Category Obote and UPC

Talks between UPC Party and NRM government


I am still perturbed about the forthcoming talks if it ever takes place. We are being told that the National Council has already given it a blessing. I have two questions which I hope the leadership of UPC will give me the answer.

The first question is who initiated the talks? Was it NRM government or the UPC leadership? Secondly what does the talk aim to achieve? In my opinion before any talks can take place the general membership of the Party should be consulted so that they can give in their input. I saw something on UPC net where the Party President asked members to give their input. I only hope this is being done at the grass root level as well. Secondly the members should also be informed about the agenda. No excuse should be given that the agenda is secret.

The membership of the Party should realise that any secret dealings between the NRM government and UPC Party is not possible. The present politics in Uganda these days is rotten to the core. I was in Uganda for the last five months and I saw it with my own eyes.

The politics of Uganda got spoilt with the advent of the Okellos’ coup. The coming in of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni made it worse. It has been politics of the gun throughout though it has been disguised with some sham elections. What I saw is quite appalling. The NRM has introduced money game in the politics of Uganda. Most political positions go to those who have money. The days where people were voted in by the electorate based on ideas are gone.

In that type of scenario what type of talks can you hold with NRM government concerning democratic practices in Uganda. If the UPC Party leadership care for return of normal politics in Uganda it should be calling for a National Dialogue where all Ugandan can be consulted and they can give their opinion about the type of democracy they want. Anything short of that will not do. The leadership should not take people for a ride by comparing the present Uganda situation with that of British government and Sinn Fien in Northern Ireland some years back. That was totally a different scenario.

The leadership should also stop telling us that because we are not on the ground we do not know the situation as much as they do. They should realise that in this modern age of technology information is at the finger tips of those who care to look for it. Some of us have up to date information on what is taking place in Uganda by the minute.

John Ojok-Akona
UPC Member London

THE TRUTH IS THAT UPC WON THE 1980 ELECTIONS


DP lost the 1980 general elections. UPC won the 1980 general elections. NRA launched a terror war on against the people of Uganda on February 6th 1981. DP had one leg in parliament and the other in the bush. Robert Kitarikko knew that.

The 1985 coup was not of Tumwine, it was a deal between DP, NRA and some UPC capricious men using the two Okellos, Tito and Bazillio, the leader.

NRA had been cleared off Luwero and general elections were pending later that year. The coup could not ‘wait’ for UPC was going to win the elections more convincingly than in 1980 and DP was going to perform worse.DP cannot tell Ugandans why they feared going to the people but instead opted to use Bazillio to short-cut it for them.

The only problem is that for poor Bazillio, after delivering the government, Museveni changed, ‘duped them’ and, with that even Ssemwogerere, Cardinal Nsubuga and all abandoned them. Bazillio died a very bitter man (with Ssemwogerere and Nsubuga) in Sudan. Does anyone know if Uncle Paul attended the burial in Kitgum the other day?

There is a problem; why is it that DP does not like to take direct credit for ‘overthrowing’ the Peoples government but instead some of them what to now give it to Elly Tumwine?

Perhaps the answer lies in the fact that the Okellos and UNLA have been called all sorts of those ‘northern’ names as if Museveni and his brother were never UNLA.

Typical DP, they refuse to join a government of National Unity with Sir Edward Mutesa’s KY and UPC in 1962 and they they go on to cry foul. Uganda’s history was changed by them refusing to sit with the Kabaka.

Instead in 1969, Kiwanuka feeds Sebaduka into attempting to assassinate the president, what does one expect? Kiwanuka to go to Munyonyo resort or Luzira? Lucky it was Milton Obote for had it been Tumwine or Museveni, that would have been another history.

Then 1971, the same Kiwanuka now joins Amin, having refused 10 years earlier to serve with Mutesa and Obote! Sadly, 1972 is another history.

DP guys have played on the record of UPC and Obote hoping that the more you deal, the cleaner DP and NRA rise. It has not happened. NRA and DP are simply jealous of UPC and Obote’s proud record in Uganda. Were they perfect record? Absolutely NOT!

Playing the ‘joker, silly, childish’ is hitting soft spot, just try to form 2 governments on your own and create wealth and strutures in Uganda that takes 30 years of NRA/DP to destroy and loot. Try that.

REVELAND JOSEPH KAMUGISHA IN USA VIA THE UAH FORUM

Fact:NRA overthrew or caused the overthrow of the Obote II government.


I think there is no distortion of history when one says NRA overthrew or caused the overthrow of the Obote II government.On the contrary, the UPC approach of hiding their head in the sand as a major political and military crisis developed has contributed to UPC members being misled about the state of affairs in mid 1985.

It was the same reason UPC’s Administrative Secretary Professor Kagenda Atwooki could leave Kampala in early July 1985 to go to Fort Portal and ‘prepare to contest for elections for parliament in December” without even realizing that Fort Portal had already fallen to the NRA and had to be stopped in Mubende by UNLA soldiers who told that indeed Fort Portal was ‘under the control of the enemy” . That story was all over Uganda House, Kampala and Makerere to the extent that Prof. Kagenda Atwooki actually became a butt of jokes for being someone who could not even read the signs tat is goenrment was collapsing.

The internal collapse of the Obote army was directly related to losses they had sustained in Luwero, where Acholi officers started questioning why the majority of those dying at the front were Acholi.

It was the same reason Brigadier Smith Opon Acak went with a huge wooden bar and nailed shut Brigadier Langoya’s office at Republic House.

These were the events preceding the infamous ‘uncoordinated movement of troops’ as captured by the Vice President and Minister of Defence then.

The bombing of the house of Major Ocero Nangai and the detention of Odong Latek and others, forced Lutwa to take take a decision and call some Lango elders including Yoweri Hunter Wacha Olwol (still alive), to ask Obote to convene a meeting of senior leaders from te two tribes. A meeting was called and guests made to wait till mid nigt only for Obote to turn up and postpone it, forcing Lutwa to lose his. The next day Lutwa took a diversionary trip to Moroto, on the pretext of meeting troops there for a previously arranged program, then went on to Gulu were Bazilio had already hardened his position and was swearing never to return to exile again; which merely hastened the fall of the Obote goernment.

