A friend of Baganda should tell them the truth: M7 wasn’t created by Obote!

I have just come from a successful conference in New Jersey, USA organized by Ttabamiruka. I call it successful because the debates in formal and informal settings were frank but respectful.

I had an exchange with a Muganda friend of mine during break time about the troubles that Buganda has gone through since independence. This friend of mine believes very strongly that all post independence problems in Buganda spring from Obote’s hatred for Baganda. In justification of his strong stand, he emphasized that if Obote had not created Amin and Museveni Buganda would be a happier kingdom than it is today.

I asked him to listen to my point of view, pointing out that I never met Obote and he never gave me anything personally or any of my relatives that would compel me to defend him. I got a fellowship for my undergraduate studies from UPC government but this applied to everybody who was admitted to university so this was not a personal favor to me. He agreed to listen and I told him the following story which I am repeating for a wider readership and comments.

I agreed with him that when something goes wrong in a country or a home, the national leader or head of the family bears full responsibility even when he did not commit the crime or even instructed someone else to do it. That said, I urged that we need to know the individuals that participated in the coming to power of Obote and who did what after independence.

1. If Baganda had stuck together in the years before independence and backed Ben Kiwanuka (RIP) Obote would have had no chance. But many Baganda were not ready for a commoner who was also a Catholic.

2. If Baganda had backed Ignatius Musazi the co-founder of Uganda National Congress (UNC) in 1952 and a veteran of Uganda politics since the 1930s, Obote would have had no chance. But the late Abu Mayanja, co-founder of UNC challenged Musazi and preferred Obote who was radical like Mayanja and ditched Musazi who was moderate.

3. If Baganda had supported Abu Mayanja as leader of UNC he probably would have become the national leader instead of Obote. But the Kabaka chose to appoint Abu Mayanja a minister at Mengo depriving him of national leadership, leaving Obote virtually uncontested for UPC leadership. So who crowned Obote?

4. It was Pumla Kisokonkole a member of LEGCO who introduced Obote to the Kabaka. It was Abu Mayanja who escorted Obote to meet with the Kabaka. After he received Kabaka and Mengo blessing, the negotiations for independence were conducted by Ibingira and Kirya on behalf of UPC and Lumu and Sempa on behalf of KY.

5. When the constitutional negotiations for independence got tough and Buganda was experiencing stiff resistance to get a federo, it was Obote who suggested a Munster Commission on Relationships that ultimately suggested forcefully that Buganda should get a federo; Ankole, Bunyoro, Toro and Busoga a semi-federal status.

6. When Kabaka became president of Uganda while remaining Kabaka of Buganda there were bound to be problems especially with the lost counties issue and the Kabaka might refuse to do his job as president should Buganda and Uganda interests conflict. It was Ibingira possibly with blessing of Obote that moved an amendment of the constitution to the effect that should the president fail to act such as signing bills into acts the prime minister would do so, thereby disabling Mutesa as President and dragging him into Buganda and Uganda politics.

7. I have always argued that when it comes to the holding of the referendum on the lost counties Obote did not stick to the promise of getting the two parties together to discuss until a mutual agreement was struck. This he didn’t do and Buganda lost, ushering in the bitterness that is still felt today.

8. Ibingira who was an ambitious young man in Obote government as minister took advantage of the rift between Baganda and Obote government. He aligned himself with Daudi Ochieng who was a close friend of the Kabaka and Ochieng had a grievance against Obote over some appointments that Obote denied him. Ibingira got the army commander Shaban Opolot on his side leaving Obote with no choice but to align himself with Amin, the deputy commander.

9. It was the Uganda Governor Courts that refused to have Amin tried for criminal charges he committed in Kenya shortly before Uganda’s independence. So it was neither Obote who created Amin as a soldier nor saved Amin from criminal charges. Obote ended up with Amin by default because Opolot made the first move when he chose to associate with Ibingira.

10. Obote did not create Museveni. Museveni was created by Ibingira. When Ibingira became secretary general of UPC at Gulu conference of 1964 defeating Kakonge who had massive support of youth including Museveni, Ibingira proceeded to weed out of UPC supporters of Kakonge. Museveni and other friends of Kakonge were therefore thrown out and began working against UPC. If you recall when Museveni became president, Ibingira didn’t feature prominently in his government although he campaigned hard for Museveni in the USA where I was working and witnessed what was happening.

At the end of my story, I advised my friend that if Baganda continue focusing anger on Obote who has moved on, they are unlikely to gauge the extent of damage Museveni is doing to them. Until recently, many Baganda didn’t even know that much of the destruction of life and properties in Luwero Triangle during the guerrilla war was committed by NRA and many still have not accepted. They are psychologically in a better frame of mind blaming Obote. They would rather continue to blame Obote and his northern dominated troops than switch to the real cause of the trouble during the guerrilla war and since then.

