Mafabi’s methods work because he’s not a crazy person

Nandala Mafabi

By Nathan Kikku Mubiru

Since Forum for Democratic Change, FDC launched to the top of the country’s political scene (have we mentioned that fact lately?), there has been a sizable increase in the number of articles from journalists about the party, and Secretary-general Nandala Mafabi.

It makes sense, of course. An ascendent FDC is novel and different. Anyone can write a glowing piece about Nelson Mandela, and the media was agog over Julius Nyerere’s ability to promote Ujamaa influenced by Mahatma Ghandi. So now that FDC — FDC, for God’s sake! — are at the top of the mountain, it feels like every single political writer on the planet is churning out articles trying to figure out why.

It’s certainly a welcome change from the doom-fest that were the Besigye and Wasswa Birigwa eras (ignoring the eminently forgettable Muntu Interregnum). FDC’s resurgence is notable not just because they’re instituting a style that’s almost completely different, but because of the refreshing personality of its new Secretary General.

And these pieces! They almost vibrate with astonishment about how Small Nathan has turned around a party mired in the tar pits of bad karma so quickly. Look at how he imposed an entirely new team leadership, gushes Dan Malcolm Matsiko, the party’s vice president western region. He knows everyone’s name at the party, even the staff, says Hajji Ssessazi Marlik of Nakawa. He lets his deputies actually lead trainings? He’s respectful and open? Surely he throws at least one person under the bus. You mean there aren’t any lemons?

If it seems like I’m gently ribbing Matsiko and Marlik, it’s because I am. In truth, both of the opinions are excellent, full of insight into the inner workings of Mafabi’s methodology at the party. Malcolm attempts to sum up Mafabi’s methods as rooted in “normality and authenticity.” And it’s notable that these breathlessly positive opinions are coming from party members who seem completely taken aback by Nathan’s gentle transparency and loquaciousness. It’s hardly their fault. They no doubt have plenty of experience dealing with, uh, some strong personalities in the course of their jobs.

To put a fine point on it, political leaders in Uganda (but also pretty much everywhere) are almost universally a bunch of excessively driven insane people. It makes sense — the pressure to succeed is everywhere in politics and the people who ascend to political leadership and management at the highest levels are outliers, attuned to perfection, to micromanagement, to squeezing every drop of juice out of that (cough) lemon because the margins between success and failure are extremely thin. That’s how you get leaders and managers who are slavish to a particular methodology, or who ban ketchup, or who believe in energia universal and keep bowls of fruit in their offices to “absorb bad energy.” To be successful in this field, you’ve gotta be at least a little bit nuts, right?

But that’s not Small Nathan at all. Shockingly, in this industry at least, he lets his people be people, trusts that they will voluntarily buy into what he’s selling and will also make good decisions along the way. Some of the ways this manifests are small- talking openly about challenges and making sure his members and staff have all the support they need in every aspect of their life, allowing his staff to make and learn from mistakes without fear of punishment.

It’s not that he’s perfect. He’s distant from his members, both physically and emotionally, in ways that feel a tad odd. He’s a little bit prickly, though never to the point of being mean or cruel. He’s perhaps a touch too slavish to his personal methodology of politics, even though it has yet to fail him in his career. But he’s managed to find ways to acknowledge and overcome even minor deficiencies in his personality and character, and works around them to make the best possible circumstances for his members. Because nobody’s perfect.

In short, Nandala feels normal. Completely, refreshingly, and almost unbelievingly normal, in ways that feel abnormal to anyone who’s paid attention to Uganda politics l for more than a year or so. Amusingly and anecdotally, Marlik refers to Nathan letting his deputies take the lead in training sessions (Gloria Panga is reportedly the chief executor) as “NFL-style coaching,” which to this blogger steeped in a lifetime’s worth of American sports culture, feels BONKERS. But in a field that’s dominated by egotistical, manipulative, often megalomaniacal personalties, is it any wonder why Nathan comes across like a breath of fresh air? Counterfactually, being a relatively normal guy is exactly what makes Nathan something of a weirdo in modern politics.

It’s not a requirement to like your Secretary general. FDC members should know this more than most. But it’s notable that FDC is finding success, at least in the near term, thanks to someone who doesn’t rage or bluster or impose unreasonable expectations. Small Nathan is (mostly) free from all of that, plus most of the other eccentricities inherent to other great successful politicians. He might make an inspirational speech, but even if he could draw a sketch of a heart and a brain holding hands, you’ll never see one of them on a whiteboard in FDC’s board room. He’s demanding and distant, but he’s fair, respectful, and accommodating. And get this — he even wins!

Politicians are weird. Political leaders and managers are even weirder. How odd is it then to have someone so abnormally normal in charge of the FDC? A person could get used to this.

