Besigye has played the Police Silly but he Should not overexpose himself as they will kill him

General Saleh:

I write directly to you because you can reach the president any time you want to please deliver the following message.

a) The death of ASP Ariong (RIO) is regrettable. But responsibility for his death should be placed on the shoulders of IGP General Kayihura or whoever he deployed to confront the group of politicians.

b) General Kayihura has failed the country with his poor tactics including issuing illegal orders to the police. For example, he has told police to drive their cars into politicians s it happened when Hon Nabila was injured. The IGP has continued to deployed heavily armed policemen who end shooting ‘stray bullet’ that kill and/or maim Ugandans.

c) Let the president declare that from this point on, police would not be deployed to police or confront peaceful marchers. Indeed police should stay away from such activities completely and let those responsible for them take care of security. I know that the politicians in questions can appeal to their mobs to police themselves and keep out unruly gangs. If this is implemented, the unnecessary death of Ugandans or police at the hands of police during duty will be minimized.

d) If there is need for police at such events, those police officers deployed must not carry any guns. The video in which ASP Ariong was killed shows total chaos with police in different kinds of uniforms. It is very likely that such police units hardly know each and could have fired the bullet or the ‘stray item’ that killed the inspector. I repeat there is no need for live bullets at such events.

e) You should tell president Museveni to retire IGP Kayihura and his sidekick Turyagumanawe in public interest. General Kayihura has become a disgrace to the country and should be removed immediately.

f) So the bottom line is this: let Dr Besigye, Lord Mayor Lukwago and their sidekicks walk, inspect projects, or greet the people without any intervention from police. Police should stay away completely from such events to avoid the death of more Ugandans. Because of General Kayihura’s stupidity, he has not allowed the opposition politicians to demonstrate that they are capable of walking or protesting and do so without destroying or looting people’s property. It is time to test the opposition to see if they can keep law and order. But this cannot happen when the IGP provokes them all the time

g) If you meet General Kayihura tell him that there is life outside police or army. On a serious note General Kaiyihura’s stupidity is hurting your ability to sell your Akiba bonds. As long as he is the IGP, the risk and thus demand for your bonds will continued to be at a discount. So tell him to go and do other things. He can go and rear “embatta”/ducks or whatever.

Dr Besigye has played the police silly. They look total fools some of them are. I saw when they stopped Hon Nabilah from walking from her house! But Dr Besigye should be careful-he is exposing himself too much- now that the Deputy IGP and Deputy Police spokesperson have vowed to avenge the death of the late Ariong (RIP). My sense is that IGP Kayihura and his police will plunge Uganda into a calamity.

Judith Nabakooba was caught on the video promising to revenge both in English and Luganda. Like I told General Saleh, IGP Kaiyihura is the most dangerous man in uniform. Him and his sidekicks are out to do damage. Well, you have it now.

And they are not done. But they better be careful because YKM will pounce and fire them. Deputy IGP Ochola is playing with fire. And so is Judith Nabakooba.

Now let those tycoons sue the police. Take them to court. For too long Ugandans have slept on their rights. That must end. Go and sue for damages.

I think the ‘’panda gari’’ was planned by IGP Kayihura, Deputy IGP OChola and legitimized by the police deputy spokesperson who is caught on tape telling the press that police would revenge. If I may ask, what is the police motto in Uganda? It surely cannot be near something like to serve and protect.

But she should never again be seen using ‘’boda boda’’ as we saw in Redpepper. If she is stupid enough to use a boda boda she will pay a heavy price.

Can MPs or whatever committe is in charge of police summon the police to explain their actions. In the meantime those tortured should sue the state/police. Ugandans must stop sleeping on their rights and giving the Nabakoobas, Ocholas and Kayyohuras comfort.

Granted the courts may be in the hands of NRM cadres but there still are a few brave souls on the bench.

The people missing are Ugandan lawyers? Who are the equivalents of Kenya’s Paul Muite, Gibson Kamau Kuria, James Orengo, Kiraitu Murungi, Dr John Khaminwa, Martha Karua, GBM Kariuki etc among Ugandan lawyers?

The police is getting away with murder because the lawyers are not taking them on. They need to sue and sue the police and tie them in litigation. One of these days, they will find a competent judge who will send a message to the police.

Once again Ugandans must stop sleeping on their rights. That is the problem with Ugandans. They get screwed over and over and take no action. Helll wake the people up.

Initially I thought those bazungu were perhaps diplomats kumbe.

W.B. KYIJOMANYI
NEWYORK

Kony2012: It is not enough to want to “do good.”

Dear Ugandans at heart,

I wrote some thoughts on Kony2012, which Sunday Monitor published as ‘Kony2012: Who is Benefiting? ”. Whereas I am thankful, First, it has been seriously cut to the extent of changing the focal point.

Second, and perhaps more important, what I wanted to say has been changed into another perspective such that the article reflects a viewpoint quite different from what I wanted to state. That is, highlighting the question of “benefit,” which is an inescapable inevitability in the large picture anyway. To me, the question of a range of information and the usefulness of being aware broadly about this long standing problem is more important.