The body language by some Baganda during discussions involving Obote when they don’t want to speak up for fear you may be recording them reveals that Obote is still blamed for all wrong doing to this day because to them it is people like Amin and Museveni he created that are doing bad things to Baganda on his behalf.

The history of Buganda will always record what Obote did for easy reference. But I think for now the focus should be on what harm Museveni is doing to Baganda. The secret Agreement between the Kabaka and Museveni has so many holes that it will not hold any water. Baganda should collectively focus on defeating the Agreement which will benefit a few people if it does instead of focusing on Obote for creating Museveni (which he didn’t) who is seen as acting on behalf of Obote and therefore Obote should continue to be blamed while Museveni tears Buganda apart with impunity.

This is a sincere advice from a friend of Baganda.

ERIC KASHAMBUZI

Ttabamiruka 2013:Buganda is under occupation

Ttabamiruka ’13 which was sponsored by Ggwangamujje NY/NJ, Inc. took place at Renaissance Woodbridge Hotel in New Jersey, USA on August 30-September 2, 2013. Participants came from Uganda, Europe and North America. I attended the conference as an invited guest. I am very grateful to the organizers for the gesture of friendship.

The theme of the conference was: Buganda eri mu buwambe? Is Buganda under occupation? The theme formed the core of the discussions on Saturday, August 31 in formal and informal settings. The report I am filing therefore covers the debates on Saturday.

Experience has taught me that informal discussions and consultations in side events, corridors and at meal times are largely more informative than formal debates. I therefore consulted widely during break times and collected a wealth of information which corroborated much of what I had gathered before the conference.

Although the recent Agreement between Mengo Administration and central government was not discussed formally, there was much discussion about it informally.

Participants I consulted felt without hesitation that Buganda is under occupation since NRM government came to power in 1986. They emphasized that between 1894 when Uganda (read Buganda) became a protectorate until 1986, Baganda remained largely in change of their political and economic affairs.
Under the NRM government, fundamental changes have occurred most significantly in land ownership, the business sector and Baganda representation in Uganda Parliament and Lukiiko. The allocation of national budget among the four regions of Uganda that has grossly disadvantaged Buganda reflects an element of marginalization intended to consolidate Buganda occupation.

It was demonstrated that it was only in Buganda where non-Baganda represent Buganda in Parliament. Through informal consultations it also became clear that Mengo legislative, administrative and other strategic institutions have been penetrated by non-Baganda.

The most significant aspect of occupation was demonstrated using foreign land purchase. It was stressed that land purchase in Buganda is the easiest and cheapest. It was reported how easy and cheap it is to acquire land when someone investigating the matter was able to purchase fifteen acres within four hours for seven million Uganda shillings. With money, and foreigners have plenty of it, it is very easy to purchase land in the absence of regulations.

The application of the concept of willing seller and willing buyer of land has made it easy for non-Baganda to purchase land in Buganda. A section of Article 29 of the 1995 Uganda Constitution allows free mobility, settlement and ownership of assets including land in any part of Uganda. Given its centrality and strategic location, Buganda has become an attractive place for those with a lot of money to buy land.

It was also underscored that much of Luwero Triangle, possibly half of it, is under foreign occupation. About half of Baganda lost their lives in the 1981-86 guerrilla war and many of those who survived did not return at the end of the war. Thus, it is believed that about half of Luwero Triangle was taken over by people who worked in the area as herders and wage earners most of them foreigners. In 1989 complaints about Buganda land grabbing by foreigners were presented to President Museveni for his intervention but nothing effective came out of it.

Although the recent Agreement between Mengo administration and central government was not discussed in the formal setting on Saturday when I attended the debates it came up in informal discussions. Regret was expressed that Mengo discussed and signed the Agreement in secret with Mengo agreeing not to evict anybody and to accept compensation for property including land occupied by non-Baganda, amounting to legitimization of Buganda occupation. It is important to note that with land ownership in foreign hands, the kingdom and its institutions becomes very vulnerable.
There was determination in voice and body language that Baganda will not rest until they rid themselves of foreign occupation using whatever means at their disposal. I was reminded that if UK and Argentina could go to war over a tiny and virtually economically valueless island, Eritrea and Ethiopia could go to war over a border dispute and China and Japan are locked in a dispute over ownership of two small rocks sticking out in the ocean between the two countries, what would prevent Buganda from doing what it takes to liberate itself.
The conversations concluded unambiguously that Buganda pride and greatness are under real threat and something needs to be done to stop and reverse the trajectory before it is too late.
Eric Kashambuzi
September 2, 2013