Elias Lukwago, your politics is shit!

Erias Lukwago yesterday demonstrating against the bad roads in Kampala

By Nathan Kikku Mubiru 

At a political party, whether you mostly recruited or lost, a member or a leader is often revisioned and rewritten soon after they’ve left: a little new leader bounce here, an unkind political environment and schedule there. What follows can shatter the rose-tinted lenses of even the most battle hardened specs.

At Forum for Democratic Change,FDC with Elias Lukwago’s departure fresh and his replacement flying out of the blocks while he struggles to find his feet at Katonga road, the question of where his Kalungu ancestors will settle in the hearts and minds of his misled followers is a fascinating one.

It’s absolutely indisputable that Lukwago is one of FDC’s greatest recruitments. There are achievements, not to mention great days under the sun burned into the collective retina to prove it. But with Handsome Nathan at the wheel, with his handsome run of party activities and assets under his belt, some have already started to question what they once believed of the members’ chest-beating wonder from the Kalungu.

Party supporters learnt the hard way to be wary of handing their heart to a new recruit after Lukwago pottered off the last time – we’d been hurt before. But 2021 the environment seemed so ludicrously better to NUP and the spectre of parachute heavy weight politicians finding a new ground at Kamwokya was almost too much for hordes of supporters who had only recently shifted the aftertaste of Gen. Muntu’s exit to bear, so we opened our hearts, tentatively, once again.

Lukwago’s a bit like a class A drug for your party. His sheer obsession and contagious drive set FDC alight during that spell; injecting him into a team and a region that was finally back on solid ground seemed to supercharge every corner of it. They did things that they had no right to do with their relative means and for that he’ll always be a cherished part of FDC’s story.

But at another party that is, in every sense, in a different place, adding Elias Lukwago may cause bad trips to occur. While he is undoubtedly a stimulant, in another sense he’s an addict too — who made no secret of always wanting more. He craves the work, the progress, the plaudits like no other politician. He needs it. It made his departure from FDC the first time round an evitability, but when the buzz is out of reach he cuts an agitated figure.

Lukwago has been through something similar before of course, with his ill-fated departure to Ssuubi. Back then, FDC supporters questioned their memories of their time with one of Uganda politics’ supposed brightest lights. Was that four day hangover even real? Put that Bulange (a) clip on again…

Then, as now, Lukwago found the chaps with rich political capital and profiles a different beast; and the supporters- as much as the handful of Twitter naysayers irritated him at FDC – a whole new ball game in the glare of the world’s most challenged democracy. In Karonga, he finds himself at a forum that hasn’t yet been through the scorched earth of a struggle that might have created the post-trauma needed for a Lukwago renaissance to take off.

Nandala Mafabi however, has arrived at a club still on the up.

The revolution at FDC started long before Lukwago’s arrival of course with the creation of the current consortium of leaders, born of a Supporters Trust that turns 20 years old this year.

In winning party elections in FDC 2023, Patrick Oboi Amuriat proved after Lukwago ‘s departure to Katonga that the party’s foundations, which he’d helped lay, couldn’t be simply swept away with one man’s departure or arrival.

For his part, Jack Sabiti still took the values-led community ethos that the “2004” consortium preached a political conference and gave it a huge heart and a gentle soul. Still took the mud from the trenches of the party’s battle to survive in the face of crooked NUP and catastrophic Electoral Commission governance, and he glued the supporters, members and the leadership together, maybe for the first time in the party’s history.

But if Elias Lukwago was a frantic shot in the arm, Nandala s’ approach already feels mellow and comforting in comparison. Anything would.

Making a hoodoo-lifting organisation of delegates conference and party elections look routine has given him the early air of an enchantress, and presidential bid-wise he’ll have a score to settle of his own, despite having to endure Besigye’s dismal four times collapse at national stage with the rest of us – the first genuine contender for 20 years.

FDC will continue their evolution into the Nandalasian era, who on early evidence may have the cool head and even the in-between instinct that Lukwago lacked… early days perhaps.

Wherever Lukwago resides in the FDC psyche in years to come, a good leader doesn’t turn bad over night. And some of the stuff Buganda region did under him was far from shite.

And though we might not see a statue of Lukwago next to small Nathan at the party headquarter, or hold his memory as fondly as Nandala Mafabi’s, there’s more than one way to write your name into FDC folklore. And to a fault, Elias Lukwago does it his way.

The man driving change at Forum for democractic change

By

Nathan Kikku Mubiru

Tired of the party at mercy of problem politicians, SG Nathan James Nandala Mafabi had only one edict on membership when he took charge 8 years ago. 

Forum for democractic change had just been through an internal election when the key party’s decision makers had assembled in the Namboole nerve center unaware at that stage  there would be an even more bruising election to follow. 