To be fair i wrote back to the editor who got back to me just as soon. Now, bear with me but here is my take in its original form from title to content. Here is hoping UAH will publish it on its forum.

Kony2012 is a viral American inspired issue, but echoing Mahmood Mamdani, Joseph Kony is a Ugandan problem. If so, what is to be done in the face of a hard to ignore duel of sorts between an American young man and a Ugandan man fought along the fault lines of a misbegotten Ugandan political history for an audience of global proportions?

Bottom line, Children, be they adults now, have paid an almost irreparable price in this two and a half decade case. Ultimately, it is up to every one behind the 70,000,000 million plus hits to decide where they stand with such a reality.

Personally, I doubt the Jason Russell stance that simply remove Kony and the rest will fall in line. I am uneasy about Invisible Children or even Kony 2012 given the “you are because we are” packaging of the problem. I prefer Kony taken alive rather than dead, lest we succeed in dancing on his grave but fail to learn anything useful. I believe in humanity and I believe in Uganda. I believe too that more than Kony the problem is the recurrence of warfare, and it is fair to say it is a going concern. I also believe point of view matters profoundly when it comes to questions of presentation and representation.

Even then, Kony 2012 bears pros and cons. Yet a question lingers: what is Jason Russell’s goal?

The claim by Samuel Olara that, “Kony is Invisible Children’s means of attaining Hollywood recognition” is believable (Daily Monitor, March 12, 2012). To add, I too bumped into the original version of Invisible Children, “Rough Cut” far away from home, in Providence, RI. The title plus the image of a black child with a big gun compelled me to go to the show. A lot of what I saw did not sit well with me. But two things stood out: Jason Russell, Booby Bailey and Laren Poole rather than the “Invisible Children” became the focal point and as we are learning, the main beneficiaries. After the show, the student representative in charge of the event announced with fervor that the video was going to be turned into a big Hollywood blockbuster in a matter of two months.

Evidently, it took longer but Yahoo news reports that Jason Russell (Bailey and Poole have been silent and invisible) has hit his mark anyway, “The company owned by powerful producer Harvey Weinstein has contacted Russell to buy the film.” Reportedly, “Celebrities including George Clooney, Rihanna, Justin Bieber and Oprah Winfrey have announced their support for the cause.” Add to the list Angelina Jolie, who appears in a couple of YouTube clips regarding the phenomenon.

Here is hoping Jason Russell, participating and intending celebrities, and interested filmmakers will bother to become reasonably informed about the nature not of only the beast, but also the crisis.

Accordingly, I want to recommend the following sources: Adam Branch starting with Neither Peace nor Justice: Political Violence and the Peasantry in Northern Uganda, 1986-1998, Laura Edmondson, Marketing Trauma and the Theatre of War in Northern Uganda, Heike Behrend, Alice Lakwena & the Holy Spirits, Phares Mutibwa, Uganda Since Independence, Mahmood Mamdani, Imperialism and Fascism in Uganda. Outside of scholarly context, consider Robin Soans’ Royal Court Theater play, Talking To Terrorists; Ugandan journalist Rosebell Kagumire’s response to Kony 2012 on YouTube, and the excellent Canadian documentary by Pete McCormack and Jesse James Miller, Uganda Rising.

I hold that what matters more than who tells our story is where the individual agents stand with issues concerning our existence. But like other African people I am sensitive to narratives about us. For instance, I once told one of my brothers that I had just read an utterly impressive play with a fine take on Idi Amin, Blue/Orange, by Joe Penhall, a British playwright. “Read, not wrote,” he derided, “You ought to be the one writing that stuff.”

Things do not always work one way, but his challenge is considerable. So too are some viewpoints of certain Uganda journalists on the matter of right over narrative. Kalungi Kabuye has declared that we do our own stuff instead of ripping into Invisible Children; Charles Onyango Obbo has intimated that Ugandans do not have a copyright to Kony’s excess; Daniel Kalinaki has argued that we are the Invisible generation of Ugandans who do little to tell our stories or hold to account those who wrong us. Right: the crisis is not down to only Kony.

I hasten to add, Kony is impossible to defend, as my professor and friend John Emigh opines. I wont try. But to ignore the other political actors in the crisis is to behave like the legendry Ostrich, in the face of trouble. That is, bury the head in the sand to avoid seeing the problem. The example is widely known, yet it is faulty. The ostrich does not bury its head in the sand.

Joseph Kony or Kony 2012 cannot be seen in isolation of other political actors, or remotely, without recourse to due information. That would be a folly, for after an Amin came a Kony.

Charles Mulekwa is a UAH forumist based in Kampala and can be reached at charlesmulekwa@hotmail.com

PRESIDENTIAL TERM LIMITS TO BE RE-INSTATED THRU REFERENDUM, UGANDAN DIASPORA TO VOTE, FEDERALISM TO BE ADOPTED

During their seating on Tuesday 20 March 2012, the Uganda Federal Alliance National Executive Committee (NEC) considered the following:

1.       After NEC’s previous Resolution to evoke Article 74 of the Constitution of Uganda to cause a change of Uganda’s political system from Unitarism to federalism through a National referendum, a delegation of UFA officials met the EC for technical guidance on the necessary modalities, which lead to the following observations:

 

• Federalism as an optional system or form of governance is not provided for anywhere in the Constitution of Uganda, although it has been the most contentious issue in Uganda’s politics since the 1966 crisis that kicked off Uganda’s instability and turmoil.