SEJUSA SHOULD NOT CONFUSE STRUGGLE FOR DEMOCRACY WITH STRUGGLE TO UPROOT M7

I read with interest 17-August-Saturday-Monitor’s lead story “Gen Sejusa lays out plan against Museveni’s Govt” in which the General called on all forces opposed to Museveni’s Govt to evaluate, among other things “the core ability that enables Museveni to keep in power and what is needed to unlock it…..”. Numerous times, I have unveiled, in these very pages, the secret that has enables Museveni hold onto power “democratically”, and what is needed to unlock it. I have written that the Constitution of Uganda gives the President too much authority, which in turn accords him enough patronage and influence – THE REST BECOMES EASY.

I have also argued that the solution to this problem is to amend the constitution of Uganda to reduce the authority of the president, through a national referendum, as provided for under Article(s) 1(4) and 255(1) of the Constitution of Uganda. Given the fixation that Ugandans harbor for men-in-uniform, now that a General has repeated my very words, perhaps they will listen. My call to General Sejusa, though, is not to confuse, once again, the struggle for democracy with the struggle to uproot a regime, as he did when he went to the bush, because we could oust Museveni but easily end up with a Museveni-look-alike, as happened with all past regimes. If Sejusa wishes to be a breath-of-fresh air to the struggle for democracy in Uganda, he must de-militarize his approach and raise the bar of activism beyond Museveni.

If, for instance, Brig Muhoozi resigned from the army and won an election through a free and fair process, albeit using his acquired advantages, as anybody else would, would Sejusa insist that the president-elect not be sworn in just because he is Museveni’s son? As a recent NRM insider who was influential in past elections, General Sejusa would be useful if he disclosed how they were rigged and help close those gaps before 2016. He would be less egoistic if he joined any of the following ongoing political processes (i) Proposed Constitutional Amendment to achieve electoral reforms, led by the Opposition in Parliament, (ii) Proposed National Referendum to amend the Constitution to reduce the powers of the President of Uganda through devolution, led by Uganda Federal Alliance, (iii) Proposed civil disobedience and walk-to-work led by A4C and (iv) the Black Monday Movement led by civil society organizations….. but from Sejusa’s missives, it seems like he wants us all to join him…!”

Through the National Referendum process, more than half the number of signatures of registered voters required to “demand that the Electoral Commission organizes a referendum” to trim the powers of the president and institute the necessary electoral reforms, are already collected. With Sejusa’s inside knowledge of NRM’s vote-rigging-ways, the referendum should be easy to win and have the reforms we desire.

If a few people like Gen Sejusa, Col Besigye and MPs joined the referendum program, half the battle for democracy in Uganda would be won without shedding a drop of blood, imbibing tear gas or throwing a stone at anyone. Through referenda, any Ugandan(s) can shape the destiny of this country without being politicians, judges or holders of public office. One would just need to take off about a year from her/his normal occupation, collect required number of signatures, use the signatures to demand that the electoral commission organizes a referendum, the results of which would be binding on the country by law…. and go back to one’s occupation! We spend too much time and money on politics and Museveni!

Beti Olive Kamya

Chief Petitioner

National Referendum to reduce the powers of the President through Devolution

My goal is to form a transitional government of all Ugandans including NRM to clean up the mess

Some Ugandans still doubt my sincerity that I didn’t join Uganda politics for personal gain in glory or wealth. I joined politics because I was and still am disturbed by what is happening to a country that with patriotic and capable leadership should be among the first world countries and not drifting to the fourth world. Uganda, however, you describe it is decaying. It is a failed state under military dictatorship concerned about keeping citizens silent and exploited at gun point disguised as maintaining national peace and security. What about peace and security for individual citizens? What about job security, food and nutrition security, health and education security and ecological security to mention just a few? I went to school to gain knowledge and skills with which to help others help themselves and I expect others to do the same. When leaders fail to do so or create conditions for citizens to help one another, then something has to be done about it, beginning with pointing out what is wrong and the cause of it without fear or favor. We have to call a spade a spade if we are going to recover our sanity and humanity as Ugandans.

I have spent many years researching into Uganda’s endemic challenges and the underlying causes. I have come to a firm conclusion that Uganda has had leadership not qualified for the job. One can excuse Obote regime for lack of experience in independent Uganda. The second Obote regime faced tremendous difficulties but managed to grow the economy at a real GDP growth rate of six percent but its program was cut short by a military coup of incompetent leaders. One can excuse Amin for lack of education. For NRM it is a different matter.

