Category military


(As narrated by Hon Kyagulanyi/Bobi Wine)

Fellow Ugandans, friends and well-wishers from around the world,

I am sorry, I have taken a bit long to write to you about the trials and tribulations, for which you all stood with me. It’s been tough days, as I recover from the physical and mental trauma I endured. I am overwhelmed by your support and words of encouragement. I cannot repay you in any other way, except sticking to those values which bind all of us together- justice, equality and human dignity.

I will be communicating more in the coming days and where possible send my appreciation to the different individuals and organizations. In this post however, I want to recount what exactly happened to me. I am very grateful to my wife Barbie, and my lawyers who narrated to the world these events, but I also wanted to tell this sad story PERSONALLY. I felt more compelled to speak out after reading the many posts written by President Museveni and other government officials about what happened.

I read the things they were saying while I was in detention, and found them absurd to say the least. I was shocked on how they tried to downplay the atrocities committed by security agencies on innocent citizens.
So let me set the record straight.

It was 13th August and it was the last day of campaigns in the Arua municipality by-election. As always we had a great campaign day. As I left the rally, I was convinced that our candidate Hon. Kassiano Wadri would win the election. So we moved from the rally at about 5:30pm and the people followed us, singing songs of freedom and chanting “People Power – Our Power.” Together with Hon. Kassiano and a few other leaders, we parted with the multitude, bade them farewell and went into Royal hotel where Hon. Wadri was staying.

We watched the 7:00pm news from the hotel lobby as we took tea and took stock of the day’s events. It was of course very exciting to watch that day’s news. The anchor said we were clearly ahead of the other candidates and the television relayed images of the massive rally and procession we had had on that day. Shortly after, I decided to move to Pacific hotel where I was staying so as to rest after the very busy day. It was at that point that I sat in my tundra vehicle, in the co-driver’s seat. The gentleman who was driving the tundra that day is one of our drivers (not Yasin). He moved out of the vehicle to call other team members who were supposed to drive with us. He took a bit long and I moved into my other vehicle (a land cruiser) which was right next to the tundra and whose driver was already seated on the driver’s seat. We immediately set off for Pacific hotel. I did not even see what happened after or how late Yasin ended up on my seat in the tundra. For clarity, he had been driving another vehicle that day.

I had started taking the stairs to my room when this driver came running to say that Yasin Kawuma had been shot. I could not believe it. I asked him where he was and he told me they were parked outside the hotel. We paced down and I saw with my own eyes, my friend and comrade Yasin, giving way as he bled profusely. I quickly asked a team member to take him to hospital and another to call the police. We had not stepped away from that place when angry looking SFC soldiers came, beating up everyone they could see.

As soon as they saw me, they charged saying “there he is” in Swahili. So many bullets were being fired and everyone scampered to safety. I also ran up into the hotel with a throng of people who had gathered around. Inside the hotel, I entered a random room and locked myself in. It is at that point that my media assistant shared with me Yasin’s picture which I tweeted because the world needed to know what was going on.

I could hear the people outside and in the hotel corridors crying for help. I could also hear the soldiers pulling these helpless people past the room in which I was, saying all sorts of profanities to them while beating them mercilessly.

I stayed in the room for a long time. At some point, I heard soldiers pull some woman out of her room and ask her which room Bobi Wine had entered. The woman wailed saying she didn’t know and what followed were terrible beatings. I could hear her cry and plead for help as she was being dragged down the stairs. Up to now, that is one experience that haunts me; that I could hear a woman cry for help, yet I was so vulnerable and helpless. I could not help her.

I stayed put for some hours, and I could hear the soldiers come every few minutes, bang some doors on my floor or other floors and go away. At different times I would sleep off, but was always rudely awakened by the banging of doors and the impatient boots that paced throughout the hotel for the whole night. In the wee hours of the morning, the soldiers started breaking doors of the different hotel rooms. With rage, they broke doors, and I knew they would soon come to my room. I therefore put my wallet and phone into my socks. I also had with me some money which I had earned from a previous music show. I also put it into the socks.

A few minutes later, a soldier hit my door with an iron bar and after two or three attempts the door fell in. We looked each other in the eye as he summoned his colleagues in Swahili. Another soldier pointed a pistol on my head and ordered me to kneel down. I put my hands up and just before my knees could reach the floor, the soldier who broke into the room used the same iron bar to hit me. He aimed it at my head and I put up my hand in defence so he hit my arm. The second blow came straight to my head on the side of my right eye. He hit me with this iron bar and I fell down. In no minute, all these guys were on me- each one looking for the best place to hurt. I can’t tell how many they were but they were quite a number.

They beat me, punched me, and kicked me with their boots. No part of my body was spared. They hit my eyes, mouth and nose. They hit my elbows and my knees. Those guys are heartless!

As they dragged me out of the room, they continued to hit me from all sides. After some time, I could almost no longer feel the pain. I could only hear what they were doing from a far. My cries and pleas went unheeded. The things they were speaking to me all this while, I cannot reproduce here. Up to now, I cannot understand how these soldiers who I probably had never met before in person could hate me so much.

They wrapped me in a thick piece of cloth and bundled me into a vehicle. Those guys did to me unspeakable things in that vehicle! They pulled my manhood and squeezed my testicles while punching me with objects I didn’t see. They pulled off my shoes and took my wallet, phone and the money I had. As soon as the shoes were off, they started hitting my ankles with pistol butts. I groaned in pain and they ordered me to stop making noise for them. They used something like pliers to pull my ears. Some guy unwrapped me and instead tied the thick cloth around my head. They forced my head below the car seat so as to stop me from shouting. Then they hit my back and continued to hit my genitals with objects. The marks on my back, ankles, elbows, legs and head are still visible. I continued to groan in pain and the last I heard was someone hit me at the back of the head with an object – I think a gun butt or something. That was the last time I knew what was going on.

By the time I became conscious again, I was somewhere in a small room with a small window. My legs were tied together with my hands with very tight cuffs. I was bleeding from the nose and ears. I was in great pain. My whole body was swollen. I was shaking uncontrollably.

Two soldiers came in. I can now recall that they were visibly pleased to see that I was still alive. They came close to me. One of them apologized in tears about what had happened. “Bobi, I am sorry but not all of us are like that. Some of us actually like you,” he said. He said that doctors were on their way to treat me. I stayed in the same position and after a few hours, about four soldiers came in and lifted me on a piece of cloth. One of them took a picture of me, (I hope to see that picture some day in my life). As we went out, I read “Arua airfield’ somewhere. I was taken into a waiting military helicopter and taken to a place which I later found out was Gulu 4th Division military barracks. It was at that facility that some military doctors came in and started giving me injections.

At that point I could not even complain as I was not yet fully alert. I was very dizzy and had not eaten or drank anything for many hours. My sight was very weak as well. I spent the night there. Late in the night, I was picked again from this detention facility. With my head covered with a dark cloth that felt like a t-shirt, I was taken to Gulu Police Station where I was forced to sign a written statement by an officer called Francis Olugo in the presence of some other officer who I later learnt is the CID head of Gulu. I can hardly recall what was contained in that statement! I was then returned to Gulu military barracks, put on a metallic bed and handcuffed on it. Very early morning, I was picked from this room and taken to another very secluded and dirty room where I was put on another bed, hand-cuffed again and injected with a drug that immediately sent me into a deep sleep.

The following day I can recall that at some point, Hon. Medard Ssegona and Hon. Asuman Basalirwa came to me. My efforts to rise and speak to them didn’t yield much. The moment they saw me, they could hardly hold tears. I have a faint recollection of what they told me, but their visit was very short.