You know fully well that when Bazilio Okello decided that they (Acholi officers and men) were not going to take it anymore and started mobilising troops in Gulu in reaction to orders that were issued to arrest him, Fort Portal had already fallen to Commander Chefe Ali (Elijah Twine) and Commander Fred Rwigyema (Emmanuel Giisa).

Indeed local UPC leaders in Gulu; Yusuf Adek (still alive and you can call him) and Seerino Lanek told Bazilio they could still reconcile him with Obote but Bazilio said Obote had made the army weak and should come to Gulu if he wanted reconciliation. Adek and Lanek actually were given passage to Kampala but could not see Obote for reasons yet unknown.

Or perhaps you did not know but these were the facts. Indeed, Major Okwera of the surrendered UNLA unit in Fort Portal convinced NRA commanders that he can go and talk Bazilio Okello into some form of another ‘solution’ and went straight to Gulu, via Hoima and Masindi, by-passing Kampala. Unfortunately for him, Bazilio had already ordered that any soldiers coming in groups from South of Karuma Bridge were possibly sent by Obote to arrest him and should be shot on sight. That was how Okwera was ambushed and killed near Karuma.

Forget the false stories that Museveni had already fled to Sweden and NRA was fleeing to Zaire by 1985. Only the previous year NRA had in the most humiliating defeat to UNLA, overrun UNLA’s 15th Battlaion and School of Artillery in Masindi, taking almost the entire armoury of UNLA on 20th Febraury 1984. They actually spent nearly the whole day in town before leaving for Luwero Triangle. I happened to be in Masindi that day and saw with my own eyes what happened and straight away knew that Obote was in trouble despite what his politicians and army officers might be telling him.

Here I am referring to the stories peddled then and later and now by Obote’s supporters, as being being mere propaganda. It is true of course that Museveni went to Sweden in March 1985 to see his family which ad been relocated there several months before from Kampala.

If you read the literature of the war quite well, you can even ask Col. Samson Mande who now lives in Sweden and opposes Museveni, that it was a High Command decision that Museveni goes and does some diplomatic work for the NRM/A in Europe since the war was entering a decisive stage. In fact seeing is family was the lesser in importance for Museveni European sojourn at the time but apparently helped with mitigating costs of his stay in Euroe

The NRA firepower had been increased by nearly half only in the previous months through the overruning of Masindi Barracks on 20 February 1984 and you say such a force was weak and now on the verge of defeat?

On 17th March, 1985, the ABC (Australian Broadcasting Corporation) Television crew interviewed Museveni on the compound of his wife in Gotenberg, Sweden and he said ” Even now we can kick Obote out of Kampala any time if we want but we do not and will do it at the right time……Tbut there are already signs his own army, having suffered heavily from our victories, may be too tired and can remove him themselves…they may pull it off but but it does not matter to us. We shall remove them when the time comes not too far from now”.

I do know of course that some of us have horned the skills of covering up the truth for so long they actually believe that the more time you tell lies, the more likely it will be believed.

Of course for those of us who studied in Bunyoro and sometimes had to go to Kampala via Luwero to visit family and relatives already had to contend with the spectre of using the road that already been nicknamed by many in northern Uganda as ‘Lam Dogi’ (Kampala-Gulu iway up to around Kafu. Lam Dogi literally meant ‘pray to your God or ancestors before using that road’, because of te numerous ambuses wic killed among oters, my uncle, a UNLA soldier and Ms Achola, sister NRM’s man in Apac District Sam Opio Oceng. Achola was particularly very close to Obote personally.

Again, I happened to be in Masindi and saw just as the Bazilio troops came and took over Masindi without a shot on 25 July 1985 and moved on to Kampala the next day. The talk was that ‘Obote weko Acholi ka too kun Opon tye ka denge ki mato whisky kun mako dok bene nywaro lutino Acholi ki Kampala” (Obote is leaving the Acholi to die at the war front while Opon is boasting around, drinking whisky and arresting and abusing Acholi in Kampala!)

It was never a DP coup because DP had already been emasculated in Kampala and all their Busoga MPs made to ‘cross the floor to UPC’ but Andrew Adimola and Fr. Jon Scalabrini in Gulu and Dr enry Obonyo and oters in Kampala, just took advantage of a situation that was already irreversibly bad to stake some claim to the proceedings.

Did you even know that President Obote in a panicky mode actually sent Prime Minister Otema Allimadi and Dr John Luwuliza Kirunda to Dar es Salaam that last week, to ask Nyerere to deploy TPDF to rescue him and instead Nyerere kept the Obote delegation under virtual detention in a Dar hotel?. Ask Peter Otai in London. Major Butiku (Nyerere’s Personal Assistant at the time) is still alive and you can ask him or Bernard Membe or Prof. Philemon Sarungi or Prof Juma Kapuya about why Nyerere did that.

Therefore any military strategist would tell you that it did not matter by whose bullets Obote was forced out. His army could not have forced him out if they were having it well against the NRA. The only argument could be that perhaps a united UNLA would have taken the NRA a little longer and a few more months to dislodge. But UNLA, whether under Obote or Lutwa-Bazilio, would have fallen all in good time. I had so many relatives in that UNLA and that was their assessment too, though the politicians in Kampala at the time behaved as if nothing serious was going on.

Did you know that even after Kampala had fallen many UPC leaders in northern Uganda never understood that there was a big fallout within UNLA?

This unseriousness could be seen by the farcical visit to Masindi on 20th Februay 1985, by Peter Otai, Chris Rwakasisi, Brig. Smith Opon Acak, Prof Ephraim Kamuntu and Ogenga Otunnu, to ‘commemorate’ the humiliation of UNLA the previous year by NRA at Masindi where their prescription for the humiliation was to appoint a ‘UPC man’ Captain Robert Ssekidde as the new battalion commander to replace the disgraced Major Tom Mukwana, and giving everyone who turned up at Masindi Hotel free beers. They were addressing the symptoms of the malaise, in my view.