 

• The Constitutional process that would get federalism recognized as an option in Uganda’s governance systems is long, winding and unfriendly, passing via Article 69 of the Constitution, The Other Political System’s Act 2000, Parliament (where UFA does not have representation) and through the Referendum Act.

 

• Presidential Term Limits is an equally contentious issue.  We must take advantage of the impending referendum on federalism to vote on re-instatement presidential term limits, on the same day, as provided for under the Referendum and Other Provisions Act.  However,  this dual referendum cannot work under Article 74 because it provides for only “Change of Political Systems” yet, it can work under Article 255 of the Constitution because this provides for “General Referenda” and can cover multiple issues.

 

• Moreover, Article 74 has more work to do, requiring 10% registered voters from 2/3 of all constituencies (i.e. 183 constituencies) to petition the EC to hold a referendum. On the other hand, Article 255 requires much less work, requiring 10% of registered voters from 1/3 of districts (i.e. 39 districts) to petition the EC to hold a referendum. In Uganda, there are more than 39 single constituency districts. Compared to Article 74, Article 255 reduces the work of collecting petitioners’ signatures by four!

Based on these and other consideration, UFA NEC resolved to use Article 255 which provides for “General Referenda on any issue” to petition the EC to organize referenda on FEDERALISM & RE-INSTATEMENT OF PRESIDENTIAL TERM LIMITS on the same day.

 

2.       Secondly, UFA demanded that the EC organizes for the Ugandan Diaspora to vote during the forthcoming referenda and thereafter during all elections, as provided for under Article 59 &61 of the Constitution. The EC responded in writing that the Diaspora issue was “a Policy matter, not established by the
Commission, and a mechanism backed by law needs to be put in place to facilitate their (Diaspora) participation, including amendments to some electoral laws..”. In short, the EC will not arrange for the Diaspora to vote because, according to the EC,  it is Govt Policy is not to allow them to vote….hence, there are no adequate laws to facilitate that!

 

In our view, the right of the Ugandan Diaspora to vote is not a “Policy matter” as the EC says, but a Constitutional matter. Article 59 provides for the right of citizens aged eighteen and above to vote and Article 62 provided for the independence of the EC during the discharge of their functions. If the EC have subjected their independence to the Executive and denied citizens living abroad their right to vote, they must face the law. UFA Resolved to arraign them before the Courts of law on account of violating the citizen’s rights to vote, neglect of duty and violating Article 62 that provides for the independence of the EC.

Keep watching this space.

Signed,

 

Beti Olive Kamya

President

Uganda Federal Alliance

U @ 50 BONANZA – FEDERALISM, TERM LIMITS, DIASPORA VOTE, ALL POSSIBLE IN JUBILLEE YEAR!

U@50 BONANZA – FEDERALISM, TERM LIMITS, and DIASPORA VOTE, ALL IN ONE YEAR…….!

I am glad that UFA’s resolution to evoke Article 74 of the Constitution to petition the Electoral Commission to hold a referendum on federalism has generated a lot of debate, enabling us to upgrade the product (referendum) previously offered under the said Article 74. A meeting between UFA and the EC at our initiative to seek technical guidance on modalities necessary to move our resolution forward, lead to the following observations:

• Federalism is not mentioned anywhere in the Constitution of Uganda, as an optional system, as some systems are mentioned, although it has been contentious in Uganda’s politics since the 1966 crisis that kicked off Uganda’s instability.

 

• The Constitutional process that would get federalism recognized as a political system in order to enable Article 74 is long, winding and unfriendly, passing via Article 69 of the Constitution, The Other Political System’s Act, Parliament (where UFA does not have representation) and the Referendum And Other Provisions’ Act.

 

• Federalism is not the only contentious matter in Uganda, “Presidential Term Limits” is equally contentious, so, we must take advantage of the impending referendum on federalism to vote on re-instatement of presidential term limits, on the same day. The Referendum and Other Provisions Act provides for multiple referenda on a single day.  However, multiple referenda do not work under Article 74 because it provides for one referendum only, on “Change of Political Systems”. Multiple referenda work under Article 255 of the Constitution because it provides for referenda on “any issue”.

 

• Moreover, Article 74 is a lot of work, requiring 10% of registered voters from 2/3 of constituencies (i.e. 153 constituencies) as petitioners. On the other hand, Article 255 is less work, requiring petitioners to be 10% of registered voters from 1/3 of districts (i.e. 39 districts). In Uganda, there are more than 39 single constituency districts, so, compared to Article 74, Article 255 reduces the work of collecting petitioners’ signatures by four!