I was later carried into a hall where I saw soldiers dressed smartly. I would lie if I said I fully appreciated what was going on at that point. I was later told that I was appearing before the General Court Martial!!!

After a short while, I was again carried into a military helicopter.

When it landed, I was put into a vehicle and driven to another place which I later found out was Makindye military barracks.

At Makindye, I was now fully alert and had a drink for the first time after two or three days. I saw doctors come in several times and they gave me all kinds of injections. At some point, I tried to object and these guys would hold my arms from behind and inject me anywhere. If I asked what drug it was, the guy would say something like, “This is diclofenac, can’t you see?” At some point, some guy came in and wanted to stitch my ear which had an open wound. I pleaded with him not to, and he relented. All the while I was spending the day and night with my hands and legs cuffed until a few days later. Thankfully although the scars are still visible, the wound on my ear healed.

It was after some time at Makindye that I was able to see my wife and my brother Eddy Yawe, who came in with some lawyers, some friends and dignitaries from the Uganda Human Rights Commission (UHRC). I will never forget the atmosphere in that room- people started crying upon setting eyes on me. At that point, I could not sit, walk or even stand by myself. I was still swollen and spoke with great difficulty due to chest pains. My teeth were shaking and the headache was unbearable. I am thankful that the UHRC made a report which I later read. At least it captured in part, the state in which they found me. As the government agency mandated to fight human rights violations, I am eagerly waiting to see what actions they will take to ensure that no Ugandan is taken through this ever again. Not even President Museveni. I cannot wish what happened to me upon anyone. Not even those soldiers who violated me as if they were beasts. I remember two other things about that visit. Despite the pain I had that day, I remember forcing a smile when they told me that I had been charged with unlawful possession of firearms.

I was told that three guns had been assembled and said to have been found in my room! I could not believe that the state would torture a Ugandan so bad and then frame him with possession of guns! I did not stop thinking about that for all the days I spent at Makindye. How ruthless, how callous, how inhumane could these guys be? It was also on that day that I was told about the alleged stoning of the President’s vehicle.

The other thing I remember is this- I asked my visitors if we had won the Arua election. They told me we had won with a big margin and I thanked God. That strengthened my spirit because I knew that the people were with us, even in the kind of sufferings and indignities we were being subjected to.

I was very sad as I am today, that they murdered my brother Yasin in cold blood and did not allow me to bury him. They told me about my other comrades who were also incarcerated and I kept praying for them. (Of course every visitor had to speak to me in the presence of military personnel.) Although I was very pleased to see all visitors, when I was released, I read the comments which some of the visitors made to the press (particularly government officials). I felt sad that we have a lot of dishonest, cold people who don’t care riding on someone’s tragedy for political capital. I want to believe that we are better than that, dear Ugandans.

Anyway, while at Makindye I was briefed that I was expected in court on 23rd August, about nine days after I was taken there. Some military doctors continued to come in to inject me, wash my wounds and give me pain killers. At night on two occasions, I was put into military vehicles and driven to Kampala Imaging Centre for scans. I could not object or even ask questions. I am worried because one of the machines seemed very dangerous. As soon as I was placed into it and it was switched on, the doctors ran to a safe distance and started seeing me from a small window. It was there that the radiologist told me how one of my kidneys and back had been damaged during the assault. I was however not given any written medical report by the military.

It was clear they wanted me to appear in better shape at the next time of my court appearance and they did everything possible to achieve that. A day or two at Makindye, this guy was candid. He told me it was in my interest to eat well, take in all the medicine and look better by 23rd or else they would not allow the press to see me and I would be remanded again until I was presentable enough! They even forcefully shaved my hair and beards. When I hesitated, this soldier told me, ‘gwe osaaga’ (You are kidding). Two of them held my hands from behind and shaved me by force. At some point, they insisted I must wear a suit for my next appearance before the court martial and asked me to tell my wife to bring me one. I also insisted that I did not have it. At another point I hesitated to allow some eye drops for my right eye which was very red and swollen. I always wanted to know what drugs I was being given. These guys held my arms from behind and one of them literally poured the entire bottle into my eye! Later, the military doctor also provided me with a crutch to aid me in walking. At that point, I was able to stand up, although with difficulty. When you hear all this you may think that all our soldiers are brutal. Far from that, most of them are wonderful people. There are many I interacted with during this ordeal who were extremely professional and sympathetic. It was hard to comprehend how people serving the same force, putting on the same uniform could be very different in appreciation and approach to a citizen of Uganda.

When I was taken back to Gulu on 23rd, I was very happy to see the people who came to court including family members, comrades in the struggle and lawyers. I cannot explain how I felt when the lawyer for the army said that charges of unlawful possession of firearms had been dropped. I did not feel vindicated. I was not excited. I was not moved. I just cannot explain how I felt. I just remembered what these people had done to me and tears came to my eyes. Shortly after, I was rearrested right in front of the courtroom and taken to Gulu prison. At the military prison, I was wearing a red uniform – this time, I was given a yellow one.

Friends, you cannot believe that you can be happy to be in prison but that day I was. I was very happy to leave solitary military confinement and meet up with colleagues who were being held at the Gulu prison. That night I was taken to Lachor hospital in Gulu- other tests and scans were conducted. At that point I was feeling better, especially psychologically since I had reunited with my comrades in the struggle.

Later that night the prison authorities decided to take me into the sickbay as opposed to staying with the other comrades. The other comrades led by Hon. Wadri protested. I could hear them bang the doors of their cell. The following day I was allowed to stay with them. The following day I was allowed to stay with them. This is when I interacted with the other 32 colleagues who had been arrested in the Arua fracas. Being in the same prison ward with Hon. Gerald Karuhanga, Hon. Paul Mwiru, Hon. Kassiano Wadri, Hon. Mike Mabike, John Mary Sebuufu and many other comrades made it feel like a boarding school. It was not a very happy reunion though. Because of the torture some of our comrades had been permanently injured. I cannot forget the pain which Shaban Atiku was going through. He spent every day and night groaning. The doctors had told him he would never walk again because his back had been permanently broken. Sadly, the world may never know him, but he will never go out of my mind. He would later collapse during a court session at Gulu. When I later met the women who were brutalised, it was very painful to see them and listen to their stories.

Many times we joked about the possibility of being hanged if the regime decided to give us the maximum penalty of the offence we had been charged with! This got many of our comrades silent.

Away from these sad moments, the overall prison leader had a box guitar in the ward and together we sang songs of freedom all night. This was the routine every night until we appeared before the Gulu High Court a few days later, for our bail hearing.

My next communication will be a vote of thanks to the world for the overwhelming support and comradeship. I will also talk about what I think we must do together to continue this struggle for liberty and freedom.

I am glad that authorities finally have bowed to your pressure and #HonZaake has been given bond to travel for urgent specialised treatment and I join the world to demand authorities to #FreeEddyMutwe and other political prisoners. WE SHALL OVERCOME.

1. Please ignore calls from my phone number (0752013306). It was taken from me by soldiers and am told they’re using it to call my friends pretending it is me.

2. Please ignore any communication from other social media accounts and pages under my name apart from this one (with a blue tick) and my verified twitter account (also with a blue tick).

Hon. Kyagulanyi Ssentamu aka Bobi Wine


Museveni calls him BARYA in order to give the name an Ankole accent. Brig. Ronnie BALYA is a mutooro from the late Bishop Balya family. He is a graduate from Makerere university having graduated around 1980. He joined the NRA around 1985/86. He is among the different university graduates from the wrong tribes whom Museveni would deliberately divert to Internal Security Organisation, External Security Organisation and other civilian assignments in order to keep them off his main stream military service. It is this diversion of the highly educated that gave rise to the likes of Kaziini (P. 7), Otema Awany (S. 4),Wilson Mbadi (S. 4), Kayanja Muhanga (S. 5), Dick Olum (S2). Katumba Wamala (Cert in Agric), Charles Angina (S. 4 and others with modest education continue to occupy top positions. His usual excuse of historical factor does not apply here because none of them was in the bush. The fact is that those with minimal education standard are easy to manipulate and use to overwhelm the highly educated whose capacity to analyse political/military situations does not go well with his designs.