After, Mugisha Muntu finally agreed to abandon the party, the green light was given to Col. Kiza Besigye, with whom he had kept bickering as far back as 2005. The FDC senior members Kiza Besigye, Wasswa Birigwa, Patrick Oboi Amuriat who had effectively undermined Gen. Muntu’s leadership were present along with Ingrid Turinawe, publicity secretary Ssemujju Nganda Ibrahim Ssemujju and his deputy. In the background sat Nathan James Nandala Mafabi.

The FDC secretary general was not there to interfere. “Nathan never inputted on election decisions but wanted to make sure he understood why they were made” one source with knowledge of the process noted. 

Or in this specific case why FDC was ready to let Gen. Muntu and his accomplices leave, not least he was the one who would be incharge of the secretariat and would be going to ask Muntu to loosen the anger strings.

“Nathan exerted just the right level of accountability, which is the Secretary general’s job” another source said. 

Tired of seeing the party at the mercy of troublemakers and problem politicians, Nathan had one edict on membership to FDC as part of his moves to reshape the party’s value: “No d—heads”, he would tell everyone.

He was central to party’s fundraising for the 2021 election but he’s also a principled man. Extra money was collected and mobilized some through bank loans on the understanding that upon defeating the dictatorship, payment would be effected and it is Nathan who was reminding Besigye of this when the former presidential candidate was privately angling for Robert Kyagulanyi aka Bobi Wine’s bid who ended up dramatizing the struggle for change. “He’s pretty good at managing those tensions” a source said.0

Indeed the most fundamental0 change in the eight years since Nathan took office has been the sharp shift in power away from the party’s swanky Katonga defiance offices back to the Najjanankumbi and the empowerment of key department heads, notably those running the party’s politics. Oboi, Birigwa and their teams now have autonomy to dictate political matters,free from influence of a small pose of corporate financiers, founder members and the results have been clear for all to see.

And at the same time Nathan who based himself out of Najjanankumbi and lives a short drive away in kyambogo, became the visible presence on ground at office. “The biggest single change is FDC is now run on an axis between Najjanankumbi and Kyambogo where previously it was a triangle with the most powerful element in Katonga” said one insider. Or as another source put it less charitably: “It’s a silly SG who puts himself in an Ivory tower away from his people”.

Although an alpha male in some regard, Nathan is not a shouter or someone prone to losing his temper. Outside perception of an obnoxious figure head tend to be hastily redrawn once people have met him. Numerous FDC staff have commented he has always listened, runs an open door policy and “will take the mickey out of himself or hold his arms up when he is wrong” His lack of ego has also been noted and he believes he can only be as good as the team around him. Others have come to appreciate his personal touch and accessibility, Nathan for example was serving food  in his constituency and is fond of mixing with his constituents. If he doesn’t like something, though, he will be sure to tell people. 

Those familiar with Nathan say he doesn’t believe they have achieved anything yet and any praise will only be warranted if and when the party reclaims the struggle for change and overthrow the Museveni regime. 

Going forward, Nathan now face a challenge to ensure FDC plans are not undermined or distracted by the Katonga group potential breakaway particularly if it becomes drawn out. He must also do that knowing that there’s no guarantee over his position should the Katonga group stay put. 

Nathan Kikku Mubiru

0762030660/ 0750123446.

Erias Lukwago’s FDC exit robs us of the funniest comedian in multi-party politics in Ugandan history

By

Nathan Kikku Mubiru 

Former Forum for Democratic Change vice president Buganda had a strange approach to building his profile but he also failed miserably after raising to the ranks. You’ve probably heard the story of Erias Lukwago and the ping pong DP presidency but just in case you haven’t. It’s 2015, and Erias is in his first as Vice president desperately trying to instill a winning culture at an underachieving opposition, and he decides that the party’s president,  Norbert Mao is becoming the problem. So he does what naturally occurs to him. He carries out a purported coup instilling himself as president general.

Perhaps my favorite part of this story -narrowly pipping Erias’ admission that he had to “destroy the party first to get it kicking” -is the way he rationalizes it afterwards. “There was a big anti-buganda movement in the party” he says. “So I thought, I can either cajole  them and get them into Buganda nationalism. Or I can  burn the party through a coup”. It was far easier to burn the party” In the mind of Erias Lukwago,  these are the only two options; persuasion or Immolation. And after Erias exited FDC after a chaotic 2 years, it struck me that this was roughly the same binary he applied to FDC management.  