For your information, I have many friends who are DP supporters but I have never been a DP supporter just as I have never been a UPC supporter though I have relatives who supported or support UPC. Joseph Ochieno is my friend and I follow his comments in and on European TVs and radios and he even bought me dinner sometime in London.

By the 1980 elections, I was too young to vote but the elections found me visiting a relative somewhere in Apac South Constituency. Truth be told, if I was of voting age, I would have voted UPC in 1980 because of crowd mentality and all that and because I actually thought then that Obote was the answer to our problems, especially after Amin.

But even then no nobody in that constituency exercised their vote because somebody detained DP candidate (and Moses Ocen’s father (Akbar Adoko Nekyon) at a ‘person-specific road block’ on the nomination day soh e could not get nominated and Henry Bobson Milton Okello Makmot ‘went through unopposed’ , as John Peter Onebe read out results on Radio Uganda.

Point being that whether one likes and support Museveni or not, it does not cover up the fact that he caused the fall of Obote, directly and indirectly. The generals he finally kicked out in 1986 were only months before ‘Obote’s generals’ only reinforced by a motley crew of Amin generals, Buganda federalists etc keen to join anything anti-Obote, who promptly changed sides!

This false belief in the strength of a leader made some local UPC leaders in Lango to go around getting cows from locals promising that Obote was coming back in a few weeks and had indeed made it easier by luring Museveni from the bush into Kampala and Museveni would now be removed even more easily.

Emmanuel Amute, Okello Etot, Otim Opul, Boi Oli and others actually did this, even when their rebel group operating in Lango had already been nicknamed by locals as ‘Cel Ibong’ (shoot and ransack the pockets).

They would tell people that proof that Obote was about to return was that he had in a coded message, sent thousands of bicycles then being sold in Lango region with the trademark name Road Master Industries (RMI). They said the RMI mark actually stood for ‘Remove Museveni Immediately’ and the Luo coded version was ‘Ryem Museveni Ilo'(RMI) or ‘case Museveni from Power’.

Billie Kadameri
UAH in Paris


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My Take on the events leading to the Coup of July 1985!


Folks:

There are many floating questions out there trying to analyze and understand the events prior to and subsequently leading to the July 1985 Coup d’etat against the then sitting UPC government.My brother Billie Kadameri has tried to shed some light but for some reason he concentrated on the effects and not the cause which were numerous as to why the UPC government fell.What I am presenting here are my views as perceived by me and are open to correction by anybody else who has better information than I do. My views are as follows:

1) Most people do not appreciate what a precarious situation the Obote II government inherited after the elections; the country was broke, there was rampant insecurity and non of the key sectors of the economy were functioning.The reason it is important to note this is because some people have given the impression that insecurity and mayhem began only when UPC came back to power. We quickly forget that Nile Mansions had become the place of residence for ministers, NCC legislators and their family’s for security reasons-It was mostly Senior Army officers of UNLA who lived in their residences;
2) Security at the time was maintained by the 40,000 strong TPDF, Tanzanian Police which was not only better armed, trained and disciplined than their Ugandan counterparts but had a better sense of mission. So if security was problem with TPDF how about a young UNLA on it’s own? Would have DP done a better job if they had ascended to power?

UNLA on the hand was originally built by hurriedly amalgamating 22 fighting groups that were working cross purpose with each other into one one ‘National Army.” The truth of the matter was that other than ‘Kikosi Maalum(KM) and Fronansa, the rest were briefcase “fighting groups.”

At the event of the Obote II, it’s (UNLA) numerical strength was about anywhere between 10,000-15,000. For all intent and purpose it was ill trained, under manned, underfunded and under armed for protecting the country’s borders.

For an internal rebellion to happen a few months after the elections within the precincts of the Capitol city was most unwelcome. National armies are usually professionalized during peace times because the setting up of effective chains of command and training requires it so.

3) Due to economic and political pressures at home Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, decided to withdraw the remaining 20,000 TPDF troops. This could have not come at a more inopportune time for the newly installed Obote II government which viewed the rebellion launched by remnants of Fronansa as an existential threat. As a reaction; a massive drive to recruit any willing bodies into the army was launched and that may partially explain the dominance of the Acholi and Langi and to a lessor extent a number of tribes from the East. This rush to recruit also meant that a lot of unsuitable rabble were also absorbed.

With only a few weeks of training many were thrown into the battle field or areas of insurgency and anyone who knows about the time period needed to train a foot soldier, that was a recipe for disaster.

The regrettable events at Ombachi and Luwero could partially be explained away by ill trained and poorly disciplined soldiers at work. I will acknowledge the fact that revenge may have driven some of the soldiers due to Idi Amin’s misrule-It had not happened earlier due to the presence of TPDF;

4) With all the bad cards dealt to the Obote II government, the task of painstakingly creating a National Army could not have fallen to a better person than then Brigadier David Oyite Ojok. The fellow was charismatic and dynamic to say the least, who executed his duties with the required ruthless efficiency.

Two of his known attributes was his respect for his elders and affable character. The secret to his being able to turn the administrative wheels of UNLA was his relationship with Tito Okello. He publicly and privately deferred to Tito Okello even though he was much better educated than he was. Most decisions in the Army were made by Oyite Ojok, who tacitly gave the credit to his Commander who did not contradict him.

Unfortunately his (Oyite’s) successor for whatever reason never saw value in treating the old man with the same respect as his predecessor. Acholi soldiers were dying even under the command of Oyite Ojok, so there was nothing new. So those deaths were used as an excuse to split the Army.

5) During the first year (1981) or thereabouts, three Colonels, Ndaherikire, Peter Oboma (who was Oyite’s neigbor) and someone else were arrested for carrying out treasonous activities. The first two gentlemen for less of a better word were “smoked,” while the third survived because his cousin saved his neck by personally interceding on his behalf.

The third gentleman was none other than Lt. Colonel Bazilio Olara Okello, then Commander of the Central Brigade. This arrest was one of two or so of Bazilio Okello, whose loyalty to the then sitting was questionable from the very beginning on religious and political affiliation grounds.