Based on these considerations, UFA resolved to use Article 255 which provides for “Referenda generally” to petition the EC to organize referenda on FEDERALISM & RE-INSTATEMENT OF PRESIDENTIAL TERM LIMITS on the same day.

Secondly, UFA demanded that the EC organizes for the Ugandan Diaspora to vote during the forthcoming referenda and all elections. The EC responded in writing that voting of the Ugandan Diaspora was “a Policy matter, not established by the Commission, and a mechanism backed by law needs to be put in place to facilitate their (Diaspora) participation, including amendments to some electoral laws..”. In short, the EC will not arrange for the Diaspora to vote because, according to them,  it is Govt Policy not to allow them to vote….hence, the absence of required electoral laws…..!

 

BUT the right of the Ugandan Diaspora to vote is not a “Policy matter” as the EC says, but a Constitutional matter. Article 59 provides for the right of all citizens aged eighteen to vote, Article 61 provides for the mandate of the EC to facilitate that right, Article 62 provides for the independence of the EC during the discharge of their functions and Article 21 provides for equality and freedom from discrimination. If the EC willfully holds the Constitution in contempt by neglecting its duty, discriminating amongst Ugandans, subjecting its independence to the Executive and denying citizens living abroad their right to vote, it must face the law. UFA Resolved to arraign the EC before Court on the above accounts.

Signed,

Beti Olive Kamya, President, Uganda Federal Alliance

RESPONDING TO GAWAYA TEGULLE ON REFERENDUM THROUGH ARTICLE 74

HURRAY! UNDER ARTICLE 255 WE CAN HAVE BOTH FEDERALISM AND PRESIDENTIAL TERM LIMITS ON A SINGLE DAY

Since Uganda Federal Alliance (UFA) announced the Party’s resolution to settle the federal (federo) question through a National Referendum by evoking Article 74 of the Constitution, several people have voiced critical opinions, the latest of whom was journalist Gawaya Tegulle in The Daily Monitor of 21 March, 2012, in an article titled “Beti Kamya’s ‘referendum’ on federalism is misconceived”. They argue that not being a political system but rather an administrative system, federalism cannot be debated and settled under Article 74 of the Constitution of Uganda, the Article being a preserve of “Change of Political Systems…” which federalism is not, according to Article 69 of the Constitution of Uganda. I agree with them to a large extent, although the argument can take many turns and twists, including seeking the Constitutional Court’s arbitration on the meaning of “political system”, Article 69 of the constitution of Uganda notwithstanding.

My concern, though, is whether their arguments carry the federal controversy closer to its conclusion or just hold it stagnant, at the status quo.

“Where there is the Will, there is a Way” is an old adage, so for the sake of argument, if Article 74 is not the way to settling this federal age-old argument, surely, another way must be found. In everyday life, if one does not wish to do something or to go to some destination they decry “…insecurity, bad roads, inadequate resources, ill-health, wild animals..” – anything to discourage fellow travelers taking the journey, but those determined to go will propose alternatives that encourage the group to get going.

Typically, the anti-referendum group do not propose even a lousy alternative to UFA’s proposal. Their adamant “CAN’T” is loud and clear but not their alternative proposal apart from the traditional “asking” President Museveni to “give’ it…., not caring that “giving” is not provided for in the Constitution!

Determined to move beyond presidential whims, UFA combed the political map of Uganda, the Constitution, and found that under Article 255, calling for a referendum on “any issue” is not only shorter, cheaper and friendlier than under Article 74, but actually, several matters can be settled through multiple referenda held on a single day. We have therefore re-visited our earlier resolution to evoke Article 74 and resolved to instead evoke Article 255, which allows multiple referenda on a single day. Hurray!, we are now going to hit two birds with one stone, by holding two referenda, on the same day, on: (i) Change of system to federalism (ii) Re-instate Article a limit on the number of terms that the president of Uganda may hold office.

During the Odoki Commission Constitution making exercise, many Ugandans expressed preference for federalism as their system of choice. There was also consensus that the president of Uganda may not hold office for more than two terms. When these two important issues that had received resounding public support were subjected to a few people in the CA and the 7th Parliament, the peoples’ views were not reflected in the final documents. It is for that matter that UFA resolved to re-table the two contentious matters before the people, through a referendum, under Article 255.

I call upon Ugandans to fine tune their attitude and realize that there are many constitutional avenues available to settle contentious issues, without necessarily always awaiting the next election.

Beti Olive Kamya

President

Uganda Federal Alliance

0783 438 201 / 0751 590 542

ufapresident@gmail.com

—
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A4C & Opposition Press Statement on the Death of a Police Officer

Ladies and Gentlemen,

AT Kampala, March 23, 2012 – We are issuing this statement on behalf of all opposition leaders and activists in order to set the record straight about the events of Wednesday 21st March 2011 and also to respond to deliberate misinformation and outrageous allegations that have been leveled against us following those events.