Brig. Balya first came to public eye when he was the DISO of Mbarara district at the time when Gen Tinyefuza secretly crowned the Ankole king. Then Lt. Balya was reprimanded on suspicion that he had connived with the team that crowned the king. Thanks to Hon. John Nasasira who pleaded with Museveni because by clan (Omwitira), Balya shares with Nasasira and other members of the ruling clique.Therefore, BARYA is regarded as a home boy. At the ISO head office, Lt. Balya rose to become the Director of Information Techinology (DIT). It is DIT that is responsible for technicalintelligence gathering using technical means in intercepting telephone, military radio, email, fax communications.

Then Lt Ronnie Balya gained fame when his department played a vital role in intercepting and breaking into the communication codes of the LRA during the northern insurgency, the Rwanda army during the Kisangani standoff and most of the regional security agencies. The operation is codenamed RABIT. By 2010, Balya had rised to become the Deputy Director General (DG) of ISO at a time when the spy agency was embroiled in factionalism. He was charged with leading a pro Museveni loyalist operatives within ISO. The then Director General Dr. Amos Mukumbi was suspected to have personal connections with ISO former DG and founder Gen. Jim Muhwezi whose political clarity was in doubt. It during the same time that other senior directors in ISO like Baguma, Kasura, Kwiringira, Rwekikiga, Kagoro, and some others were purged.

Brig. Ronnie Balya though a Deputy DG enjoyed closeness to the then Chief of Defence forces and Musevenis right hand man, Gen Aronda Nyakairima, the Inspector General of Police Kale Kayihura and the then CMI boss Brig. James Mugira. Ronnie Balyas intelligence collection undertakings and reporting had a direct link to Museveni. Such a development left the then ISO DG Dr Mukumbi issolated. No wonder, soon after, the Cadet Officer trained Dr. Mukumbi was kicked out and Balya was promoted to the rank of Colonel and appointed the Director General. With Aronda at the top of the internal affairs ministry and spearheading the process of militarising the Police force, bringing the immigration department to the armpit of security agencies and monitoring the operations of NGOs among other tasks, there is no doubt Balya has a big role to play in availing Aronda with the required spies for planting on each and every inch of the Uganda territory.

During the recent military adventure in the south Sudan, ISO and Operation RABIT in particular must have played a vital role in providing technical intelligence to the the invading NRA and Kirrs SPLA thus, the seemingly coincidental promotion of the two key players Brig Kayanja and Brig Balya. But given Musevenis ways the promotions of the two sons of Tooro was partly prompted by his move to neutralise the opposition influence among prominent families in Tooro against reports that members of the Tooro royal family in London are getting close to exiled Gen. Tinyefuza. On the other hand the promotion of Kayanja and Balya to the top rank of Brigadier is to also act as a compensation for the demise of Brig Noble Mayombo who was from the royal family in Tooro. The move is also meant to cover up for the public outcry of the top command positions in the army being dominated by his Hima tribes men.

Otherwise, Brig. Balya is as a civilian more than his predecessors Honorary Brig. Eriya Kategaya, Col. Mushega, Col Butime, Gen. Otafire and others whom Museveni delibarately denied a mainstream military career but simply awarded them military ranks to hoodwink them.

Posted by Robukui


The Candida photo. For those not familiar with this story it was a photo of UPDF soldiers forcefully shaving the pubic hair of a woman in Gulu barracks.The picture appeared in the Monitor edition of 11th May 1999. ‘I was the MD and Editor in Chief of the Daily Monitor. Charles Onyango-Obbo was the Managing Editor effectively in charge of editorial work and my No 2.Odoobo Bichachi was the only other Samia journalist in Monitor out of over 40.The company was well structured and built on sound business principles. But yes, we sometimes differed in opinion which is normal. The founders of Monitor were all highly opinionated journalists who never easily agreed without debates. But we finally always agreed and moved forward.

Ask State House and CMI why they took Candida file from my office complete with all the investigation material including many fotos taken in Gulu barracks. We used some of those materials to win the Candida case.Candida lost her case because her lawyers the then Honourables Jacob Olanya and Norbert Mao did a lousy job for her.

Yes, out of humanitarian considerations Monitor provided some basic needs items to Candida while she was in Prison. But that was it. We did not know her before we published her foto. She came to us herself after the foto was published. The foto had been brought to us by a UPDF soldier from Gulu barracks.

Rwanda has never controlled Monitor in any way. And Charles never tried to usurp my power or to fight for a position.It was not necessary at all……..The person who posted Hitler’s foto on State House website made a big political statement on the direction our country is taking.’

Wafula Oguttu

Don’t be used by selfish politicians such as Gen.Sejusa!

Fellow Ugandans At Heart,

There is no doubt that ‘not all is rosy’ in Uganda and that there is much to be desired. With this in mind, I have also to think very carefully about whatever step I take, or whom I have to follow for the good of our country, Uganda.

The lady who caused a bit of commotion at Gen. Tinyefuza’s speech is said to be from Northern Uganda. The people who calmed the lady down are also believed to be from Northern Uganda and Gen. Tinyefuza is delighted and calls that, “a fundamental shift.” To him, that was an attack by a Northerner from which he was protected by other Northerners!

Gen. Tinyefuza talked about what the people are asking. “So, what is the way forward? Therefore, are you going into elections, or are you going to fight?”

There was no direct answer to the question. However, all the words used to circumnavigate the question indicate that he, Gen. Tinyefuza pointed at the elections.

I watched the video posted here at the UAH and read through the text here below. All this only reminds me of yesteryears when I was led to believe that the situation in Uganda was terrible. The people who told me what was supposedly happening in Uganda were politicians who claimed even to have a large following inside Uganda. I respected them and listened to them like a student listens to a teacher.

By 1989 I had developed a good relation with the UG. authorities through the Ugandan Embassy in Copenhagen, Denmark. My mission was to see Ugandans learning from our past experiences in order to create a harmonious country in which we would have equal opportunities and the ‘Democracy’ that had been denied by lack of national integration and the politicians who only enhanced their personal agendas.

The Uganda Human Rights Activists in Scandinavia, I think it was in conjunction with the Organisation of Ugandans in Sweden, organised a Seminar on Uganda. That was in June, 1989 and the Seminar’s venue was in Stockholm, Sweden. The Uganda government was to be represented by the UG. Ambassador to Scandinavia. At the time, I had travelled to several countries around Europe, meeting some officials of organisations. The purpose of my travels was to find ideas about how a Ugandan organisation could be formed, to unite the people without any link to political parties. Simply, a Ugandan family.

I think that the Ugandan authorities had already known about my mission which had no political agenda whatsoever, but to bring the Ugandan people together as a family. By so doing, I hoped that we could be able to discuss the issues of our country as one people and that together we could always find ways to errect projects that could economically benefit our people and country at large.

I first heard about the Seminar from some Ugandans who had come to Copenhagen for a Weekend. They did not say much about it and I did not inquire much about it because to me, it sounded like a political meeting that I surely did not want to attend.

One day the Ugandan Ambassador to Scandinavia, H.E. Edith G. Sempala telephoned me and also told me about the Seminar to be held in Stockholm, Sweden. She asked if I had been invited. I told her that I had heard about it from some Ugandans, but did not even ask much what the Seminar was about.