Tito Okello, who was Bazilio Okello’s cousin using his good rapport with Oyite Ojok, continuously interceded to save his neck. One of the mistakes self admitted by AMO was he did not forcibly retire Bazilio Okello, as the price for not at least charging him with treason. So please ignore what the buffon-in-residnce up in Canda is saying about Bazilio Okello and Oyite Ojok being friends.

Why is all this important to note? Whatever the ethnic imbalances in UNLA Oyite Ojok’s authority was unchallenged. Many of his key Lieutenants were Acholi officers and if one is doubting me, please try and find out about the events around the killing of Oyite Ojok’s younger brother after a freak accident involving a tractor by a Major in UNLA;

6) By 1983 with a lot of of organization and training, UNLA had got its act together and had started scoring major victories against NRA. The running of battle field operations were now under young and educated officers who had returned from Military Academies in Tanzania, UK and India.

Please do not take my word for it but read the accounts of one Dr Warren Kiiza Besigye, who narrates that NRA had been pushed into a corner and had only been protected by the River Kafu as a natural barrier. That changed in 1983, when UNLA crossed with a huge contingent and was preparing for a massive assault which was viewed by many as one that could have been a game changer for both sides with the Obote II government reaping positively.

While on a State visit to India, AMO received a call in the dead of the night that changed his political fortunes from then on. Chris Rwakasisi, then Minister of State for Security, informed AMO that David Oyite Ojok and a number of Senior Army officers had perished in a helicopter crash.

To say that AMO was never the same after that would be an understatement- it was now not a matter if but when. I have heard from some intimate sources that from then on most National Security decisions were actually made by Peter Otai, Chris Rwakasis and John Luwuliza-Kirunda, with Rwakasisi as first among equals. The problem was none of the three held the title ‘President of the Republic.’

7) The killing of Acholi soldiers in Luwero and the succession for the post of Chief of Staff cannot be separated because they were used as an excuse to erode AMO’s authority.

Bazilio Okello, felt that he was the right person to be appointed to the position. Problem was he did not have management skills nor the pedigree to be appointed. What most people do not know was Bazilio Okello was kicked out of the Monduli Military Academy in Tanzania for poor academic performance.

When the new Chief of Staff decided to move against Bazilio Okello, for now reviving his treasonous activities, he did not have the same leeway as Oyite Ojok and thus the down spiral into the events of July 1985.

The falling of Fort Portal and Masindi were due to secret pacts that were sealed by turncoat officers working with Bazilio Okello and company in collaboration with NRA.Proof of UNLA’s improved fighting proficiency can be seen in the fact that the Mbarara and Masaka Garrisons only surrendered to NRA after the fall of the Tito Okello Junta;

8) An uncle of mine by marriage who helped finance NRA during the war told me two fascinating things:

a) at the time of the July 1985 Coup, for every 3 NRA soldiers, one had a gun. By December of that year for every NRA soldier, each had 3 guns, which sounds to high but it explains a total reverse of fortunes within only six months;

b) After capturing power; the NRA Military planners were totally shocked by how much accurate Military and Political intelligence, the UPC government had on them. The only plausible explanation they could come up as to why it was not used against it(NRA) was internal intrigue prevented or undermined effective use by the Obote II government ;

9) As for Mwalimu Julius Nyerere, a man I still highly regard was not blameless at all and actually deserves much of the blame although AMO played his part.
I have had long talks with two of Mwalimu’s Nyerere’s nephews who are very close friends of mine and also a former Prime Minister of Tanzania.

The picture that emerges is a very sad and bitter fallout between two long personal friends and its instructive that the close associates of the two gentlemen have NEVER publicly criticized the other.The reason is that they have been sworn by the two men not to do so and to their credit they have kept their word. That is a story for another day.

10) On hindsight; is there regret by the planners of the 1985? Let me put it this way, if the complaint then that the burden of fighting the NRA was shared unequally and used as a reason to remove a sitting government,it did not take long for the prime actors to realize they had made a huge mistake.

What came next made the complaints against AMO seem mundane.There is a lot I have left out because of time and space.The difference between Obote and M7 is that Obote did not know how to fight his political friends, while M7 does it with gusto.When it comes to power, you do what you have to do to maintain it.The Obote of pre-1969 was psychologically a different person from the one after 1969.

The historical between tension the Acholi and Langi was not unique to the two tribes, all neighboring tribes have issues over land, grazing ground and cultural supremacy.‎ You need to look around most African countries to see what I am saying in practice and I will give the Luo and Luhya in particular as an example.They have their tensions which later translated themselves into ‎the Football arena when AFC Leopards played Gor Mahia but politically especially lately they have the same voting patterns.

Who made the decision to move Bazilio Okello? All I can say it was made in the name of the C-In-C.

I do not know about Lt. Col Peter Obama’s detention in Moroto although it may have been as a result of his treasonous activities which had been found out.

I had never heard of Justine Odongo Latek, until he was appointed to the Military Council.

The fallout between AMO and Mwalimu Nyerere has its roots in the death of the 150 men of Kikosi Maalum in Lake Victoria, Moshi. Conference and haggling over War reparations;

The regrettable activities in Luwero was the political convenient way ‎of explaining away the fallout.

Moses Ocen Nekyon
UAH in USA

FROM THE PAST[BBC Panorama Programme (1981) : From Tyranny to Disaster (By Jeremy Paxman)- OYITE OJOK


OYITE OJOK

OYITE OJOK


Jeremy Paxman: Really, why all the gunshots and death around Kampala almost on a daily basis?

Oyite Ojok: There are a few bandits who are giving us well…a bit of a difficult time.
Paxman: Surely Brigadier, if these were just a few bandits why would you have have road blocks all over the place?
Oyite Ojok: I told you before, that there are bandits robbing guns, with guns!…robbing people with guns!
Paxman: We saw a soldier robbing a civilian’s bicycle and another robbing money from a woman. Now this may be an isolated cases but there are complaints everywhere of soldiers not only robbing people but killing some and this reflects badly on the image of the army, does it not?