Farewell then Erias. You claimed to have implored banks to suspend legal party signatories and we followed your counsel. You declared after the 5th October ruling “Hon. Justice Musa is an Nrm cadre, I look at FDC party and don’t see myself in it”. Perhaps, on reflection,  you were more of a visionary than we thought.  And if there’s any scintilla of regret here is that you left before we ever truly got to explore the outer limits of your wierdiness. Taken from us and sacrificed to the mob when you clearly had much more to give: as a devote Muslim, this is a tale you will probably be unfamiliar with.

The consensus that Erias’ position was made untenable by performance,  which is true but only tells half the story. Parties will back a non-performing leader if they can see a thread of improvement,  a path to salvation, some sense of kinship.  At the very least, it helps if you refer to the party as “we” rather than “they”. But in reality,  Erias was expelled purely for non-performance.  He was expelled for being ridiculous, which in the prickly and harried world of multi-party politics is often the greatest sin of all. 

The irony here is that the same traits that made Erias unpalatable also made him utterly irresistible.  Name one other politician who toasts a famous election victory over Gen.  Museveni by picking a feud with Executive director of KCCA? Or who says on his arrival to FDC: “I just praise the lord  my wife is not pregnant as, literally that would be the most manic week” Or who twice raises to presidency through coups but doesn’t issue even a single executive order. Meanwhile,  “I want to test myself on every level, and that’s nothing against Baganda women” is one of the all time greatest political quotes. Seriously,  could we not have wrung a couple more months  out of this?

It always baffled me when I saw pundits, media personalities decrying Erias in such stern, pofaced terms. People got genuinely angry at this guy. Which is fine if you’re an FDC supporter or change emphusiast; you love your party and your clown-shoed leader is frog-matching it down the grave. I get that. But i never understood why everyone else was so bothered. This thing, this politics, this product is supposed to be fun. And FDC had served up probably the funniest comedian in Ugandan history. I swear you’ll never see anything like this ever again. So cherish it, drink it in.

There was another more poignant aspect to this spectacle. Frequently,  Erias’ quips and gaffes were taken as a symbol of irrepressible self-confidence perhaps even arrogance.  In fact, like all the best sitcom characters,  Erias always struck me as a man wracked with self-doubt forever second-guessing himself, desperate to prove himself that he belonged to  this level.  Perhaps this was why so much of what he said bore the ring of internal monologue: the little voices in his head arguing away while the rest of us pulled up a front-row seat.

The other point to make is that Erias was dealt a rough hand from the start. There is a more prosaic explanation why Katonga are struggling.  Katonga are not very good. Look at the NUP group they seek to align with,Ssemujju Nganda, Besigye, Salam Musumba, Does NUP have anyone such accomplished? Katonga is a group that had been slowly  stripped for parts, that has gradually lost most of its cream . This perhaps is how it end up hiring an interim general secretary, Kaija who can’t even buy a shirt for himself and then considering Wasswa Birigwa of LinkedIn for interim party chairman.

As Erias, a crossroads awaits. For many these 2 years will define perception of his career forever. But you, Erias Lukwago, you know better. Perhaps you feel you didn’t get a fair chance , perhaps you felt likethings were slowly improving.  But that war has gone and done now. You can spend the rest of your career explaining what went wrong, persuading and cajoling carrying the baggage of FDC with you like a cross. Or you can smarsh it into pieces, burn the wrong thing down and start afresh. 

I think I know which option you’ll choose.

Mao did nothing wrong

By Edward Pojim’ via Ugandans at Heart (UAH) Community

Folks;

The uproar that has followed Mao’s deal with Museveni is predicated on a parochially dangerous brand of politics: permanent enmity. There’s no such thing as permanent enmity in politics. 

Mao did not betray his party or his conscious. He’s pragmatic, having come to a long, studied conclusion that Museveni and the NRM are not going anywhere soon. It bears repeating that I predicted back in 1986 that as long as Museveni was alive, there would never be another president in Uganda.

I have read some where here that DP has, since Independence, produced a long line of political turncoats; those who crossed to UPC in the 1960s, those who worked with Idi Amin in the 1970s, some who crossed to UPC in 1980s, and others who have worked with Museveni since 1986.

These obversations intentionally neglected to tell us some names from the leadership ranks of UPC, NRM, KY. CP, etc., who have also crossed to other parties,

Why not mention Eriya Kategaya, Kirunda Kivejinja, Jaberi Bidandi Ssali, Mugisha Muntu, Shaban Nkutu, Dani Wadada Nabudere, James Ochola, Adoko Nekyon, Omwony Ojwok, Osinde Wang’wor, Chris Rwakasisi, Edward Rugumayo, or Haji Bedru Wegulo?

I don’t fault a politician for switching parties, for sometimes, as Ronald Reagan famously explained his decision to abandon the Democratic Party fot the Republican party, “the party simply left me.”