Wednesday’s activity was not an A4C activity. It was an event held at the behest of the Lord Mayor of Kampala City, Erias Lukwago who invited his colleague the Mayor of Kawempe, the Woman Member of Parliament for Kampala and FDC President Kizza Besigye to accompany him and advise him as he inspected development activities and services in the city. The Lord Mayor notified police in writing, which he did not have to do; and his letter was acknowledged. The police was therefore fully aware of the activity that took place on Wednesday and in fact they joined the touring party early on and walked along until the time they decided to disrupt the Lord Mayor’s legitimate activity.

The visit went on smoothly with the population expressing excitement and jubilation upon seeing their leaders taking an active interest in their welfare. The police joined the group of leaders almost at the beginning of the visit and moved alongside them on Kafumbe Mukasa Road, Namirembe Road and on to Ben Kiwanuka Road; without incident. The situation only changed for the worse when the Lord Mayor was stopped from proceeding along Ben Kiwanuka Road bringing his visit to a premature halt.

Once the Mayor and his entourage were stopped, the crowd around them grew bigger but it was still a happy crowd until Police decided to disperse the crowd by brutally beating innocent people with batons and spraying them with teargas and pepper spray. Police’s brutal actions were uncalled for and it was their actions that led to unfortunate scenes of violence, which we condemn strongly. This was another clear example where the police worked for the political interests of the NRM dictatorship rather than the security interests of the people of Kampala.

We have since been informed by the police that Asst. Inspector of Police John Bosco Ariong died from injuries sustained during the fracas that was started by the Police. We wish to extend our sincere condolences to his family and friends. We’re keenly aware that most police men are as frustrated as the rest of the citizenry and also look forward to the day when their living conditions can be improved. We are disappointed that government has been quick to blame opposition leaders and activists for his death even before investigating the matter.

We wish to reiterate our commitment to using non-violent means to bring about political changes in our country. This commitment is ideological and strategic because we firmly believe that use of violence will maintain the vicious cycle of repression, injustice and instability. We want, for the first time in Uganda’s history; to transfer power from the guns to the people of Uganda. It is this prospect that causes fear and panic to the military dictatorship.

The public is aware that the government has for some time tried to criminalize the increasingly popular protests and rallies by opposition activists in a bid to silence all dissent and opposition to government’s unpopular policies and corrupt practices. Last October, the Inspector General of Police made public statements attempting to link Activists for Change to Taliban terrorists and Al qaeda. These wild allegations failed to gain traction even with A4C’s strongest critics and in a bid to salvage their mission of criminalizing the opposition; the Police slapped charges of treason on several A4C organizers and activists. As opposition activities have grown in popularity, security forces have become more desperate and reckless in their shenanigans to incriminate activists so much so that some quarters have suggested that Mr. Ariong may have been sacrificed to further their evil plans.

We therefore call on the authorities to ensure a quick and thorough investigation into the death of John Bosco Ariong in order to find answers to the questions raised by the manner in which he died. Specifically, a postmortem must be carried out to establish the cause of death and the object used to cause death. Reports indicate that nine suspects have been charged with the murder yet it is inconceivable that nine people in a crowd threw one object that caused the death.

We do not recall the government reacting with such conviction against violence when unarmed civilians were killed by those supposed to protect them. As we mourn the death of John Bosco Ariong, we wish to remember all unarmed civilians including baby Juliana Gift Nalwanga (Masaka), Dan Musa Wasaga (Gulu), Adoni Mugisu, Charles Odur, Semuga Kanabi (Nakivubo), Sam Mufumbiro ( Owino), Frank Kizito (Masajja), Wilber Mugalazi (Bweyogerere), Augustine Guwatudde (Namasuba), James Mukibi and others who have died at the hands of reckless armed security officers during legitimate public protests in recent times.

The death of Mr. Ariong has given the government a new platform to intensify repression against opposition activists and regrettably, Mr. Museveni is calling for the speedy passing of an unconstitutional law to deny bail to protestors as a deterrent for protests against his government. His characteristic response to crush protestors is a threat that we shall ignore as we go about our duties as opposition leaders and activists. These deaths should act as motivation to strengthen our commitment to the Bill of Rights and not to further curtail our civil rights and liberties. As opposition leaders and activists we shall not be intimidated by threats of violence and incarceration and we shall continue to engage the public and to execute our legitimate roles.

Hon. Nathan Nandala Mafabi, (MP)Leader of Opposition

Hon. Mathias Mpuuga, (MP) Coordinator Activist for Change

Police should do real Police work but Onek is a big disappointment!

Reading the words of the powerful Hilary Onek, comparing opposition demonstrators to Kony, reminds one of the adage that absolute power corrupts absolutely! This kind of talk is not expected of a man of his “disputed education”. How come this Onek has never seen fit to condemn civilian killings by the police or the brutal Aminic era treatment of opposition leader Besigye at the hands of the police?

Of course the aim of using a word like Kony on the opposition is the same reason why a word like cockroaches was used on the Tutsis in Rwanda – to demonise them so that people, especially the police in this case, feel no constraints in mistreating or even killing them! Address the issues of the demonstrators and they will run out of steam.

Do not use the police as an arm of the NRM but as a force that protects and guides all Ugandans equally, regardless of political leanings! We don’t want our police officers dying as NRM cadres illegally attempting to stifle the opposition. I think Onek should be held responsible if the violence on both sides escalates as result of his incitement!