Oyite Ojok: That depends how you want to put it…depends how you want to put it. If your business is going around looking for which soldier is robbing whose bicycle, may be you will find a soldier robbing a train!.

Paxman: But these are issues that should concern you.
Oyite Ojok: Sure! You show me which soldier is doing whatever wrong thing and I will take a severe disciplinary action against that soldier.
Paxman: Have you actually taken such actions?
Oyite Ojok: Absolutely. The jail is full up!.
Paxman: Of Uganda soldiers who have killed civilians?
Oyite Ojok: A few soldiers who have misbehaved.

END

Billie O’Kadameri
UAH member in Paris.

School Physics better in Uganda or in Canada?


Folks,

We have to celebrate our stunning success in Uganda’s School Science Standards – specifically Physics, and Chemistry not far behind. Teachers, Parents, Watoto, etc.. we should all march in a ticker-tape celebratory parade along Kampala Road for this success after an effort of forty years.

Also as I have stated several times we are ahead of Canada at least in School Physics.

On the surface, even to me, that kind of claim seems outrageous; even silly.

But here are the facts:-

In 1964 or thereabout President Milton Obote, out of the blue and with no prior public debate, outlawed the Imperial System of Units and Measures and ushered in the UNESCO (Metric) MKS System. He did it “Cold turkey” !! All the old Al-mizane were collected for scrap metal.

The law that Dr Obote made had a very stiff sentence: Luzira for any saboteur caught selling, say meat, there in Nakasero Market using the old Al-minzane of lbs (pounds).

To look at it now we should thank our beloved Dr Obote for pulling us out of barbarism into civilization.

(I have since fallen in love with the Acholi kids who at height of tribulations still were so clear in their speech regarding Units- how far they had walked, the time it took, the speed- in km per hour…………beautiful kids those Acholi kids. They make me very proud.)

We also note that a year or so later after Obote’s move the then British PM Edward Heath copied Obote and introduced MKS in Britain.

Soon after Canadian Prime Minister Pierre Elliot Trdeau also made the Metric System the Law of Canada. But unlike Uganda Canadians never accepted the MKS System.

To the peril of children they vehemently rejected it.

And unlike Obote Trudeau could not force them at the point of a gun.
Trudeau accomplished so much for Canada but the Metric System proved his Achilles heel.

The compromise was to use both systems simultaneously. And that was the tragedy. The two are incompatible and many kids end up mastering neither. Even worse at the basic psychic level the Imperial System becomes destructive “noise” to the Metric.

And this is serious stuff. If you set 250 as the temperature of a Boiler it really matters whether it is 250 deg C or 250 deg F.

If you look through the Canada Grade Thirteen (equivalent Uganda’s S.6) School Textbook you would agree with me that it is just trash. I never keep this book at my place. I always toss it into the garbage bin.

Where Canada beats us is in Maths.

Indeed there is no Maths in Uganda. None at all. That is why even our success in Physics is meaningless.

In the 1960’s Uganda had Double Maths. Today Uganda’s Maths is below General Science.

It has even been made subordinate to the fleeting fad of so-called IT. ( Physics, Chemistry and IT are now compulsory at Budo. Maths is not even mentioned, imagine the shame)

So folks, this is a partial explanation why Uganda’s School Physics/Science is a higher grade to Canada’s. Just partial.

Mitayo Potosi.

President Museveni has 98 men and women who are collectively paid Shs230 million every month


Kampala- President Museveni has 98 men and women who are collectively paid Shs230 million from the national Treasury every month to give him advice. In a year, the earnings translate into Shs2.7b.
The total wage bill of the department of administration in the Office of the President, which also covers Resident District Commissioners, stands at Shs702.2 million a month, totaling to more than Shs8 billion annually.
The full time advisers and assistants also receive additional perks such as an official vehicle, a driver and in some cases, an escort.
The details are contained in the 2013/2014 Ministerial Policy Statement for the Presidency, which is under scrutiny before Parliament.

The 98 presidential advisors are not the only public officials expected to advise the President. These are in addition to the 77 Cabinet ministers, including the Prime Minister and Vice President. If the 22 Permanent Secretaries (who are government’s highest ranking technical civil servants) of the respective ministries are added, President Museveni has a pool of about 200 advisors from whom to pick advice on how to govern Uganda.
At least 48 of the 98 presidential advisers are employed as full time staff, 44 are paid a retainer wage, while the status of others is unclear. The least paid presidential adviser earns Shs2.2 million while the highest paid gets Shs2.6 million every month, with the exception of former German ambassador to Uganda, Mr Claus E.P Holderbaum who is paid Shs7 million a month as Senior Presidential adviser on Special Duties.

Looking at the bulk of the advisers the President has at his disposal, Uganda should perhaps be one of the most efficiently governed countries in Africa or in the region. But Uganda is ranked as the most corrupt country among the five East African Community (EAC) states in The East African Bribery Index 2012 report by Transparency International published last year. Tanzania and Kenya are in second and third positions respectively.

Burundi is ranked fourth and Rwanda remains the least corrupt country in the region.
Uganda is also ranked 22nd among the 59 countries ranked as failed states in the world by US-based Foreign Policy (FP) magazine and the Fund for Peace global organisation. Uganda’s failing status is rated at 96 per cent slightly below Syria, at 97 per cent.
A World Health Organisation global status report on Road Safety 2013 lumped Uganda among countries with the highest accident deaths in Africa, with 2,954 people killed in road accidents in 2010, beaten only by Nigeria (4,065 deaths) and South Africa (13,768 deaths) in 2009. Uganda is also 19th among 64 countries with the highest number of road accident deaths in the world.

Uganda is top in many failure indicators of socio-economic development yet the President enjoys abundance of advice from a huge pool of “wise men and women”.

Useful or no advice?
With such a wide pool of advisors, the President should have been in a position to fix some of the basic problems facing the country. But it appears the country’s standing on several international indices is still not good.

One probable reason is that the President hardly consults them for advice. Indeed their selection is largely dependent on political and other interests rather than professional and technical merit or competence. For example the advisers are a mixture of college professors, graduates, Senior Four leavers and others with lower qualifications. Many of them have unexplainable roles.