In 1990, at a dinner in New York city, I introduced a modest proposal to Aggrey Awor: Convince UPC, DP and CP leadership come to a joint agreement with Museveni that will allow Museveni to rule to his death. In exchange, extract a commitment from Museveni to stop arresting, torturing, jailing and killing Ugandans whom he suspects of being against him.

Give that proposal some thought and see how we’ve squandered resources and lost lives in our futile attempts at sending Museveni home. Sometimes, flexibility in political alignment is what is needed to create a sustainable national tranquility.

A FULL ACCOUNT OF MR. OFWONO OPONDO’S CRIME OF UTMOST SAVAGERY AT THE NBS TV FRONTLINE TALKSHOW

By Erias Lukwago 

A FULL ACCOUNT OF MR. OFWONO OPONDO’S CRIME OF UTMOST SAVAGERY AT THE NBS TV FRONTLINE TALKSHOW.

Last night, I happened to be a Panelist at the NBS TV Talkshow that runs from 10:00pm to midnight. The debate was about the sham Soroti East Member of Parliament By-election. Midway the debate, hell broke loose when the Government Spokesperson, who is a regular Panelist (Frontliner) on the show, ran berserk and started throwing tantrums. Out of the blue, he sprung up, charged at me and threatened to evict me from the studios. He pushed his hand into the pocket and around his waist, in a manner that suggested he wanted to draw a pistol at me.

I dared him to shoot at me. He instead pounced on my neck and attempted to strangle me. I did not fight back but instead struggled to wriggle out of his grip. He them punched me in the chest and grabbed both collars of my jacket while huffing and puffing like a cobra. The Moderator, Charles Mwangushya moved in to restrain him but to no avail. He was joined by a Co-Panelist, the Hon. Winnie Kiiza, former Leader of Opposition but the now wild Opondo would not relent as he continued to maul me, while battering and kicking me in the stomach.

Being civilized and mindful of the law of unintended consequences, which could turn out to be catastrophic, I chose not to engage in a fist fight. I instead concentrated on shielding my face with both palms. It was at this moment that another Panelist, the Hon. Chris Baryomunsi, Minister for ICT and National Guidance, who had all along been witnessing the melodrama, joined the duo to prevail over a rampaging Opondo.

The Talkshow ended prematurely and Opondo was shouting at the top of his voice that he was going to finish me off in the corridors of NBS TV or outside the building. He made frantic calls to people I did not understand, requesting for “reinforcement.”

The DPC, Kira Road Police Station, Ssebuyungo, together with the Commander Operations, Aden Muzawula, entered appearance with several police personnel. They made arrangements with Hon. Baryomunsi to escort me back home.

Today morning, I went to Kira Road Police Station and opened up a Criminal Case before the O.C C.I.D and other Police Officers. I also moved to NBS and met with the Management to secure the Closed Circuit Television (CCTV) footage of the said ugly scene but my efforts are yet to yield positive results. In my language, we have an old adage that; “Olaba nkaabira mubikire, naye ate ankutukidde mungalo…!!!”

I will stop at nothing in search for Justice. In addition to the aforesaid criminal proceedings, civil action will also be pursued in Courts of Law in an effort to deal with impunity in our country. 

For God and my Country

Minister Mao does not want us to call it a defection

Uganda’s democracy is like a beautiful rose that grows to unreachable heights each season,surrounded by a deep thorny brush that engulfs any politician who makes an attempt to sniff it.

We have all read with incredible amusement, the polishing of Mao’s defection from an opposition Party(DP), the political pundits have cleansed it so well, it gels right into our guts without being chewed first. Since when has it been accepted as principled for a Party leader to abandon their democratic values, stance or voting station?   

Shall we rejoice that an opposition Party has been orphaned by a lure of comfort and butter cushions, given the history of our nation? These are questions going through the minds of many Ugandans who are worried that this is yet another sell out to the leading Party.

The loss of a democratic flag bearer who’s supposed to point out flaws that need to be fixed in our weak democracy should worry those who are applauding Mao’s lure to a big executive position, because it will make him blind and unable to champion, with zeal -social, economic and political issues that have dogged us for decades. 

One recent memorable principled stand for Uganda’s democracy was made against the Okello Government and it ushered in President Yoweri Museveni, it made him a champion of democracy and quite popular among Ugandans who’d painfully watched all the gains of the Moshi Accord, being squandered pound for pound measured against the big sacrifices that they had all endured during the years of violence and civil war. 

Moves that orphan Political Parties or weaken the multi party system in place cannot be good for Uganda’s flaggering democracy and the existence of multi-parties that were fought hard for. Neither should they be regarded as principled moves, but rather defections that will hurt attempts to return to the democratic principles that we all espouse to achieve as a nation.