A judicial inquiry should be made into the actions of the police force and demonstrators during demonstrations so that guidelines that allow for freedom of expression as well as for sensible policing are observed. The military approach that seems aimed at intimidating Ugandans into a quivering cowardly silence is obviously not working. Ugandans are becoming more aggressive and more resentful of a police force that is supposed to be their partner and friend in fighting crime and fostering order but seems to be the chief source of chaos. Gen. Kaihura needs to go back to the drawing board or he may find that he did more to foster rebellion in Uganda than any imaginary rebel groups! Remember that the real aim of a demonstration is to inconvenience the public by ‘being in their face’ so that they hear about your complaint/grievance because you feel the other channels do not afford you a better ear. Given this, how do we strike a balance.

Demonstrations can be a great pain in the proverbial you know what, but they are our protection against dictatorship, and democracies all over the world have in their foolishness left them on their statutes as a fail safe against things that Dictator that you magically cannot remove no matter how many times you beat him at the elections! The demonstration also protects the rights of one citizen against the dictatorship of the majority! We have a right to defer! The fellow yonder may be talking what I consider to be rubbish but I should be willing to die for his right to say his piece – that should be the creed of every Ugandan if we are to have the real fundamental change.

Paget Kintu

Guweddeko Fred Exposes Lukyamuzi and the rot in CP

The trigger is that Hon. Lukyamuzi solicited for a bribe from a Consultant called Dr. Fabius Okumu who was selected by Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy to help Conservative Party consider drawing a core mission based on Monrachical, Cultural and traditional leadership and authorities in the liberal democracy and privatization of the public shephere context. The funds to advance to the Consultant were sent to the CP Bank Account and Hon Lukyamuzi, whereas not being part of the Consultancy Workplan nor part of the signatories to the payment demanded to meet the Consultant before he was paid. At the private one-to-one meeting at Makerere University Guest House in the early morning of a working day, as Hon. Lukyamuzi or CP had no Office, a bribe was solicited in direct and indirect terms. The Consultant required to know if the private payments Hon. Lukyamuzi was demanding before releasing the advance payment were part of the consultancy contract, but somehow Hon. Lukyamuzi moved away without closing the informal meeting. Next, Hon. Lukyamuzi called a meeting of his CP ‘semiliterate’ cohorts and made them issue a statement rejecting the Consultant because he was imposed and because he was a Northerner and a UPC.

The Consultant informed the donors about the bribe demand. The donors called Hon. Lukyamuzi and required that he does not interfere in the work of the Consultant. He replied that it was his ‘illiterate’ members causing the problems and that he was intervenning to resolve the issue. The donors blocked already approved technical support funding to CP and all other recurrent support which was sustaining the office and other political activities like the FM Radio Talk Shows. After the few upright members of CP discussing the issue, we decided to take action on Hon. Lukyamuzi rather than allow him to destroy the party.

As Policy Advisor, and the Executive in charge of the work of the consultant, I submitted the petition, a copy of which was attached. The subsquent CP NEC Meeting suspended Lukyamuzi to facilitate the Disciplinary Committee to handle the matter. Hon. Lukyamuzi attended the NEC Meeting through mobile phone.

After his suspension, Hon. Lukyamuzi went to the public and accused NRM of plotting to throw him out because he was to float a Motion of No-confidence Motion in President Museveni. Privately within CP, Hon. Lukyamuzi organized a NEC Meeting of his cohorts mobilizing on Tribal Grounds that non-Baganda were plotting to steal CP from the Baganda.

The second problem I have with Hon. Lukyamuzi is that I reported to the Police in March 2011 the CP Secretary General, the Deputy Treasurer and the Vice President for Buganda a case of embezzling funds. When the Police were investigating, it turned out, according to the CID officer, that Hon. Lukyamuzi was part of the thieving clique. Hon. Lukyamuzi then prevailed upon the Treasurer Mr. Miiro not to present the documents that the CID officer, Mr. Okwi of Old Kampala Police Station required. Hon. Lukyamuzi proceeded into other activities that frustrated the investigation.

The third problem that I presented in the petition is that Hon. Lukyamuzi is opposed to the institutional and Organizational development of the CP. There are various examples to back this. Among these is his struggle to close the office of CP and to mantain it as a Party without an office. I am the member who opened, furnished and is paying rent for the CP Office but my main enemy in this cause is Hon. Lukyamuzi.

My other problem with the Hon. Lukyamuzi is very low level of personal integrity. Hon. Lukyamuzi wants to share each and every shilling that comes to the party. I can writte and prove if necessary that through his thieving he was taking the difference between 1000 Euros and 1000 USD per month of the funds donors were paying to the
Policy Analyst.

The other problem that I am fed up with is the high rate of lying that is practiced by Hon. Lukyamuzi. This gentleman can lie even when it is unnecessary. He should not lie in internal matters of the party. His lies include childish village level politics of causing conflict in the party. I am so disgusted that I cannot give examples. He tells members that because I am a Phd Candidate [and maybe because he is a first year with those from Senior Six], some nosense that I cannot even wriite because they are so cheap and disgusting.