Their roles are not based on issues, but mere names of places or institutions. It is not clear what an advisor is expected to do. For example, there is a presidential advisor on Ruharo matters, the seat of East Ankole Diocese in Mbarara and another advisor on Kigezi Diocese. It is difficult to understand what advice such a person would give the President about a place.

Though some advisors are known to meet and give advice to the President, majority of them take years on end without meeting him or even speaking to him.
Former Prime Minister Kintu Musoke, one of the advisers, refused to respond to the question on how often the president reaches him for advice. He claimed he was too busy on his farm out of town.

Brig Kasirye Ggwanga, another adviser on Buganda affairs was cagey as well. He only muttered that; “It is those who don’t know what they were appointed to do who worry about whether the President consults them or not.”
However, he added that he had been in regular contact with the President although it was not clear whether it was about offering advice to the head of state or seeking his protection.

About three months ago, there were attempts by some sections of the security establishment to evict Brig Gwanga from a house in Makindye Division in Kampala for alleged trespass. However, after several interventions from various government authorities, Brig Gwanga was spared the embarrassment of being thrown out of the house.

Controversial subject
The subject of Presidential Advisers has been controversial with questions of whether they actually advise the president and whether he takes their advice.

Critics have said these positions are only meant to give out a retirement pension for the President’s supporters or as subsistence employment when he can no longer accommodate them in Cabinet and they become cash strapped. Indeed, many former ministers are on the list of the advisers.

Former chief pilot of the Presidential helicopter, Gen. Ali Kiiza is a presidential adviser on air force.
Gen David Sejusa aka Tinyefuza, who fled the country in April after falling out with the state is still listed as President Museveni’s advisor/coordinator of Internal Security Organisation and External Security Organisation, both intelligence bodies.

Gen Sejusa’s role, however, raises more controversy given that the President has expressly said the renegade General faces treason charges if he is arrested. Yet the list of the presidential advisors with Sejusa’s name was provided for in the national budget read in June, two months after he had fled to exile.
Two weeks ago, Col Samson Mande, a former fighter in the bush war that brought Museveni to power, said from his exile in Sweden that Gen Sejusa was still on the government’s payroll and could not be easily trusted to lead a struggle for regime change in Uganda.

Regional and gender distribution
Looking at the regional distribution of the advisers throws up the old balancing problem the NRM has continuously grappled with. Of the 98 presidential advisers and assistants, the western and central regions take the lion share with 31 and 30 respectively while eastern and northern region are less represented at the advisory level with 16 and eight respectively.

Only one adviser comes from outside Uganda, while the others could not be accurately categorised because of shared names. Because these advisers are largely part of political patronage reward system, it means political and financial pickings are higher in central and western than in the other regions.
There is also glaring gender imbalance with only 20 women out of the 98 advisers. They include former Education minister Namirembe Bitamazire, Ms Tereza Mbire, Luweero bush war fighter Getrude Njuba, Tooro’s Princess Elizabeth Bagaya, former vice president Speciosa Wandira Kazibwe and former presidency minister Beatrice Wabudeya.