 Dr Kizza Besigye, and any other opposition  non-violent Party member should not be labeled as mean and bad agents for refusing to compromise on the fundamentals of a true democracy. If we really want to call Uganda a republic we cannot be wishy washy about the laws that govern a healthy democratic system and we cannot build it in the manner we like , it will not fly. 

Dr Kizza Besigye has worked with the president before and was a principal architect of the NRM agenda, and he will do it again, but let’s get the fundamentals on the right path before we blame him for being the last man standing in the opposition. He ought not yield on principle, people expect him to be delivering even when he is on the opposite side of the aisle, because he knows and has worked with all of the big wigs in power now!

We have all seen the churning of the Ugandan political machinery and sometimes it isn’t so pretty and leaves many victims scarred and strapped financially, that rose brush has a way of engulfing the most brilliant in our country, and at times they find themselves in a conundrum!

What happened to these brilliant fellows: Rt Hon.Amama Mbabazi, Gen Sejusa,the late Hon. Kategaya, Gen Mugisha Muntu, VP Bukenya to mention a few, all brilliant Ugandans in pursuit of that dream that has eluded us for decades, and we applaud them for standing in the opposition to keep these multi-parties alive!

Without vibrant and well led opposition -Political Parties will be dealt a death blow and we’ll   have no democracy to celebrate.

Some among us remember the voice of the late Enganzi Hon, Kahigiriza, singing that famous song of kahurire aka Uganda Congress decades ago  when democracy was young in Uganda – He sang beautifully – that DP efiire, effire( is dead), calling folks to come and hear the drumbeat and agenda of Uganda Congress Party, who will remain to carry that torch forward, if UPC, NUP and DP are all engulfed by one big NRM camp? There must be some other way of working with the President and his NRM party while preserving a healthy multi-party system and funding their agenda towards the dream of a healthier democratic nation.

By Tendo Kaluma

Ugandan in Boston

21 July 2013:Tinyefuza´s letter to Director of ISO, Col Ronnie Balya in summary

21 July 2013:Tinyefuza´s letter to Director of ISO, Col Ronnie Balya in summary

The reason I have written this letter, is in regard to the very serious allegations that have appeared in the press that IGP, Brig MK, Gen SS, one Kellen and othershatched an evil and extrajudicial plan of stage-managing the attack on Mbuyabarracks [in March] so as to frame some senior members of this government especially I, [Prime Minister] Amama Mbabazi and CDF, Gen Aronda and those perceived to be anti-Brig Muhoozi project.

“Further, you need to investigate the very serious claims that the same actors are re-organising elements of former Wembley under one police officer Ayegasire Nixon to assassinate people who disagree with this so-called family project of holding onto power inperpetuity,” “Muhoozi Project”

 “indeed intelligence has picked someclandestine actions by this reckless and rather naïve actors to have some youthrecruited as rebels and then frame some members of security services and keypoliticians perceived as anti-establishment.” The “Muhoozi project”

The first time the document came to the fore, it had allegedly been written by Catherine Dembe, an FDC councillor in Mpigi district. She was reportedly conscripted by Sebina Ssekitoleko, a close confidant of police chief Kale Kayihura, to allege thatAmama Mbabazi, Aronda and Tinyefuza were in cahoots with FDC leader Kizza Besigye to overthrow the government.

‘I was made minister through the window’

Samwiri Mugwisa joined active politics after the 1966 Buganda Crisis when he was appointed the deputy secretary general of UPC in Mubende District. He told Sunday Monitor’s Henry Lubega how he fled the country, started globe trotting, selling handcrafts and later joining the struggle to remove Idi Amin from power.

After the 1966 Buganda Crisis, Milton Obote created four new districts in Buganda region; East Mengo, West Mengo, Mubende and Masaka. That is when I was appointed the assistant secretary general of UPC in Mubende, deputising Sheikh Buwembo.

I served in that position until January 1971, when Idi Amin overthrew the government. On that day, I was attending my business partner’s wedding in Kampala and I learnt of the overthrow the next day while in Mityana. I then drove to Mubende with my people.

After about a week, the situation started getting worse with information that UPC supporters were being killed in villages. With John Baptist Buyondo, a councillor in Mubende Town, we went to see Col Obura, the commandant of Tiger barracks, about the situation. But the gunfire that afternoon was so rampant that I decided to escape with my family.

From Mubende, I drove to Kakumiro, to Kiboga and then to Kampala, because the Mubende route to Kampala had been sealed off. While at the Kakumiro fuel station, I met the Tiger barracks commanding officer, Col Obura with his three kids, also fleeing. He followed me up to Ntwentwe where we went to the gombolola chief (sub-county)then called Yakobo Kivumbi.