NRM led by Tutsi military men came to power with a different agenda of colonizing Uganda and impoverishing and marginalizing Ugandans in order to rule ad infinitum. Anybody who misses this point will not understand why Uganda has become messy and is getting worse each passing day. Museveni who is government and state doesn’t care about school dropout, Ugandans going to bed hungry, women dying in child birth, rising unemployment, human trafficking and sacrifice and losing land to the rich and ending up in town slums where they are harassed by police and urban authorities etc. These actions have impoverished and marginalized Ugandans and made them powerless and voiceless. Anybody who has followed Uganda developments since Museveni came to power in 1986 can’t fail to see this tragedy. Those who are arguing that Tutsi as a whole are not involved in this mess and should be left alone don’t understand how they work. They know one another more than any group in the Great Lakes region. They help and protect one another even when they appear to be opposed to one another and have a common goal: to dominate Bantu in the Great Lakes region. Look at the people in key and strategic positions. The problem is that they are difficult to identify because they disguise themselves by adopting local names and local languages without socializing with communities in which they live including intermarriage. If you are looking for General David Tinyefuza you are not going to find him in Uganda records because he has adopted a new name of Sejusa, I am told. Batutsi women are being used as political tools to marry non-Batutsi men and convert them into Tutsified men who abandon their relatives in order to gain access to the corridors of power in return for pushing Tutsi agenda which excludes indigenous interests. This is a fact and there are no conspiracy theories about it.

I keep reminding Ugandans why our so-called representatives in parliament and district councils are passing decisions that are hurting indigenous people because these representatives have been bought with money and/or Tutsi women to serve Tutsi interests. If you don’t understand this and address it, you are going to find yourself a serf on your own land and in your own country. To report these developments isn’t sectarianism or promoting genocide as I have been accused of doing. It is the right thing to do in national interest. I am neither ashamed of it nor intimidated by saying it. I have confronted those who have challenged my ability to lead by publishing my resume. Good leaders don’t necessarily need to be tall and huge or young. We have had both in Uganda and it has been a disaster depending upon what you are looking at. So let us try a short and not so young a leader like Deng of China who came to power at the age 73 and was five feet tall. What do I want for Uganda?

My goal is to form a transitional government of all Ugandans including NRM to clean up the mess and prepare a platform for free and fair elections. This new platform should have a truly independent electoral commission, standardized campaign finance and an independent committee to vet candidates based on agreed criteria. It is sad to hear that we have leaders that can’t speak or read English well. How do you expect a minister or MP to conduct business with counterparts if they can’t speak and read English? According to the 1995 Uganda constitution, the minimum qualification to become a Member of parliament, Vice President and President is Advanced level (High School) qualification.

I am fully aware that education requirement for contesting elections and holding public office is a very sensitive matter, but surely this low requirement can’t be allowed to stand for long. It works against Uganda interests while it may protect individual ones. But Uganda comes first. Another complaint I have expressed is that military professionals while I appreciate their comparative advantage are not suitable for civilian administration. They don’t understand the art of listening to another’s view, much less negotiating a win-win deal. Theirs is “I will crush those who oppose me”. What is being revealed has cast a dark shadow on the credibility of soldiers to hold elective offices.

Museveni is fond of referring to those who question what he does as idiots and bankrupt and always threatens to crush them. We are told instructions have been issued to parliament to pass a law that prevents members of parliament from opposing the president. We have anti-sectarian law that prevents Ugandans from commenting about sectarianism. We have such a broadly defined anti-terrorism law that anyone can be arrested and put away indefinitely for making a political, economic, religious or cultural remark etc that the government may not like. This Christmas season religious leaders in Uganda appear to have said nothing about the suffering of their flocks as they did in the 2011 Christmas sermons. Does that mean that the suffering has vanished within 12 months or are they afraid of being crushed by General Museveni.

These sad developments have created an atmosphere that has forced me to enter Uganda politics. I have written at great length explaining what I stand for and what I want for Uganda. My message is simple. I want a Uganda where present and future generations have an opportunity to improve their quality of life, where there is liberty and justice and dignity that translate into happiness for all Ugandans. Those still doubting I just don’t know what else they want to know or they will never support my cause no matter how I explain it. I am a committed citizen with Christian values of helping those in need to the best of my ability whether or not I know them. My political ambition will not go beyond creating and participating in a transitional government to level a playing field for all political aspirants. I can’t say it better that this. Those willing to work with me for the good of our country you are welcome. Those still doubting let me have your specific concerns and I will address them and put the matter to rest once and for all. Let 2013 be a year of positive action and not expressions of doubt.

Happy New Year

Eric Kashambuzi