and the NRM.

As all this was going on, Mbabazi’s family continued to generate support for Mbabazi’s presidential bid while he continued to steadily deny any interest in the presidency.

Songs were composed in Mbabazi’s praise by various Ugandan musicians, T-shirts and banners were printed.

Jacqueline Mbabazi flew to Kenya where she was given advice by the wife of Kenyan Vice President William Ruto on how to organise the women’s support across Uganda and support also came from Tanzania, the traditional foreign power base of Museveni.

During her trips around the country, some NRM supporters took to referring to Mrs. Mbabazi as “First Lady”.

Mbabazi, whose earlier appearances during Uganda cranes matches at Namboole Stadium had been met by boos and mineral water bottles hurled in his direction by the crowd, now started to receive applause and a standing ovation, an indication of how quickly and how much times had changed.

Speaking on Radio One’s “Spectrum” talk show on Friday Sept. 19, 2014, former intelligence officer Charles Rwomushana said the most alarming development in all this is that Western governments are now fronting Mbabazi for Uganda’s presidency.

According to Rwomushana, opposition leaders like Besigye, Mugisha Muntu and others have been given instructions by the West to accept Mbabazi as one of their own or else lose financial support from the West.

But, said Rwomushana, Mbabazi had been advised by the West to maintain a low profile and not overtly declare any presidential ambitions. This might explain Mbabazi’s evasiveness every time the presidential bid is mentioned.

Rwomushana hinted that the renegade Gen. David Tinyefuza, in exile in London, might be part of this overall Western plan to have Mbabazi succeed Museveni as Uganda’s head of state.

Seemingly aware of this, State House having read the writing on the wall, such as President Museveni’s recent quoting the Biblical story of Dan. 5:25, an effort appears to have been made to try and counter Western moves to back Mbabazi by generating a new alternative: Brig. Muhoozi Kainerugaba, the Commanding Officer of the Special Forces Command and son to the president.

In other words, if the West was now indicating that it no longer supports a further term as president for Museveni, then he might as well be succeeded by his son; certainly, from the Museveni family’s point of view, by anyone but Mbabazi.

This, then, explains recent declarations from out of the blue by youths of their support for a Kainerugaba presidency.

Chris Obore, the Daily Monitor Investigations Editor, on Thursday morning off-air during the KFM breakfast show, hinted that something was supposed to come from the Mbabazi camp in December.

Whether this was to be an announcement by Mbabazi of his resignation and official bid for the presidency, Obore did not elaborate, but he appeared to be sure of what he was talking about.

Then on Friday Sept. 19, 2014 came the sudden announcement by the president that he had dropped Mbabazi as Prime Minister.

Mbabazi did not seem surprised or bothered by this announcement and some of his aides spoke openly of the “chess master” at work and how the film was now just beginning.

At 8:14p.m on Friday night, the workaholic Mbabazi pulled out of his office in a convoy, the last to leave office as is his tendency.

The host of Radio One’s “Spectrum”, Edmond Kizito, noted that the president’s letter announcing Mbabazi’s dismissal did not carry a date, which might suggest that it had sat in a file probably for months, waiting for the right moment, but also reflecting just how difficult Museveni was finding it in dealing with Mbabazi.

Rwomushana, in the best analysis given by anybody so far on the dismissal of Mbabazi, said on Radio One that with this sacking, an “avalanche” has now been set in motion over Uganda.

Fortunately, claimed Rwomushana, he personally will survive this avalanche because he is protected by the Catholic rosary as Uganda is plunged into a new period of political turmoil and intrigue of, and at, the highest level.

As for those not under the rosarial protection, Rwomushana saw a bleak future ahead.

John Ogole and Dr.Batta handed the people in Nakaseke to rebel Museveni Yoweri

John Ogole and Dr.Batta handed the people in Nakaseke to rebel Museveni Yoweri:

The mind set of killing Ugandans is the exact mindset that John Ogole depicted in Luwero. Let us close on a single hospital Nakaseke hospital. This is a hospital that was built by UPC in a UPC region. Many people in Nakaseke were actually UPC members, Musa Ssebirumbi was never in Nakaseke by accident he was a UPC member. When you look at the structure of that town at that time, it was built largely by UPC to service its membership. They had a 135KV power line, they had several coffee ginneries, they had several cotton ginneries, so by Uganda standards at a time Nakaseke had a good job creation because it was by far and large a UPC area. UPC decided to throw in a hospital among the 22 It built. Don’t think that UPC did not consider its influence and its population in the area to throw it in a middle of nowhere as Nakaseke.

Now Dr Bata who was heading the hospital decided out of sheer greed to pack the entire medical supply and run with it to NRA. It does not matter what his political belief was Bata was a medical doctor and his ethics demanded that protects the patients he had before his political interests. He abandoned his ethics. But I am raising Nakaseke to view the reaction of The UPC government under the guidance of ogole and what it did next to that action.