Several days later, I received some Ugandan politicians at my residence in Copenhagen. They claimed to have just passed by, but had a lot to say. They talked a lot about the “killings” going on in Uganda and the plans President Museveni had in place to make himself, “Ssabagabe” (King of Kings) of Uganda. By the time they left, I had a different feeling about the situation in Uganda.

Several days later I received another telephone call from the UG. Ambassador. She again asked me whether I was going to the Seminar in Stockholm. I told her that I was not. She requested me to attend the Seminar as a representative of the UG. government. I told her frankly that it was her duty as the UG. Ambassador. I also told her that I had a ‘Refugee’ status and representing the UG. government would contradict my status. I told her to let me think about it.

The next day I received a telephone call from Mr. Lance Sera Muwanga, then Chairman of the Uganda Human Rights Activists in Scandinavia. He warned me against representing the UG. government at the Seminar. I received threat calls and by the time H. E. Ambassador Edith G. Sempala called, I had through fear made up my mind not to represent the UG. government at the Seminar. In stead I was invited personally by Mr. Lance Sera Muwanga, who was also to Chair the Seminar.

At the Seminar Mr. Omwony Ojwok, an official of the UNLF-AD told the Seminar the history of Uganda and wanted the audience to know the genesis of Uganda’s problems.

My shock and disbelief was when I again received some guests at my residence, only to inform me that the UNLF-AD had dissolved and that they had accepted to work with the NRM government to find a solution for Uganda’s problems. Mr. Omwony Ojwok had been appointed Minister of State, Office of the President. Mr. Dani Wadada Nabudere told me that he had decided to retire from politics and that he would be teaching at a certain College in Mbale. Prof. Edward Rugumayo and Mr. Yash Tandon had also decided to quit politics. My shock was because these are some of the people who had warned me against representing the UG. government at the Seminar, but had not only decided to return home, but also to be part of the government.

Mr. Nabudere returned to Denmark for some of his belongings which had remained behind, but also came to visit me. He came with another Ugandan professor, Baalam Kweri. They advised me to form a political party in order to remain “relevant” to the Ugandan political scene. I only noded and had no comment to the suggestion.

The purpose of this revelation is to warn fellow Ugandans not to be used as “stepping stones” for the people who want to climb Uganda’s political ladder. We must not accept any more wars in our country. We should do all we possibly can to encourage dialogue in search for peace and harmony, for that is the foundation for any achievements we need for our country, Uganda. We must not be overwhelmed by our emmotions so as to make unwise decisions.

We must learn from the past the mistakes we should avoid, if we truly need our country to heal. I wish only the best for our country, the Republic of Uganda.

Byaruhanga John Rubin.


At Basiima House, the Deputy Director, Aronda Nyakairima would retain a photocopy before allowing the original to reach Tinye. The Director Fred Tolit was seen as a Tinye loyalist having worked closely in the field. However, throughout Tinye would be very careful as not to write a reply. During that time Tinye was spending much of his time at his country home in Sembabule. He had dragged the govt to court for having blocked his wish to leave the army. Major Itongwa had started armed rebellion in Buganda and government panicked thinking that somebody else, possibly Tinye was behind him. Aronda initiated an intelligence surveillance squad headed by then Lt Banson Mande to keep watch on Tinye. I WAS WORKING IN ARONDA’S OFFICE AS HIS SECRETARY AND I WAS THE CUSTODIAN OF THE TINYE FILE.

When Tinye won the constitutional petition, government hastily appointed Justice Kanyeihamba to the Supreme Court so as to quash the earlier constitutional court decision.

Having lost the court battle, Tinye kept a low profile and even went to the LDC to do a post graduate bar course. However security surveillance around him remained in place and the army office regarded sympathetic to him were subjected to close scrutiny.

After seemingly mending fences with M7, Tinye was brought back on board but not anywhere close to active military service. Both Tinye and Museveni knew that they were fooling each other. Following the 2001 elections, former Kampala Mayor Sebagala had threated to moblise the masses for demonstrations in Kampala. Its Tinye whom Museveni blessed to secretly meet Sebagala at the laters residence in Bugolobi and a deal was struck to call off the demos.

During some of the Besigye fracases, Tinye was close to the CMI, Noble Mayombo. During the Entebbe airport Besigye fracas, Tinye, seated in Mayombo’s office picked a phone and ordered then Capt Kayanja Muhanga (brother to Andrew Mwenda) who was at the airport thus “KAYANJA JUST TIE UP BESIGYE AND DRIVE HIM AWAY”. Within the intelligence community the belief was that it is not that Tinye did not approve of Besigye’s actions or supported the system, but because Besigye was attempting to jump the presidential que. The system believes that Tinye has always harboured presidential ambitions and the only way to contain him is to keep him in the army but militarily innactive.

Both Museveni and Tinyefuza very well know that the later’s appointment as coordinator of intelligence services was meant to the later. Both ISO and ESO are under the Minister of security in the President’s office, CMI is under the CDF, police intelligence unit is under the IGP and the other quash intelligence units like State House have their own heads. The heads of ll these agencies can directly report to the president. For effective coordination and utilisation of intelligence, Tinye should have been under the President’s office and the recipient of all intelligence from all the above agencies for onward transmission to the president. Instead, Tinye has been a subject of coordinated monitoring by all the agencies.

Therefore the alleged assassination plot is just another hoax. Tinye can’t belong in the same camp with Aronda, Mbabazi and Kaihura. The other three are the main architects of Museveni’s designs and cannot oppose the Muhoozi project. The Muhoozi project itself does not exist bse Museveni has no intention of relinquishing the Presidency. Maybe building a pro Muhoozi army that will protect the father and his presidential heir in the far future.

The heat generated by the letter, the arrests, searches, intimidatory public statements are all meant to scare Tinye not to come back. If he indeed fears to come back he will be politically finished. If he comes back his popularity will greatly rise but will be incarcerated and may even loose his life. With that background Museveni feels he can manage Tinye in exile better than if he is in Uganda and close to his power base the military. Museveni must have known that Tinye planned to rise unfavourable issues on trip abroad but he let him go.

It worked for Tanzania’s Nyerere against his rival by popularity Oscar Kambona. He was harassed into exile. Nyerere was informed that Kambona was planning to flee but he simply said ‘let him go’. Indeed Kambona fled, his close associates and family members were harassed with treasonous charges and he died in exile.

Tugume Sam.

When I saw the pictures of Gen.Kayihura happy and matching, my mind went back to 1979 when wakombozi from TZ finally entered Kampala

Kayihua wave has got power in it, guys

Kayihua wave has got power in it, guys


Why did General Kale Kayihura inspect a police and not military guard of honour? I mean the rank of general is a military and not a police rank? Some of you may sometimes wonder why I always try to give a brief about people’s past. When I saw the pictures of General Kale Kayihura happy and matching, my mind went back to 1979, precisely April 1979 when wakombozi from TZ finally entered Kampala and the late Professor Lule (RIP) was about to be sworn in as President. It was none other than Mr. Kale Kayihura, yes him, who led Makerere University students through the streets of Kampala to parliament buildings. Mark you then Makerere University students were still well respectable and thus respected and actual admired by the peasants. Not anymore of course but that is beside the point.

If anyone could have predicted that Mr. Kayihura would preside over a fascist police force and try to force editors to sign oppressive agreements to not write about certain individuals, they would have called you mad.

BTW, The Monitor carved in to the regime when it appointed Mr. Asiimwe as its boss. That was a purely political appointment to appease the regime. The moment you appease you have to appease more. Ndiyo

The biggest mistake the Monitor made is contained in the following:

“In Monday’s Observer, when Monitor MD Alex was contacted for comment
on the conditions government is reported to have presented to them
before any consideration of re-opening, he reportedly responded: “We
met the minister but i can’t go into the details or discuss them in
the press.”