But Kivumbi developed a cold feet; he could not house us. So I decided to move to my uncle, Erica Matovu’s, country home. While there, Col Obura told me he had left his wife and asked me to escort him back to Mubende to look for her.

We drove back without headlights up to Katoma. Obura left me behind the water supply and went to look for his wife. He found her at the District Commissioner’s place.

However, as I waited for the commander, a group of soldiers fleeing the fight passed by where we had parked. One of them identified Col Obura’s car and said: “hi gari si ya commanda?” loosely translated as Isn’t this the commander’s car? His colleague responded we wacha twende (leave that let us go).

After a short while, Col Obura returned, carrying his wife on his back. We then drove back to Ntwetwe. By the time we got back, rumour had made rounds that I was moving with an army officer. People had started gathering around my uncle’s house, threatening to burn the house and the children; my auntie managed to take them out of the house and hid them in the banana plantation. It is at the plantation that Obura and I were able to meet our families and we then drove to Kampala via Kiboga. Along the way, I lost Obura.

The exit
When we got to Nansana in Kampala, I took my wife and two kids to my mother’s place and I proceeded to Edward Mugalu’s place in Mpererwe, for refuge. He belonged to the Kabaka Yeka political group but he had been a good business friend.

After some days at Mugalu’s place word spread that there was a UPC person hiding there. I did not wait for the worst to happen. I moved to Kansanga at Sebana Kizito’s place. Kizito had been a good childhood friend from secondary school.

I had a business office on Plot 4 Johnstone Street dealing in exports, which kept working all through this period. I relocated my family from Nansana to Kamwokya.

With the continued talk and harassment of known UPC officials, I knew that it was just a matter of time before I could be caught. With my business partner in Maco International Ltd, we decided to open up a branch in Nairobi, where one of the managing directors was appointed to be the resident director. Armed with supporting documents, I headed for the airport to Nairobi.

Life in Exile
When I got to Nairobi, I booked into Hotel Piggal, which became my home for the next two years. I contacted a one Peter Mburu, a lawyer, who helped me register the company in Kenya, and who also allowed me to operate from his office for some time.

I started exporting used sisal sacks to Uganda. Before I went to Nairobi, my company used to buy them from Kenya. I also started exporting salted fish to Zaire, now DR Congo, while importing sim sim from Uganda to Kenya, but we never made profits on this due to poor quality.

I later joined hands with another Ugandan who had fled the Amin regime, called Henry Semukutu, through his group called HB Semukutu and Company. We started importing cotton seed cake from Mwanza in Tanzania and exported it to Denmark to be used as cattle feed during the winter season.

Late in 1978, while in New York on my business trip, I met Godfrey Binaisa who later linked me up with Adrew Kayiira, after they had formed Uganda Federal Union (UFU). I would later meet people like Luyimbazi Zake, James Namakajo and Kibuka Mukalazi. When I got back to Nairobi I was shocked to hear that they had announced me their agent in Nairobi.

On January 1, 1979, there was a New Year party organised at Prof Tarsis Kabwegyere’s residence, where I was invited, and I met people, like Paul Ssemwogere, Ruhakana Rugunda, Andrew Adimola, Akena P’Ojok and others. The New Year party was a cover up for political gathering of Ugandans in exile.

I went back to my crafts business, and while in New York again, I got a call from Paulo Muwanga, asking me to urgently fly to Dar es Salaam. He said: “Tanzania is going to chase Amin and I am the only one from Buganda who is here.”

I first went to Nairobi were I linked up with Rurangaranga, Chris Rwakasisi, Christopher Sebuliba and another young man, Francis Kizito, who offered his car to take us to Tanzania. We found people waiting for us at Namanga and they drove us to Msasani Bay where Obote was staying.

Meeting Obote
Obote briefed us about our mission. He told me: “Samwiri Mugwisa, you will be responsible for the Masaka axis as the political commissar reporting to Major General David Msuguri”. Rurangaranga was assigned the Ankole axis.
Two days later, we were flown to the frontline where there were the 201, 206, 208 brigades. I belonged to Brigade 208 where I met Maj Msuguri, and other officers who spoke Luganda like Mupere’asoka who gave me my last briefing before crossing into Uganda.

With the help of Henry Lukonge, the first Ugandan I saw, I got a drum and sounded the Gwanga Mujje to call people from their hiding for a meeting. More than 300 people turned up. I told them about the war and its purpose and I also asked them to tell us where Amin soldiers were hiding. They did not tell us.

After the Moshi Conference of 1979 was concluded and the head of the UNLF was put in place, word went around that the Ugandans at the battle front were misbehaving, and we were recalled to Dar es Salaam. We were flown to the regional office in Bukoba, where we were told to hand over our guns and uniforms, before we could board a plane to Dar es Salaam. I told Rurangaranga not to remove the uniform.