Ogole came in with his goons and they locked up Nakaseke town. If that medication was stolen when you had gone home to bring food to your patient you would not access the hospital again for UNLA had surrounded it. The patients that actually were in the hospital at that time died due to luck of medication. Instead of Ogole organizing for medical emergency supply he out of his good heart decided to shut off the town and no one went in let alone out. He had so many options, he would have transferred all patients out, he would have taken in ambulances and military vehicles to evacuate it yet he simply refused. Dr Bata did not have to steal that t medication for Nakaseke hospital would have been closed already the place was infested by Rwandese blowing up cars and Police Stations, don’t you start by evacuating the weak among society? Ogole decided not close the hospital demanded all medical staff to show up every day.

John Ogole was a God hand prize delivered to Museveni because 65% of Ugandans that joined NRA did so because Ogole forced them to. When the army refuses you from running from the battle and you remain in your home when the UNLA and NRA goons are raping and killing your children, you rather join NRA and die with a fight. That is how people joined for they had to remain in their homes till UNLA finds them and define them as NRA supporters then kill them or you walked to NRA and asked for a gun and die fighting. There was no good man in Luwero, neither was Museveni nor Ogole both used and sold out Ugandans and if Museveni stands in Hague Ogole had to be next in line and for a very simple reason, John Ogole was the worst side of UPC or call him UPC the ugly. Had that man gone into Luwero and closed up institutions like Nakaseke hostile allow schools to leave and allow all those that want to leave to go, The Rwandese he had were very simple to beat up and we would not be where we are today. And those praising him today that he beat off Museveni, well can I praise Museveni for beating off Konny just make sure I never mention those that were raped and camped?

No I did not think so either.

Edward Mulindwa.


njuba daughter
she narrated “Life changed when her father was arrested by the transitional government of Uganda National Liberation Front (UNLF) government under President Yusuf Lule”.

No. It was the Military Commission under the late Paulo Muwanga as Chairman and Yoweri Museveni as Vice Chairman that arrested and detained the late Mr. Sam Kalega Njuba in 1980. I recall vividly because on that day, there was a massive DP rally at City Square when news broke that the late Mr. Njuba had been arrested on his way to the rally.

At the time Mr. Njuba (RIP) wore multiple hats as Chairman Uganda Law Society and Chairman Express FC.

And let me be clear: for many in DP circles then and now, the chairman and Vice Chairman of the Military Commission were active participants in his arrest. Figure out why.

Quiz: what do these distinguished Ugandans have to do with that period, the late Mr. Saul Musoke (then President Court of Appeal), the late Justice Nyamuconco (SP), and the late Mr. Oluol Wacha?

They were innocent men who had nothing to do with the chaos that engulfed Ugandan then. Honestly, those wakombozi screwed up Ugandan. And I mean that. The returning Ugandans and TZ simply screwed up the country. If there is one single moment responsible for Uganda’s trauma ever since it is that so called liberation.

I wish those who lived in TZ could tell us more but one sensed that life especially in TZ was very tough and dominated by relative deprivation. Why? The returnees were in a rush to catch up and in the process screwed the country for good.

YKM was as much responsible as the late Paulo Muwanga for the arrest of the late Mr. Sam Kalega Njuba (RIP) by the Military Commission in 1980.

If there is one lesson from these articles by the children of those who were impacted by the wars in Uganda, is the unfortunate recognition that the majority (emphasis added) of Ugandans suffer from mental illnesses and historical trauma. Those of us who live in North America and have encountered First Nations or Aboriginal Peoples can testify to the destructive legacy of historical trauma. Things are very bad.

The best example from Africa is how Somali have run amok. Holy cow! Why do you think they are killing each other in such larger numbers in Western capitals? Why is crime rate so high among Somalis? Many suffer from the trauma in their motherland. Yes even those born in the West do because of the historical trauma. The crime, the HIV/AIDS epidemic, the excessive drinking, multiple sex partners and deliberate transmission of HIV/AIDS, rising rates of divorce etc. are symptoms of that historical trauma. It is the scape if you will. I can say without fear that Ugandans have not seen anything yet. Mambo bado or gakyali mabaga.

This brings me to the clinical psychologists and social workers in UAH and Uganda. What can be done to offer effective counseling and therapy to the Ugandans in need? I

But the real burden is the historical violence in Ugandan society. Very few in that wretched country have not witnessed violence.

It would be interesting to hear from the Editors at the Monitor. Why are they running these stories? We also ask hat they should cross check the facts and get them right.

BTW, what happened to the children of the late Oyite Ojok and those who perished on that chopper?


The story below was narrated to me by my mother

Around 1980, my father had just returned from Italy to meet the Pope when his bestfriend, Cedrac, introduced him to a gentleman. The gentleman was Amama Mbabazi. Cedrac & Mbabazi married sisters.

Mbabazi introduced him to other very many gentlemen, among whom included Ruhakana Rugunda & Yoweri Museveni. Indeed in the 1980 elections, all the above men, while having lunch at home, my elder sister Carol sang, “UPM, clean leadership” & Museveni said the kid was bright. My illiterate father nicknamed her Bright-a name she holds todate.

In the reign of the Military Commission, Museveni came to kabale to pick some recruits, bt run out of cash to hire a car. My father gave him a Tata lorry.