Sincerely,

Guweddeko Fred
Policy Advisor,
Conservative Party

Impeaching YKM-Here Are The Grounds that Opposition Fraternity can adopt

General Yoweri Museveni actions and methods of work over the years since he shot his way to power in 1986 has set a very dangerous in terms of Constitutional Governance and Management of National Economy and honestly in the eyes and minds of the right thinking members of society, he can no longer be trusted to lead Uganda except to a catastrophic disintegration as the case of Somalia where ironically Uganda is actively participating to restore sanity. Time is now overdue for the people of Uganda to organize and mobilize through Parliament to invoke the provisions of article 107 of the Constitution to remove General Museveni from the high office of President on grounds of abuse of office, willful violation of his oath of office and above all the Constitution.

General Yoweri Museveni’s abuse of the Constitution and his wanton disregard of the Constitutional order is not surprising or a new phenomenon. It is the very embodiment of his political life. In 1980, Yoweri Museveni contested the multiparty general elections as the leader of the Uganda Patriotic Movement (UPM). He miserably lost the elections including in his own Nyabushozi Constituency (to Sam Kutesa, a member of the Democratic Party then). Instead of challenging the election results in the Courts of law as provided for in the Constitution, Yoweri Museveni just as he had planned since 1965, took up arms and today the Luwero triangle that he created is still littered with skulls in testimony to his military but unconstitutional exploits. Northern and Eastern Uganda, Rwanda, Democratic Republic of Congo and Sudan all have tested the genesis of the General military mis adventure and exploits.

When General Yoweri Museveni through the barrel of the gun took over power on 25/1/1986, he suspended parts of the 1967 Constitution through the infamous Legal Notice No. 1 of 1986. Worse still, even the parts of the Constitution that he agreed to preserve, including the bill of rights that guaranteed the freedom of association, were routinely abused in the aftermath of capturing State Power following the destruction of the economy of the people of Northern Uganda and Genocidal act of herding our people into concentration camps plus heinous and wizardry acts committed against the citizens of Uganda

To all right thinking members of our society General Yoweri Museveni should have been the last person to violate his own Constitution. . The 1995 Constitution is accordingly, General Yoweri Museveni’s baby. If these wanton constitutional abuses are compared to the defilement and rape of a baby, then we have a pathetic and desperate situation of defilement and rape committed not by a rabid stranger, but by the very father of the baby! Which practices started way back in 1986 before the birth of the 1995 baby?

If I flash back and try to list all the violations of the Constitutional order perpetuated by General Museveni,I can easily write an entire series of books. The list would include for sample purposes the following:

1. The routine violation of people’s rights and freedoms including illegal detention in safe houses, torture and extra judicial killings.

2. Genocide committed against the citizens of Uganda in Northern and Eastern Uganda.

3. The deployment of the UPDF in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) (twice), and Sudan without the authority of Parliament.

4. The attacks on the Courts of law including the infamous black mamba’s rape of the High Court.

5. The grant of loans, guarantees and outright bailouts to so called investors like Basajjabalaba, Tristar and several others without the authority of Parliament.

6. The directives to the otherwise independent Uganda Land Commission to give away public land to investors like in the cases of UBC land, Shimoni school land, Kitante School land and the attempted Mabira forest give away.

7. The routine and corrupt mismanagement of the economy and running down of public infrastructure and social services.

8. The illegal expropriation of private property including ranches and the protection of trespassers on private land.

9. The appointment of Major General J. J. Odongo a serving UPDF officer to cabinet.

10. The illegal re-appointment of Justice Faith Mwonda as IGG.

11. The usurpation of all the Constitutional power of Bank of Uganda and other institutions within the Country

12. Purchase of Junk jets, Helicopters, and other Military hard wares

6. Finally, I call upon the impeachment process being led by Opposition MPS to extend their campaign beyond Parliament. Let the petitioners organize countrywide rallies,launch media offensive and public lectures to sensitize Ugandans about the crimes committed by General Yoweri Museveni

FOR GOD AND MY COUNTRY
AROMA PATRICK
UGANDA PEOPLES CONGRESS
NATIONAL YOUTH LEADER
6th Floor Uganda House
Plot 8-10 Kampala Road
P.O Box 37047 Kampala
TEL:+256-782-658-458
+256-791-616-766
+256-701-658-459
Email:aromaguzi@gmail.com/aromaguzi@yahoo.co.uk

AMAMA MBABAZI USES SOCIAL MEDIA TO RESPOND TO “KONY 2012” VIDEO

Saturday 17th March2012

Today Saturday the 17th of March 2012, The Prime Minister of Uganda Rt. Hon. Amama Mbabazi responded to the “Kony 2012”video posted on YouTube by the Invisible Children organization.

In his address he saluted the interest of the international community saying ‘It is particularly welcome to see so many young people uniting across barriers of nation, race, religion and culture to stand up for justice.”