The Monitor board tried to buy peace by making a son of the soil boss. But the regime wants more. Therein lies the problem of appeasement.

If the Monitor Board caves in and agrees to the conditions being pushed in their way by the regime that will be the end of the Monitor for real. Better to die now under General Kale Kayihura, LLM and General Aronda, also a lawyer I believe -and you folks blamed Amin’s lesser educated colonels, eeh-than later after appeasement.

The Monitor can die a principled death-yes it will hit the shareholders and employees-or die disgraceful death should it cave in. As the Baganda say “mpaawo magombe gazza”/death is death. Who will buy a paper that guarantees not to write about certain people no matter how news worthy they are?

Folks, the actions by an LLM general IGP illuminate my thesis about Uganda, which is that all LEADERS y are all the same, Museveni, Amin, Obote, Okello, same . You show me the difference. For me there is no REAL difference. Sure there are small differences here and there, but overall, Museveni, Obote, the educated are no different from lesser educated souls of Amin and Okello. Erase that. Actually in some cases the latter were far better than the former. I know this will rub defenders of the former the wrong way, but it is the truth.

Let me repeat my thesis: the educated and uneducated Ugandan leaders have behaved the same. If you still have any doubts, look at the actions of General Kale Kayihura under YKM. We have to exclude General Aronda so far from this saga because he was named minister when it was underway. It was Minister Onek who gave orders. Yes in Uganda having morons or educated leaders leads to the same outcome. Phew!

Well if I were leading the Monitor, rather resign than burry the paper. I said in the Kiganda saying “mpaawo magombe gazza”. The odds facing the Monitor are honestly not good. If it caves in to the govt demands it will die a miserable death. I guess if it refuses it will be killed by the Minister of Internal affairs and the IGP, but that will be an honorable and principled death. . I say better to die on their orders than through self-inflicted death. The decision is up to the Board of directors holding brief for shareholders-the residual claimants.

I know the likes of Hon Wafula Ogutu are reading, so it is up to them to determine the fate of the Monitor. I am telling them that if they carve in they will accelerate the death of the Monitor. Yes they are caught between a rock and hard place. That is why I say that all Ugandan leaders, educated or not are the same.

Sad but true.

So you have some of you-I mean media people-salivating at the woes facing the Monitor. Recall the kisoga saying “ekiri kummwino nekirungi okuwaaya/okuseka or the Kiganda one that “eryokanga netoonya ….”

I saw in the pictures Mr. Kale Kayihura of 1979, happy, being mobbed by ordinary wanainchi. The only difference is back then there was no massive security and unfit policemen based on their tumbo.

So I try to give brief so Ugandans can see how power corrupts and changes people. General Kale Kayihura’s transformation is quite something. Another chap who went through the same is Mr David Pulkol, from being SAVEED to heading ESO and certainly killing Ugandans. I have no clue whether Mr Pulkol is still SAVEED but that is also neither here nor there.

Yes power is sweat but it also corrupts. Like i said ‘atakulaaba akunyoma’/those of you who only know General kale Kayihura the General are probably not amused. But no, he had a very descent, admired and respected life.

I have said that the overthrow of Amin was catastrophic for Uganda in many ways. For starters Ugandan has never been at peace since. Think about it. Since 1978 when Amin blundered and went to Kagera and gave TZ and the so called liberators-not sure what they liberated Uganda from when Monitor and Red Pepper are occupied by police led by an LLM holder-the excuse to invade Uganda.

Uganda as a whole has NEVER known peace. Think about it again, a peaceful Uganda, I mean peace and happiness in all of Uganda, ended with Amin. Well that is the change for you.

National schools ended with Amin. National railways ended with Amin. Everything national died with Amin. What replaced it has always been parochial Teue dat.

So as the rest of you congratulate General Kale Kayihura, some of us mourn, his demise.Let Ugandans compare the actions of the Uganda police under Kassim Obura (Amin), Okoth Ogoola (Dr Obote 2) and General Kale Kayihura, LLM (YKM). In terms of education and rank, General Kayihura is way above them, but what about sadistic actions? Start with press freedom. Do you see any difference?

Times like these demand that we tell the truth, bitter as it may be. So UAF folks stop sugar coating shit or trying to appease. This is not the time for imbecilic debate. No

General Ssejusa is responsible for the wider changes in UPDF. The winner is actually General Ssejusa. The biggest losers are General Nyakairima who becomes minister of internal affairs and becomes the lead minister for another loser, UAH’s very own IGP, Lt General Kale Kayihura. Basically General Ssejusa’s letter and the IGP’s moronic reaction cost him the CDF post, which was his to lose.

So General Aronda is now technically speaking General Kale Kayihura’s immediate boss, but given recent developments General Arond will realize what general Sejjusa’s letter was all about. To be blunt, IGP Kale Kayihura ain’t gonna report to General Aronda. Hell no.

The permanent secretaries are interesting. Congratulations to Nnalongo Guwatudde Kintu Christine, who goes to the thieving OPM. Incidentally, she is probably one of the longest serving Permanent secretaries. She became PS at a very young age. That Budo lady (1975-1978), Makerere College School (1979-1981), MUK 1981-1984 is very lucky. Be firm.

Why has YKM refused to promote Mr. Matia Kassaija who has stood with him since their tough days in UPM to full minister?


UPDF has a structure but we should really focus also on policy and statecraft issues

Kazini’s status: Have you heard of any former Army Commander in Africa being taken to prison for stealing a few shillings? Kazini, Major General, S.3 dropout. Otamuweka wapi? Tanzanian retired generals are diplomats, regional governors,etc. Could you trust Kazini with your herd of goats? How did such an individual like Kazini become the embodiment of the values of a very important national institution? I am told he still had some cases to answer for petty thieving. You know, when he was in Nigeria for senior command training, those officers there always wondered how he became a general. When they went out to look for ladies, Kazini would go in for those that befitted Nigerian Corporals! When he went to Ghana for a staff course, he nad a runin with an instructor. He was thrown off the course, escorted back to Uganda by the Ghanaian Military Police paka Entebbe , then they heard he was Chief of Staff, then Army Commander! Did they laugh or cry?

And with Kazini, when you talk to the average UPDF soldier, he will tell that if all he had left in his rifle were only two rounds of ammunition, and he found Kazini, Kony and Odhiambo in a dark corner, he would shoot Kazini twice in the head………

General Kazini….two words that are a heart-rending oxymoron!

Anyway as I said, ever since 1979, Uganda has tended to lean towards Tanzania in the manner of organising the military…for obvious reasons. Even subsequently when you did away with NRA, you opted for UPDF…mirroring TPDF. To appreciate the Uganda military arrangements, look at TPDF.

And by the way, the Tanzanians (and anybody else) would tell you that the Kenyan system is the one that is confused. Kenya lacks the conceptual grasp between ‘Command’ matters, i.e., everything to do with the general directing of operational matters (the teeth) and ‘Staff’ matters i.e., everything to do with directing support matters (the tail). The Joint Chief of staff in Tanzania is actually called the Chief of General Staff…he is in charge of Staff Officers that support the commanders. Kenyans call their biggest commander a ‘chief of staffs’ which is really funny….like referring to a headmaster as a head prefect. With the Tanzanians, the Chief of Staff is of a higher rank than the respective service commanders, making him the third most senior. The Tanzanians are also silent about the chiefs of staff of the respective services.