Name Docket

Dr Ham Mulira Mukasa Senior Pres.Adviser/ICT
Gen Caleb Akandwanaho Senior Pres.Adviser /Defence
Dr Ezra Suruma Senior Pres. Adviser/Fin. & Plan.
Chango Machyo (RIP) Senior Pres. Adviser/Pol. Affairs
Gen David Sejusa Sr Pres. Adviser/ISO & ESO
Kintu Musoke Sr Pres. Adviser/Political Affairs
Dr Jesse Kagimba Senior Pres Adviser/HIV-AIDS
Prince Besweri Mulondo Sr Pres. Adviser/Land Matters
Namirembe Bitamazire Senior Pres. Adviser
Dr James Makumbi Sr Pres. Adviser/Medical Affairs
Dr Martin Jerome Aliker Sr Pres. Adviser/Special Duties
Nisibambi Apollo Sen. Pres. Adviser
Dr John Joseph Otim Senior Pres.Adviser /Agric & Vet
John Nagenda Senior Pres.Adviser / Press &PR
Karazarwe Wycliffe Sen. Pres. Advier/Local Govt
Major Gen.Ali Kiiza Sr Pres.Adviser /Air Force
Robert Ssebunya Senior Pres.Adviser/ Buganda
Maj. Gen. Mugume Joram Sr Pres.Adviser/ Military Affairs
Gerald Sendaula Sr Pres.Advisor/ Financial Matters
Maj. Ronald Kakooza Mutale Senior Pres.Adviser /Political
Yekoyada Nuwagaba Senior Pres.Adviser / Political
Moses Kizige Sr Pres.Adviser/ Foreign Affairs
Wegulo Badru Sr Pres.Adviser/ Political Affairs
Dorah Kibende Senior Pres.Adviser / Corruption
Musumba Isaac Senior Presidential Adviser
Osinde Wangwar Sr Pres.Adviser / Political Affairs
Prof. Rugumayo .B. Edward Sr Pres.Adviser / Political
Steven H. Bamwanga Senior Pres.Adviser/ Culture
Dr Kamuhangire Rwumo Public Private Partnerships
Balihuta Arsene(Amb) Sr Pres.adviser/decentralisation
Kiwanuka Godfrey Sr Pres.Adviser / Public Service
Ruhinda Richard Senior Pres.Adviser/ Media Mgt.
Ocen Laury Lawrence Sen. Pres. Adv/Political Affairs
Baryehuki Margaret Senior Presidential Advisor/Acholi
Abalo Ongom Lilian Sr Pres. Adviser /Special Duties
Amos Amis Mukumbi ASS. Sr Adviser / Special Duties
Gertrude Njuba Sr Pres.Adviser / Legal Matters
Makaaru Yowasi Sr Pres.Adviser/ Inter. Affairs
Prof. Tibamanya Mushanga Sr Pres. Adviser/ Kigezi Diocese
Bituguramye John Senior Pres. Advisor/Wild Life
OtekatJohnEmilly Senior Pres.Adviser/ Environment
Kigyagi Arimpa Sr Pres.Adviser/ Lango Region
Ojjur Franco Sr Pres.Adviser/ Cultural Matters
Mbiire Tereza Sr Pres.Adviser/ Political Affairs
Batinti Francis Sr Pres.Adviser / Special Duties
Klaus E.P Holderbaum Sr Pres.Adviser /Pop. & Health
Dr Wandira S. Kazibwe Senior Presidential Adviser
Amb. Tomusange J Senior Pres.Adviser/Pub&C 1
Dorothy Nasolo Sen Pres/Adv/Spedal Duties
Dorothy Samali Sr Pres.Adviser /Special Duties
Rwakasisi Chris Asst. Sr Pres.Advi./ Pol Affairs
Watuwa Ntaamo.S Senior Pres.Adviser/ Vet. Services
Dr.Wabudeya Beatrice Senior pres.Advis/S. West Region
BP Tibeesigwa George Sen. Pres. Adv
Vincent Ssemakula PresAdviser/ Cultural Issues
Princess Bagaya Edith Pres Adviser/ Political Affairs
Mushemeza Elijah Dickens PresAdviser/ Political Affairs
Kawuma Mary Pres Adviser/ Political Affairs
Kiyimba Kisaka Dorothy Pres Adviser/ Political Affairs
Sikubwabo Kyeyune George PresAdviser/ Political Affairs
Mwebesa Francis Presidential Adviser/ Luwero
Pharez Katamba Pres Adviser/ Luwero Triangle
Kazibwe Godfrey Presi Adviser/ Security Buganda
Brig. Kasirye Gwanga PresAdviser/ Foreign Affairs
Pr. Simbwa David Alexander Presidential Adviser/ Literary
Prof. Wangusa Timothy Presidential Adviser/ Agriculture
Nyombi Nekemiya Peterson Pres Adviser/ Trade & Commerce
Al Haji Sajabi Tezikuba Presidential Adviser/ Markets
H.G. Kayongo Nkajja Pres Adviser/ Youth Affairs
Wekesa John Wambogo Pres Adviser/ Air Force Matters
Maj.Gen.Joshua Masaba Asst. Pres. Adviser / Buganda
Tom Kayongo Special Pres Ass / Veterans
Haji Edirisa Ssedunga Spe Pres.Adviser/Political Affairs
Kakooza Mutale T. Spe Asst./ NRM civilians veterans
Major Jacob Asiiwe Special Pres. Asst./ Ruharo
Jenipher Twebaze Musooke Speical Pres.Asst/Political Mob
Oketta Santa Special Pres. Asst./ Veterinary
Dr.John Rick Akeny Spe Pres. Asst./ Political Affairs
Okuluma Stephen Spe Pres. Asst./ Political Affairs
Nadduli Kibaale Spe Pres. Asst./ Special Duties
Sichon Namballe Bob Spe Pres. Asst./ RDCs1 Office
Mayanja Mohammed Sadik Spe Pres. Asst./ Pol Affairs
Nalima Betty Special Pres. Asst./ Western
Kafuniza Emmanuel Special Pres. Asst./ Veterinary
Dr. Samuel Byagagaire Spe Pres. Asst./ political affairs
Alex Kyawe Katega For Underprivileged Youth
Resty Nakayenga Kiguli Special Pres. Asst./ Research
Prof. Lwanga Lunyiigo Spe Pres. Asst./ Political Affairs
Kwesiga Charles Spe Pres. Asst./ Pol Affairs
Mwijakubi Godfrey Spe Pres. Asst./ Political Affairs

Rwegyemera Henry Spe Pres. Asst./ Security
Okodi Levi Macpio Spe Pres. Asst./ Pol Affairs, Lango
Muhindo Christine Dep. Special Pres.Asst. /Rwenzori
Hajati Anuna Omari Dep. Special Pres.Asst./ Pol Affairs
Sabila Salimo Dep. Spe Pres.Asst./ Pol Affairs
Ignatius Begumisa K. Dep. SpePres.Asst./ Valley Dams & Vet.
Margaret K. Sekyewa Dep. Spe. Pres.Asst./ Pol Affairs
Twine Winne Dep. Presidetial Adviser /Markets

cmwanguhya@ug.nationmedia.com

http://www.monitor.co.ug/News/National/Museveni-s-98-advisers/-/688334/2048248/-/view/printVersion/-/w78tn2/-/index.html

Former UFM soldier in London has said that NRM started the murders before UPC/UNLA did in 1980s and promises Akandoya to Ofwono Opondo


I put it to you that NRA started the massacres. I can justify my claim with one example. In 1982, in a place called Lwanyonyi on Jinja road, before reaching a small town called Mbalala on Mukono -Jinja road, NRA ambushed 18 trailers which belonged to Coffee Marketing Board and they were transporting coffee beans to Mombasa. They killed all the track-drivers and then set fire on the tracks. The NRA muderers disappeared and by the time UNLA came to scene, it was filled with the smell of death.

A man that hosted the NRA thugs is called Lutaya and he is still alive. NRA committed these crimes and many more unprovoked.

Matayo Kyaligonza headed the NRA urban terrorism unit. He hurled grenades on un-armed civilians, he planted landmines in roads and his targets were civilians. Pecos Kuteesa also bragged about these crimes recently as well.

They also ambushed the Owinyi Kibul bus on Kampala- Gulu road and you killed students who were going back to school. Nobody provoked you into committing such a heinous crime.

Opondo Ofwono came to Mukono recently and he has no idea what the situation was in the very area that he lives in. UFM operated all around that area and sometimes spent a night in Ziribaggwa’s compound but no dead bodies were ever found around there.

Next door to Ofwono’s house, lived a man called Odema who was the UPC chairman for his village, he mistreated people but no UFM soldier ever thought of killing him.

But for Ofwono, he has been harassing people during elections at Ham Mukasa Memorial Ground. He goes around wielding his revolver and killing mere suspected thieves yet he is a thieve himself.