The Prime Minister reaffirmed the commitment of the government through the police, defense forces and security services to track down Joseph Kony from his current location in Uganda’s neighboring countries to attain his arrest and prosecution.

The video posted by the Prime Minister points out that the Kony 2012 campaign failed to make one crucial fact clear. “Joseph Kony is not in Uganda” and correcting the false impression created by the video that Uganda is a war torn, unstable country. Rather he states that it is “a modern, developing country which enjoys peace, stability and security”.

Prime Minister Mbabazi today issued an invitation to not only each of the 20 “celebrity culture makers” identified in the Kony 2012 video but extended to all the opportunity to visit Uganda for themselves. Here the Prime Minister has said “You will find a very different place to that portrayed by Invisible Children”.

For God and my Country

Fred Opolot
MEDIA CENTRE
KAMPALA
—————————————————————————————————–
TRANSCRIPTION OF THE PRIME MINISTER’S MESSAGE IN RESPONSE TO THE “KONY 2012” VIDEO

“Hello.
My name is Amama Mbabazi.

I am the Prime Minister of the Republic of Uganda.

In recent days there has been a massive wave of interest in Uganda as a result of the “Kony 2012” video posted on YouTube by the Invisible Children organization.

As I speak to you today almost 80 million people have watched the film. It has been shared across social media and been widely discussed throughout the globe.

The campaign has not just been an impressive indication of the power of social media. Far more importantly, it has demonstrated the fundamental decency which unites in concern right-minded people throughout the world when we hear of innocent children suffering. I must say that it has been inspiring for me despite the cynicism and solipsism of the modern world to be reminded once again of the innate goodness which is at the heart of humanity.

It is particularly welcome to see so many young people uniting across barriers of nation, race, religion and culture to take a stand for justice.

I salute you and I thank you.

That is not to say that this goodness is all pervasive. One point made in the Kony 2012 video is undeniable – Joseph Kony is truly an evil man. He has been responsible for the death and mutilation of tens of thousands of people – many of whom were children. What’s more he has been responsible for the death of innocence for many many more through forcing children to take up arms and join his so-called army or become sex-slaves; repeatedly raped and defiled.

You may all be assured that the Government of Uganda is acutely aware of the grievous damage which has been caused to our people by Joseph Kony and the Lord’s Resistance Army. We do not need a slick video on YouTube for us to take notice. It is a tragedy which we have been dealing with for many years; and the scars of which we Ugandans will bear for many years to come.

Our police, defence forces and security services are all fully committed to the arrest and prosecution of Joseph Kony. We have been working with the agencies of our neighbours and allies to bring about precisely that scenario – but the Kony 2012 campaign fails to make one crucial point clear.
Joseph Kony is not in Uganda.

Intelligence and security agencies throughout the world are in accord. The United Nations and the CIA agree that Joseph Kony has not based his criminal organization in Uganda since 2006.

Current intelligence suggests that the LRA has been all but defeated. Far from boasting tens of thousands of illegal combatants, there are just a couple of hundred. They are believed to be based in the Central African Republic and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

The LRA were forced out of Uganda by our police, defence and security services six years ago – a fact recognized by the Norwegian NGO, the Internal Displacement Monitoring Centre which noted the return of those forced from their homes by the LRA. They commented that this was as a result of “lasting peace” in the previously effected areas; and so I must correct the false impression created by the Kony 2012 video.

Uganda is not in conflict.

Uganda is a modern, developing country which enjoys peace, stability and security. Only a couple of months ago Lonely Planet declared Uganda as the best country to visit in 2012!

Invisible Children has called on 20 “celebrity culture makers” to take an interest in their Kony 2012 campaign. I welcome this. In fact I have gone further. Today I personally contacted each of those 20 international celebrities and invited them to visit Uganda.

I would take great pride in showing to them the beauty of our country and sharing with them the warmth of our people. I would particularly like to accompany them to visit the areas of Northern Uganda which did suffer so much at the hands of Joseph Kony and the LRA. They will see the efforts which the Government of Uganda and our partners have made to regenerate these areas through investment in schools, healthcare, transport and infrastructure. More important than that, they will meet the people who lost family members to the murderous gangs of the LRA, whose children were abducted – never to be seen again and those who were forced to flee. I am sure they would come away from the experience sharing my deep and abiding respect for those who have rebuilt their homes, communities and lives with such determination and pride.

Joseph Kony is a villain. But this story also has heroes. Chief among those are the people who survived the LRAs campaign of terror and refused to be beaten by them.

We still face massive challenges in regenerating and developing the areas which the LRA decimated in northern Uganda. We have begun the process of improving the infrastructure and social services, but there is a great deal left to do. Fortunately, we benefit from great support from our international partners and NGOs. I hope that this focus on Uganda will assist us in raising funds to assist in rebuilding these previously ravaged communities.

Once again, I thank you for taking an interest in our proud nation and I extend the invitation not just to the 20 celebrities, but to you all – come and see Uganda for yourself. You will find a very different place to that portrayed by Invisible Children.

Thank you.”

Prime Minister of The Republic of Uganda Rt. Hon Amama Mbabazi.