UPDF has a structure, Yes it does as President Museveni being the Commander-in-Chief, Gen Aronda Nyakayirima as the Chief of Defence Forces, Lt Gen I Koreta as the Deputy Chief of Defence Forces, Lt Gen Katumba Wamala is the Commander Land Forces, Brig Lusoke as the Joint Chief of Staff, Brig Angina Chief of Staff and other follow

There is the link to the Uganda MOD where the details of the UPDF can be found. The information appears to be in the public domain: Link:

The link for the Army, which you Ugandans have elected to call the Land Forces is:

The link for the Airforce is:

The link for the Marines is:

Of course Uganda is a land-locked country, so reference to ‘Marines’ is a misnomer. Our geography has nothing to do with the sea. May they should have referred to ‘Amphibious’ or ‘Lake-borne’

Note that, in terms of doctrine, whether organisational or tactical, Uganda has borrowed from Tanzania . Even when you look at Kenya , we need to be clear about the structure. The heads of the services (Army, Airforce, Navy) are respectively called Commanders, they are all at the same level, falling directly under the CGS–>VCGS.

In Uganda , instead of ‘General Staff’ you refer to Defence Forces. Gen Aronda is the CDF (equiv of CGS) and Gen Koreta is the Deputy CDF (equiv of VCGS). Gen. Koreta is not the Chief of Staff of the Army as you indicate. The army has its own command structure as a service with Gen Katumba as the commander. The same applies with the Airforce where there is a commander. Each of the Services has its chief of staff. The Joint Chief of Staff, Brig. Rusoke oversees the chiefs of staff of the services, and not the service commanders. The service commanders are answerable to the CDF through the Deputy CDF, just like in Kenya .

Gen Koreta, the Deputy CDF is senior to the respective service commanders (Katumab for the Army, Owoyesigire for the Ariforce)….no contradiction there.

Whether Kenya mentions its chiefs of staffs or not is a matter of preference but I am sure they do exist there too and operate in a similar manner. I think all you Ugandans have not done is to draw an organogram like Kenya has done.

Note that, for Kenya you refer to the Army Commander as the third highest ranking but that is not the case. All service commanders are at the same level…they are peers (see this link:

But even, all this debate about structure and personalities really takes us into the weeds: bottom line, it is trivial in regard the defence and security of Uganda .

But the question of Uganda ‘s institutional realities: Institutions are a mirror image of the societies that they service. How institutions function (and malfunction) is a culmination of historical factors, and a distillate of political realities. It may be a bit unrealistic for us to take the Kenyan arrangement as the norm for all time and all places. One may ask for example, why is it that following the 1964 mutiny of the East African militaries, did Mr Nyerere disarm, lock up and finally disband the Tanganyika Rifles completely, then Mr Kenyatta did the same but not as comprehensively yet Mr Obote decided to honour all the demands of the mutineers, increased their salaries, gave them promotions; dismissed the ringleaders and reinstated them half an hour later? Part of what we see today has roots right there in our history.

How many civil wars has Kenya or Tanzania had? Do those countries have the equivalent of Buganda , as an ‘indigestible element’ in national life, to use Huntington ‘s words in his ‘Political Order in Changing Societies’? How many times since 1964 has the Kenyan military been disbanded; and how about Uganda ? How many rebel groups has Kenya had? Uganda …anything up to thirty. Co-opting all those for the sake of short term harmony has always been at the expense of professionalism. The Katebe ‘institution’ is an embodiment of some for those skeletons in the closet of our political history.

At UAH, we should really focus also on policy and statecraft issues. This is where the future of the country can best be thought about instead of spending alot of time on recrimination, defensiveness and making comical promises. I will send you the country’s defence policy and the white paper on defence… is in such areas that incumbents should be put to task for the good of the country, not just hurling insults at them like we like to do here at UAH.

L/Cpl (rtd) Otto Patrick

A Ugandan Colonel (whether Acholi, Langi or Munyankore) earns about the equivalent of $ 6,000 per year where as his British counterpart earns $150,000

Below are the groups that make up the UPDF. An alphabetic listing of the UPDF would probably show that, about 40% of the surnames start with letter ‘O’, and not because they are Otafiire, Owoyesigire, Owakubariho Omulyannaka, Omutego-kweguli or Owobusingye. It is the ‘Okellos’, again! Infact the single name ‘Okello’ may be anything up to 10%.

It may not be advisable to assume that 80% of the force is from one ethnic group. I would suggest that you get yourself acquainted as quickly as you can,to the reality that, the rank and file of the Ugandan military is an amalgam of at least two dozen pliticomilitary groups that have graced the country in the last three or so decades, and not those Tutsis and Rwandese as many of you here like to refer to them. The NRA is just one out those many groups that make up the UPDF, and the original NRA soldier is now a very, very, very rare commodity. And by the way, that is not to imply that, yeah, good riddance.

One time, James Kazini, the disgraced former head of the UPDF boasted that there were about 6,000 UPDFs from Nyabushozi county only. I do not think he really knew what he was talking about.

Here are the groups:

1. National Resistance Army (NRA)

2. Uganda National Liberation Army (UNLA)

3. Uganda People’s Democratic Army (UPDM/A)

4. Uganda People’s Army (UPA)

5. Ruwenzururu Kingdom Freedom Movement

6. Uganda Freedom Movement (UFM)

7. Uganda Mujahdeen Movement (UMM)

8. Ninth October Movement/Army (NOM/A)

9. Allied Democratic Front/Force (ADF)

10. Force Obote Back Army (FOBA),

11. Federal Democratic Movement (Fedemo)

12. West Nile Bank Front (WNBF) I &II

13. Uganda National Democratic Alliance (UNDA)

14. National Army for the Liberation of Uganda (NALU)

15. Uganda National Rescue Front (UNRF) I &II

16. Holy Spirit Movement/Holy Spirit Mobile Forces (HSM) I & II

17. Citizen Army for Multiparty Politics (CAMP),

18. Action Restore Justice (ARJ)

19. Former Uganda National Army (FUNA),

20. Anti-Referendum Army (ARA),

21. Peoples’ Redemption Army (PRA)

22. Uganda Salvation Force/Army (USF/A)

23. Lord’s Army

24. Lord’s Resistance Army (LRA)

Many of the UPDF riflemen were born after 1986…may be 90% of the young boys in UPDF battalions. The UPC many of them know is the group that in the 2006 elections polled 0.82% of the votes, behind a young independent man that polled 0.95%. That is all they know!

Many are from the groups I have listed for you above. They joined the UPDF to earn a living, they work under severe hardships, when their bosses are busy stealing their pay and procuring for them substandard equipment. Several were integrated into the UPDF from anti-NRM insurgency groupings which they were gangpressed into joining, through grissly initiations like murdering their own parents and siblings.

The great majority of those boys are yearning for a change that can make their situation better than it is now. 100% of those boys who joined the UPDF through regular recruitment did not receive pay as recruits because Uganda is the only country in the world that does not pay its recruit during the first nine or more months of initial training. This is the situation in the UPDF, and ironically, that was the situation in the UNLA…..

Just as an example, A Ugandan Colonel (whether Acholi, Langi or Munyankore) earns about the equivalent of $ 6,000 per year where as his British counterpart earns $150,000. That UPDF Colonel needs to hear voices that promise to alleviate his plight, and not those like yours, that are bent on demonising him. A future government that holds childish views about the hard-pressed UPDF soldier definitely alienates itself in advance.

For those of you who keep referring to the UPDF as ‘Tutsi/Rwandese’, you cannot imagine what anger you cause for young boys who are living under serious hardships. Somehow, you end up politicising them, and poisoning them against your own interests.