But Opondo, I know him, and a few months ago I sat with him at a bar near Shell- station in Mukono. He was arguing with me and I looked at him with a nasty look but he never suspected that he was talking to a man who will one day I’nsha Allah’ see him go down the with sewage. I can’t wait to one day to tie Ofwono Opondo aKandoya and make him match to the temple of justice.

He is justifying the NRA murders and even the NRA murders of Late Andrew Kayiira and the UFM/A soldiers who they exterminated in trailer wagons. He is here justifying the Mukula massacres and many more.

Banyarwanda
As I always put it, lack of critical reasoning is the problem of Banyarwanda both in Uganda and Rwanda.

How can one reason that because although Rwandese were happy in Uganda, it was a home far away from home?

It takes just about 8 hours to drive from Kampala to Kigali. Many Ugandan business men used to travel to and from Kigali without any problem.

Why on earth did they think that using force was the best way forward?

Many of so called Rwandes returned to Uganda by 1995. Right now, all the RPF officers do still have both Ugandan and Rwandese citizenship. Every Friday, these politicians come and spend the weekend in Kampala. They have properties and relatives in Uganda and they are only using Rwanda for Kyeyo purposes.

It is shame that you killed innocent people in Rwanda simply simply because you could not quench your thirst for power.

Greed, sarcasm and lust for power and dominance drove you into committing genocide both in Rwanda and Congo and now you are regretting.

NRM went into Luwero claiming that your votes were stolen during the 1980 elections and when you captured Kampala, you turned your guns to UFM soldiers , the Kayiira himself, then to the innocent people of Rwanda, then to the innocent people of Congo.

HERBERT BUHANGA
Social worker, businessman and a member of UAH in LONDON

OBOTE’S PRESIDENCY: CONSTITUTIONAL KICHUPULI,where did Obote get the authority to appoint or disappoint anybody?


UPC Annual delegate conference 1969 .A procession led by Ministers march past the President'.It looks like the Cricket pavilion at Lugogo Stadium (Oasis is now on the right of the picture) and marchers are on the Cricket Pitch. This must be a day or so before Milton Obote was shot near the Indoor stadium (Behind this one).

UPC Annual delegate conference 1969 .A procession led by Ministers march past the President’.It looks like the Cricket pavilion at Lugogo Stadium (Oasis is now on the right of the picture) and marchers are on the Cricket Pitch. This must be a day or so before Milton Obote was shot near the Indoor stadium (Behind this one).

What moral right did AM Obote have to nominate ministers, or to be president. Who voted him to be president? According to the constitution of Uganda, the Chief Executive of state is a President and not a Prime Minister. It is in prime ministerial or cabinet systems that the head of the party that wins most seats in parliament automatically becomes the head of state. Ever since 1967, Uganda has operated a Presidential system. Indeed, that is why AM Obote was called the President.

In presidential systems like Uganda’s, not only do MPs win their seats but the presidency is also directly contested. Where did AM Obote present himself to the people to be elected either as an MP or president, let alone Muluka chief or clan head?

Paulo Muwanga should never have been in Parliament in 1980 as a member because he did not contest any parliamentary seat. He was also not specially elected by parliament to sit there as a member nor was his elected by his party to sit in parliament.
So, it seems the 1995 constitution erased the irrationality of the 1967 constitution by opting to call a spade a spade: Let the President be a President, instead of having what was essentially a Prime Minister being called a President. And it seems the 1995 constitution has strenghtened the institution of the presidency by ensuring that the occupant does not free-ride on the backs of MPs, but is independently subjected to the electorate’s choice. Now I can see why perpetual flukers dislike the 1995 constitution. A president should not whiskey his way into State House on the back of MPs. That is fluking. Given the powers that the president eventually gets, it is proper that he should go to every constituency and market himself, and get independent endorsement of the majority of electors.

Indeed, in countries that are still saddled with weak vertical integration between the political elite and the populace, one of the avenues of enhancing state legitimacy is by processing the occupancy of key public offices through the crucible of majority choice, whenever possible (i.e, excluding extraordinary circumstances like 1979 or 1986

Therefore, the first order question is to do with where AM Obote get the authority to appoint or disappoint anybody. I think for countries like Uganda that are still low on the scale of political development and institutional evolution, a directly elected chief executive is imperative. No fluking.

The flipside of democracy is a fiscal contract between the populace and the political elite. Our mechanical notion of democracy (especially our tendency to conflate it with some of the rituals that it’s commonly associated with) tends to cloud that linkage.


Lance Corporal (Rtd) Otto Patrick

I like Obote and UPC but I cannot forget the Stench at Kireka because of Human bodies!


In all honesty, Kireka barracks was a house of sadists who had no regard for another person’s life. This is not to vindicate the NRA or other rebel groups that were then operating in and around Kampala. Let’s not bury our heads in sand for what happened in the barracks was nasty. I moved from a house in Bweyogerere to mid Kampala because the people killed in Kireka Barracks were sending a very terrible stench towards Kireka Bweyogerere and surrounding places. It was massive.

Therefore, anybody standing today and state that the UPC government was not killing Ugandans then you need to question its ability to control its forces. I want you to ask anyone that lived from Nakawa all way to Mukono about the commander that was in Kireka barracks and his name was Otto. Don’t say my name just ask about his history. This man entered a shop in Kireka in day light and instructed his escorts to pull out a wife that was selling in the store, they pulled her out in day light as she was firkin screaming, and he took her into the barracks and screwed the brains out of her. He ended up killing the husband for he refused to shut up.

If you stood on Kireka Seventh Day Adventists Head Quarters after midnight, you would hear the screams of Ugandans getting murdered in Kireka barracks. These were very bad days man. And especially when a man like myself that was arrested and thrown into Makindye for months, yes the government was killing Ugandans. Do you actually know how many people that died in my face?
Why do you think I lost this attitude of one mwaana waffe? Why do you think I refused to belong to any political party in Uganda?

I cannot love a party to a point of lying……… We rather stand up and clean up but what happened in Uganda way passed a fuck up. And excuse my French sir. The government failed to show the population the difference between its self and Museveni, thus Ffe kasita twebaka Kutulio.

EDWARD MULINDWA
UAH member in Canada

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