From time to time, when they had began the guerilla war, my father was called upon to give financial support-which he so willingly gave. Ard 1982, Museveni came home & dad gave him 20k dollars. That day, Obote soldiers almost shot him dead. The bullet marks are still there in the dinning walls.

That same year, his best friend, Cedrac-was captured & taken to Kireeka. My father tried to use Maj. Gen Maruru to rescue him-the day they visited him in prison was the day that he was murdered. My father was also arrested & taken to Makindye prison. A prominent businessman in kabale Canon Batuma rescued him through the then Min. Of Internal Affairs, Luwuliza Kirunda.

In 1983, my father was again arrested from ard Entebbe airport. In the Mercedes Benz he was driving, he had 20m kenyan shillings& 50k US dollars. He was taken to Nile Mansions(present day Serena) then a torture Chamber. That everyday, they would be asked to pray & one of them randomly picked to be murdered. A senior Intelligence officer in the regime called Andrew Tindikahwa together with the then Min of Health, Dr. Nkwasibwe saved him. When he was freed, the soldiers dropped him off at the entrance of Fairway hotel, without a shirt or shoes.

When my father held a meeting with Museveni in 1985, he told him soldiers were lacking gumboots. My father personally delivered them to Fred Rwigyema & Julius Chihandae in Kasese in a Hilux, no UXA 145.

That same year, he aided a group led by Samson Mande, to access money in UCB Kabale. Many of the meetings by people who would come to Uganda through Rwanda in that year were held from home.

My fqther was seriously witchhunted & planned to go to exile. Major Bwende told him to wait-if they crossed Katonga, he would stay (the war would almost be done). If they failed, he advised that it would be bloody. By mid Nov, it was clear they were winning the battle.

The above story was narrated to me by my mother-She strongly believes that their efforts were in vain, the regime has overstayed their welcome & should have left by yesterday. My mother is bitter-that Mr. Museveni has deviated from all the promises he made then

My opinion is different, I think the regime should still be in power. After expressing her opinions on a local radio station yesterday, I callled her & we debated. In my next post, I will explain where her & I disagree.

FROM:Atwiine Allan Beine

UAH’s Pamela Ankunda is the daughter of the late Izidoro from Rushoroza

The late Izidoro hailed from Rushoroza. One of his daughters is Pamela Ankunda, formerly of Uganda Media Centre & now at Internal Affairs.I dont know how she is related to Paddy Ankunda UPDF/DEFENCE spokesperson.Pamela Ankunda is not married to that gentleman. Ankunda is her maiden name.

Izidoro was killed by Obote forces in 1980.He shared the same cell with Mr.Kanyima John at the army barracks in kabale town. They were scheduled to be transferred to kampala the next day on orders of Rwakasis. It took the intevention of the late Canon Batuma for Mr. Kanyima to be freed. mr Izidoro was never seen alive agan.

Mr Kanyima was instrumental in helping the NRA secure funds and supplies. Being a business man, exporting produce to Rwanda, he was approached by mr otafire and mr jim muhwezi to sell for them maize and beans and to purchase boots and other supplies on return journeys.

During that time, sacks and sacks of cash were seen being carried from Rwanda practically on the head by porters. That money was returned the otafires. not even a penny was missing. when the raging around katanga and the NRA needed money, they once again appoached Mr. Kanyima who introduced them to Mrs kahirimbanyi the then manager UCB kabale.

Legend has it that Mr kanyima and mr museveni drove to her residence in a jeep. after explaining their dilemma, she agreed to drive back with them, opened the vault and loaded their vehicles with as much cash as they could carry. mrs kahirimbanyi was later made secretary to the treasury (one of the two people whose signatures appear on Uganda currency notes).

Up until his death 11 years ago, mr kanyima was a strong supporter of the movement and even consulted by intelligence on matters of national security. some of the prominent businessmen from Kabale who supported the NRA system financially or otherwise include Mr kanagizi, the late Bainamaryo, the late Safi (also inlaw to mr amama mbabazi). one thing certain about is that system kept promising these gentlemen some form of compensation which never materialized.There were other businessmen who helped those guys. Matthias Niwaine’s father, the late Matiya from Bukinda was one of them. Actually for them, even their own residential house was taken over by the Obote regime & given to a school-todate.

The only tangible contribution that was given was that of shs.50,000 from mr rugunda at the funeral of mr kanyima. I was actually asked by the organisers not read the 50,000 as it would be an embarrassment to the minister and the government. that gentleman who risked his life for the struggle, who hardly saw in my earlier years was my father.

Certainly the principles which brought the movement into power were forgotten a long time ago. I guess insiders looking out imagine any one opposing the system is insane. what they fail to realise is that they went off track a long time ago.

Generally speaking Kabale has been marginalised. How many ministers do we have? Look at the state of our roads, the sewerage on the streets. Kabale is a shadow of its former self. if it wasn’t for business people, the town would be like an ancient ruin

Frank Agaba is the son of late Kanyima

The First 40 National Resistance Army 1981(compiled by Dr.Alan Barigye)- most are dead:

The First 40 National Resistance Army 1981(compiled by Dr.Alan Barigye)- most are dead:








































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