We got to Dar es Salaam Airport at night and we were handed over to the intelligence people who drove us around the town for so long. When I got tired of staying in the car, I insisted that they take us to Obote’s home. When Obote saw me, he was very shocked and he wanted to know why we had been recalled. After listening to what had happened, he called then Tanzania’s president Julius Nyerere, immediately telling him what had happened.

The next day, we were directed to go and meet with the new president in-waiting, Yusuf Lule, at the police officers mess in Dar es Salaam. I had known Lule before, and when he saw me, he asked where I was coming from. When I told him I had been on the frontline, he was shocked as he had been earlier told that there were only two Ugandans on the battle field – Tito Okello and Oyite Ojok – and that the rest were Tanzanians.

He tasked Eteker Ejalu and Akena P’Ojok to explain why they had never told him that there were Ugandans fighting. He called for the list of the new political appointees. He cancelled out Samuel Magezi’s name as the DC for Kyotera and put my name, while Rurangaranga was made Kategaya’s deputy.
He immediately signed a letter appointing me as a district commissioner. Armed with Lule’s appointment letter, I was flown back and proceeded to Kyotera where I stayed for a few days before going back to Mityana and continued with the war. As Kampala was falling, I was asked to go to Radio Uganda to announce Amin’s fall, but I feared.

I served as the DC under Lule, and I saw cliques developing. I left Apollo Hotel where I was staying and went to Nile Mansion to talk to Sam Sebagereka, the then Finance minister to help me meet the president, but he did not. Maybe had he known about the discontent, he would have corrected them and stayed in power longer. The same thing happened to Binaisa when he refused to listen to me and Fred Makanya in Nairobi when we tried to stop him from replacing Oyite Ojok and Paulo Muwanga.

Joining cabinet

During the Binaisa regime, I was appointed deputy minister of agriculture until his fall, but I became a full minister under the Military Commission. Much later, Paulo Muwanga told me that my name had been deleted off the original list and replaced by Mathias Ngobi, He told me Tito Okello had said: “chacha iyo jina ganni, Ngobi ndiyo nani.

Agriculture si ya Chamwiri Mugwicha (what name is that who is Ngobi, isn’t the agriculture ministry supposed to be for Samwiri Mugwisa)
During the 1980 General Election, I stood on the UPC ticket in Mubende North East constituency where they say there was a lot of rigging. After the election, I went to State House to report to the president what had transpired. Obote saw me from the window on the first floor and said: “Samwiri, remain in your ministry”. I held the same post until the 1985 coup.

I stayed out of politics from that time until late November 1986 when about 20 soldiers came to my residence in Kololo to arrest me. I was taken to Jinja Road Police Station before being transferred to Central Police Station. IT is from here that I was sent to Luzira, where I spent six months on the charge of having ordered for the kidnap and murder a one Siituke. After a six month trial I was found not guilty. I have been in business since then.

SOURCE: DAILY MONITOR

Muhoozi is not a joking subject,he has lived an automatic world while we are trying hard to fit in manual one

Muhoozi Kainerugaba (born 24 April 1974) is a Ugandan lieutenant general who serves as the commander of the land forces of the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) and who was previously the commander of the Special Forces Command (SFC)

JULY 2013 – Somewhere in Somalia

Commander: Hullo soldiers!

Soldiers: Hullo Sir! ( in unison)

Commander: Wow, great great work here! Please feel free to ask any question on anything that is affecting your performance in this place.

Soldier: Sir, why have I stayed at the same rank for 12 years, Sir, yet, Sir, I joined the army way before you, Sir? Sir, it is rather strange, Sir, that you are now five ranks above me, Sir?

Sir, what do I have to also do, Sir, to also get promoted like you, Sir?!

Commander: This is not the right forum to ask for promotions or such questions. Now, no more questions.

And next day the soldier finds himself locked up as the army starts to carry out “investigations into the utterances of the officer.”

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1970s – Somewhere in Western Uganda

President Idi Amin Dada: Very nice, very nice singing from these students. They must have trained very well.

MC: Yes, Mr President, they trained for several weeks.

President Idi Amin Dada: You, Barnabas Kili (minister of Education) make sure a new school is built for these students as their reward. Am impressed.

You see, am pro-people and I listen to both young and old. I thank you all for giving me such a welcome. Let anyone ask any question on anything.

Murmurs from the audience

President Idi Amin Dada: “There are some questions that I will not entertain; Don’t ask me about bad roads, don’t ask me about the army and security; don’t ask me about hospitals, ask me nothing on kondoism and nothing on rebels attacking the country.”

CONCLUSION: All animals r equal but some r more equal than others…..George Orwell