We are all sympathetic with the conditions of our civil servants and soldiers serve in due to their numerical strength; police, army, teachers, nurses. Our economy can not make make for them havens. Unlike UA and UNLA, this is a people’s army which has successfully transformed from a guerilla force to a professional army. They are political but not partisan, so they know from where we have come from, where we have reached and where we are going. Some of you seem not confortable with the name NRA. But let me remind you that when DP wanted to change UNLA name to UA,. UPC led by Defence Minister Paulo Muwanga refused. Fortunately UPDF was a consensus in Constituent Assembly since the army was NRA, the draft recommended for UAF and they all agreed with UPDF. Initially Sebaana Kizito was not confirtable with it because of the word people which, he said would reminding him of UPC and its atrocities. The army and the media are so crucial in the politics of Uganda and else where and those who are hostile to them will never see the gates of State House.

One of the stupid things President George Bush was to dismantle the Iraqi army, one million strong. It has taught him and his occupiers a lesson. A similar mistake was made by Tanzanians in 1979 when they banded Uganda Armed Forces as Idi Amin’s personal army. They regrouped in the Sudan and DR Congo and almost went with Obote and Okello Lutwa’s heads in Koboko in 1980. Ask Barig.Robert Rwenhururu.They became a prey for Isaac Lumago, Moses Ali, Faruq Minawa, Lutakome Kayiira and Yoweri Museveni’s recruitment against Obote ll regime. Brig.Kasirye Gwanga has been giving testimonies to that effect. Therefore any politician abusing UPDF will never step into power even for a day.

L/Cpl (rtd) Otto Patrick
and Ahmed Katerega

Uganda is virtually a militarized and tutsified nation and is likely to remain so for a long time

MUNTUUganda is virtually a militarized and tutsified nation and is likely to remain so for a long time unless we act quickly. Any Uganda patriot must be concerned about what is happening to the Pearl of Africa. Uganda was designed to be a country by, for and of Ugandans and participate in the development of the world. Because Ugandans are afraid of the military and of being branded genocidaire if they complain about what Tutsi are doing to our country, they are unable to express their discomfort and discuss a way out. But some voices of dissent are beginning to be heard and are getting louder for all to hear. If Museveni is trying to find a place for his people we also have a right to stop him from doing it at the expense of the people of Uganda. And we shouldn’t feel guilty about it provided it is done peacefully and transparently.

Museveni and his Batutsi kith and kin resolved to establish hegemony over Uganda by militarizing all aspects of Uganda society since they couldn’t do so democratically because of demographic handicap. So under Museveni leadership, Batutsi are methodically, silently and incrementally penetrating all aspects in Uganda but are being betrayed by a poor record of performance, rampant corruption, sectarianism, cronyism and above all an outstanding different lifestyle – they have become the richest kids on the block and are acquiring assets especially land at breakneck speed. Consequently, Uganda and the majority of Ugandans is in bad shape economically, socially and environmentally, raising questions about where Uganda will end up under military and tutsified leadership that is spreading tentacles in all directions particularly in the Great Lakes region where they plan to create a Tutsi Empire with some tacit external support. But first, let us understand how the military got into Uganda politics.

Uganda got independence in 1962 under conditions that were not conducive to political sustainability. The political parties were young especially UPC and KY and leaders unknown and inexperienced. Britain was in a hurry to hand over power because of the political volatility in surrounding countries of Burundi, Congo, Kenya, Rwanda and Sudan and the refugees and cattle that were crossing into Uganda in large numbers with possibility of epidemics. Uganda politicians were more concerned about who gets power first than laying a strong foundation for independent Uganda. The leaders that eventually emerged were relatively new to the political scene. Experienced politicians like Ignatius Musazi, William Rwetsiba and Ben Kiwanuka were replaced or marginalized by relatively inexperienced leaders like Milton Obote and Grace Ibingira with conflicting ideologies and social backgrounds. They chose to sweep under the carpet delicate issues like head of state, lost counties, regional integration and Amin criminal record that would have delayed independence. Because of a split among those in favor of a unitary or federal system of government Uganda came to independence not as a monarchy or republic but as the “Sovereign State of Uganda” with the Queen as head of state.

Because Obote and Ibingira were scared of John Kakonge who was popular and a successful organizer as UPC Secretary General, they conspired to get rid of him and his youth wing. First, he wasn’t nominated to parliament and so couldn’t be a minister and lost his post of secretary general to Ibingira at the 1964 UPC Gulu conference.

Ibingira, a distant monarchist from Ankole wasn’t going to accept the leadership of Obote, a commoner from Lango. As soon as Kakonge was out of the way, Obote and Ibingira fought for the leadership post, through Ibingira and Obote groups. As the struggle proceeded it became necessary to seek military backing. Opolot the army commander from Teso joined the Ibingira group, leaving Obote no choice but to ally himself with Amin, deputy army commander from West Nile. So, it was civilian politicians that invited the military into politics. Eventually, Obote group with Amin support trounced Ibingira group with Opolot support because the former struck first.

The precedent was set that politicians would only survive with military backing. When there was a rumor of arms cache at Mengo, the matter was resolved by military rather than political and/or diplomatic means. So the military became an integral part of solving political problems. From 1966 to January 1971, Obote was sustained in power by the military. Amin felt important and eyed the presidency itself. If he could keep Obote there, he could grab it and sustain himself there. When Obote tried to remove Amin on various allegations including the disappearance of $5 million from the defense department and the death of brigadier Okoya and his wife, Amin struck first against Obote like Obote had done earlier to Ibingira using Amin. So, Amin knew the trick but he had some external guidance and local support.

After Amin captured power he promised his was a temporary caretaker government and he would return to the barracks after a civilian government had been elected. He confessed he was a professional soldier to defend the nation and not govern the country. But he never returned to the barracks. Instead he declared himself president for life. The civilians couldn’t do anything about it because opposition was crushed. He was removed by Tanzanian troops and Uganda rebels in April 1979 and fled into exile first to Libya and then to Saudi Arabia where he later died.

At the Moshi conference in 1979, it was decided to return Uganda to civilian rule. Lule was elected head of state and a National Consultative Council of thirty members was elected. For security purposes, a military commission was also formed chaired by Muwanga with Museveni as the deputy. Sadly political quarrelling among Council members and between them and the executive resulted in the removal of Lule within 68 days upon assumption of office.

Binaisa, another civilian leader was elected to replace Lule with instruction to organize elections and return the country to civilian rule. However, differences developed over his ideas, one being the exclusion of old political parties from participation in the elections. The military stepped in and Binaisa was removed from the presidency opening the door once again for the military. The government was taken over by the military commission under the chairmanship of Paul Muwanga with Museveni as deputy. Once again it was civilian political fighting that opened the gate for the military into Uganda politics.

The military set the date for elections, allowed Obote to return and lead his UPC in the campaign which with military support won but the opposition called the exercise fraudulent although the Commonwealth observer team described it as generally fair, honest and valid exercise. Obote nominated ten members and the army returned 10 officers to parliament (Dennis Austin 1984). Obote also appointed Muwanga vice president and minister for defense. Thus, the military set foot into parliament and has stayed there since.

The military was increasingly being seen as the tool for resolving political problems. So, the solution to Obote challenge was the military and not to wait for the next election. Museveni and the opposition launched a guerrilla war against a civilian government led by Obote. In July 1985, Obote was overthrown by a section of his national army that conspired with Museveni’s National Resistance Army on the understanding that the two would form a government of national unity. But they soon fell apart. As Yash Tandon observed:“But, being militaristic and undemocratic, they were unlikely to agree to share power. For them the issue could only be decided by who was stronger militarily on the ground” (Azzam Mahjoub 1990). Museveni won.

Since he came to power in 1986, Museveni has carefully tried to achieve two major goals with tacit foreign backing: militarization and tutsification of Uganda. Museveni has made it clear many times that he didn’t kill a beast to then handover the carcass to others to enjoy the meat. The animal he killed is Uganda by defeating the national army. So Uganda is his and he will enjoy it with his fellow fighters. And who are his fellow fighters? The majority who planned and commanded the guerilla war were Tutsi mercenaries.

Upon capturing power, Rwigyema a Tutsi refugee was made deputy army commander and deputy minister of defense and Kagame was made deputy head of intelligence and counter-intelligence. Since they came to Uganda as political refugees in 1959, many Tutsi have adopted local names and local languages to disguise themselves as Ugandans – such as Banyankole, Bakiga, Baganda etc. Most of them fought in the guerilla war and therefore are soldiers employed or working in all sectors of Uganda including Uganda embassies and international organizations.

Museveni took a decision that in order to penetrate Uganda society with Batutsi and soldiers prevented educated and experienced Ugandans in the diaspora from going home and retrenched or marginalized Ugandans already at home. So wherever you go in the military, police, intelligence, prisons, private sector and civil service, in parliament and district councils you will find that many heads are Tutsi or tutsified Ugandans that have pledged to serve Tutsi interests instead of their own people in return for favors as a job. Tutsi and soldiers have also dominated political parties. The two major ones of NRM and FDC have been dominated by Tutsi since their establishment. Currently General Museveni a Tutsi heads NRM and General Muntu a Tutsi heads FDC. The Inspector General of Police is also a General and Mutusi so is the army commander. Thus, Uganda is being militarized and tutsified. This is a fact and there is no sectarianism or genocide about it. Furthermore, Uganda is being used as a staging post in pursuit of Tutsi Empire. This is real. The M23 has been directly supported by Tutsi leaders in Rwanda and Uganda.

Museveni and Kagame plan initially is to take Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi and DRC as the nucleus of Tutsi Empire. Then grab Angola, Namibia, Congo, Gabon and Cameroon and Kenya and Tanzania: the idea is to have access from Indian Ocean to Atlantic Ocean, so middle Africa will become Tutsi Empire first. In 1997 Museveni spelt out his mission that is to create a federation of states into one nation stretching from the Horn of Africa to the Great Lakes region. But that isn’t end of the story.

If you have noticed Museveni has placed himself strategically by being Chairman of many regional organizations: soon he will add on AU. As chairman of these organizations he hopes to influence policy that will discreetly prepare a path for the realization of Tutsi Empire. Museveni wants to dominate the continent, now that Wade and Qaddafi are out of the way through politics, military and diplomatic means.

In one of the early interviews Museveni stated he would quit Uganda politics and focus on pan-African issues. This appears to be the moment because it is difficult to see how he can chair so many organizations and have sufficient time to devote to mushrooming challenges in Uganda.

This is the time that we should also re-establish civilian government starting with a transitional one of all stakeholders to prepare a level playing field for free and fair multi-party elections hinged on an independent electoral commission, term limits for president and MPs and standardized campaign finance so the wealthy don’t buy votes.

Second, to avoid taking advantage of incumbency, those who serve in the transitional government should not contest in the next elections.

To conclude, it has become clear that by and large whether educated or not, soldiers aren’t trained to run national governments and it shouldn’t be seen as disrespect. It means that they are trained to do something else. Imagine a chemist or economist asked to command a national army – just like that. That is what soldiers do when they overthrow a civilian government. They take over without tools to govern a country even if they stay for a long time they don’t do well. General Porfirio Diaz of Mexico was president for over 30 years but could not tackle many problems including poverty and illiteracy and was eventually overthrown in the Mexican Revolution in 1911, fled the country and died in exile. Museveni has been in power for a long time with all the external support in money and experts but Uganda is retrogressing because Museveni has ruled the country the wrong way including insisting that he is the only person in Uganda with a vision for Uganda’s development.

Let us bring civilian government back for the good of the country which should by now have become an upper middle income nation. Instead Uganda is drifting backwards. This is an indisputable fact and the donors who praised Uganda sky high have now recognized that there is something wrong because one can’t explain what over $30 billion of grant money has done.

When the Generals in Latin America realized their shortcomings they returned the business of running governments to civilians. And the countries and citizens are doing much better. Uganda should be next.


Mugisha Muntu’s body-guard chased from Airforce

The triple-chopper tragedy has taken its toll and the action reveals a lot: mainly that unless you build institutions on other grounds than profession and competence, catastrophe will follow, come what may.
The C-in-C has at last let go. Brigadier Moses Rwakitarate is no more and so is the highest ranking Chiga officer in the forces, Lt. Gen Jim Owoyesigyire. The reasons are as simple as cutting through butter. Look bellow:

Rwakitarate, a boy from Ruti [The Mzee Byanyima place] is the son of a pioneer engineer in telecoms, turned preacher, Mzee Rwakitarate, who worked in the communications area from 1948 to 1983 and is now a saved, revivalist preacher, in the evening of his life. It is reported that he, together with late prof. Wadada Nabudere [then reportedly a Postal-Clerk student at today’s MMU at Mbagathi, Langata, Kenya [MMU- Multimedia University, for Post Office Higher Training Institute] cause a strike because they did not want to put on uniform like the compliant Kenyans they found there.Rwakitarate Senior retire from service with distinction in 1984.

The history of the two dismissed generals will reveal that the air force has been a ‘sanctuary’ of incompetence, nepotism and a disaster waiting to happen:

A). The air force commanding officer was never an airman, in the first place. He was picked from the former ‘armies’ as an artillery officer. Now, ground artillery and air force choppers/guns are different things.he was promoted bypassing carrier airmen and officers for the sake of ‘ethnic balancing’.

B). Moses Rwakitarate was body-guard to Army commander Maj. Gen then, Mugisha Muntu. He had never been to any air force academy before his accelerated advancement and training. Making a former servant, a master in such a short time was bound to result into disaster. details reveal that his promotions were on other grounds than merit alone.

C). Owoyesigyire’s replacement may, in the long run not be a better choice bit he, at least, is ‘a one eyed man among the blind’ since he, although with a police background, was in the Police Air wing at Naguru. Training and re-training should have been/found fertile ground.

The Mt. Kenya debacle was not un-expected by those in the know. Nepotism and incompetence, bribery have been the ‘modus operandi’ in the UPDF air wing for long. Look at this: the C-o-Staff Rwakitarate, the son of a telecoms engineer had, until recently, his mum as ‘a maid’ at State House [judging by the State House payroll and her physical presence there], meaning the Rwakitarate family may be said to be well connected at State House and therefore to the First Lady [Note: These are not personal affairs since, once you enter the public ‘service’ and start depending on the tax-payer, you are a public figure. The grand-mum’s personal life therefore ceased to be private when she accepted to work in a public place, on a national budget]. Now, since the C-in-C has used the whip in the wake of the tragedy, (probably in view of the weight of the Mt. Kenya catastrophe), the protectors of the young Rwakitarate, who may include the first lady, may feel aggrieved instead of feeling guilty and this is one of the un-intended possible outcomes of the dismissals. A more direct consequence is that a lesson has been learnt and nepotism will no longer be the yard-stick by which promotions will be judged/offered/made. Or, may be, is this still an exercise in window-dressing, to hoodwink the outside, in view of the magnitude of the tragedy? “Me and You”, as Ugandans say.

Christopher Muwanga,

‘Post-Script: Happy Jubilee celebrations, for those not ‘under home arrest’ without court warrants or charges. The police have become the law here, deciding whom to allow to celebrate [batembeeyi, pro-ruling party goons, etc] but not freedom seeking citizens. The 50 years are therefore in vain but that is the theme of another post.

%d bloggers like this: