Category Corruption

Ndugu Andrew Mujuni Mwenda, get a life!


By Egesa Ronald…….

I liked reading Andrew Mwenda’s writings for Monitor in the noughties(2000s) and went on to religiously read his ‘Last Word’ in independent until 2008. Here is why I stopped in 2008.

At the height of Temangalo saga, I spotted him meeting Amama Mbabazi at Serena Hotel at night and this was followed by Andrew Mujuni Mwenda putting up a spirited defence of Mbabazi role in Temangalo saga using his column in his Independent magazine. I sent him an email with the date and time I spotted him at Serena and he did not reply. I confirmed that the chap is a gun for hire and was double-faced!

I also critically analysed 20 latest copies of his independent magazine and realised that it gave only positive reviews of Rwanda and negative stories on Ugandan politics! I concluded that it was after all not an independent magazine. You could clearly see that Mwenda was doing PR for Rwanda together with his friend Dr. Frederick Golooba Mutebi ( in the East African), while at the same time, he was looking for attention from the Kampala or is it Entebbe regime! Finally, when his quasi-intellectualism was busted by HE Kagame – thanks to British lobbyists and ‘strategists’, he lobbied hard to get close to the centre of power in Kampala. He targeted the post then occupied by Tamale Mirundi, but the President denied him that appointment. Remember the infamous NTV News nights -yes those were all schemes for the Presidential Press Secretary job. I saw through it and stopped watching them.

Like my friend Jone Kyoma put it, Mwenda is a brand parasite. After riding on the Museveni brand to rob HE Kagame with bogus PR, he turned to his host (Museveni) and has realised that he cannot have his way; so he has turned Besigye into his host so as to attract Museveni attention so he can rob him. After realising that the elites have ignored his outbursts against Besigye, he shifted target to the leading social media brand of Tom Voltaire Okwalinga so he can get the much denied attention of the enlightened class.

Ndugu Andrew Mujuni Mwenda, get a life!

LET US REMEMBER BUKENYA:THE HYPOCRITE, THE CONFUSER, THE NRM EXPERIMENT.


pecadilloesThis Bukenya is a confused man. According to Joachim Buwembo, ‘When he got opportunity to be hosted by Tim Sebastian on BBC’s Hard Talk in 2004, Prof Gilbert Bukenya used the occasion to appeal to the world to award the Nobel Peace Prize to President Yoweri Museveni(Instead they gave it to Prof Wangari Mathai.)’

Ask for his opinion now; he might say m7 should be indicted and taken to the Hague.Mbu “mahogany”, kumbe he’s a mere shrub.

I remember In one interview when he was asked about the hat and opening his eyes wide like Kaguta, and the bent hand, and he said and i quote, verbatim “..Yes, I ape him coz i admire him..” who does that? How can you admire a fellow man so much that you start copying the physical characteristics of his person? what other manners have you learnt and copied from him, that are hidden from us? That just shows a WEAK and SPINELESS, UNIMAGINATIVE man, who defines himself by another man.

Typical degree holders: Professor Sebuwufu (also a doctor) did similar things as Bukenya under Obote 2 when he crossed from DP to UPC.CNN once had a programme about such intellectuals engaged in saying things that dont measure up to their expected standards. Guess what its title name was? ‘USEFUL IDIOTS’.

I remember yet another time when during an interview he said that ‘Mutebi is my friend’. Then the statement I will never forget soon after the 2009 Buganda riots and how he said ‘The Kabaka’s wings have to be clipped’.

Remember in Buddu, he decided to go into a “ssabo” ostensibly to show how he valued African-Kiganda culture. It earned him the ire of the Catholic Church of which he is a member and which regarded him as one of theirs. It was game of playing both the populist and the loyalist card, which left people wondering who exactly Bukenya was.

May 10, 2004: “Museveni is Buganda’s best friend. I have been in meetings and you see that he listens to issues of Baganda.”

“I support President Museveni wholly and nothing can change me from that,” Bukenya said in 2007. “Wherever I go, I talk about him in my speeches. Even if they stab me in the back and I am no longer the vice president, I will continue supporting him.”

Bukenya said in July 2008: “Mr Museveni is still strong. So, why should we let him go? Let us support him. I cannot compete with Museveni. How can I turn against my mentor?”

All former DPs are confused and have been used by Museveni and dumped them where they belong. The late DP enigma Ben Kiwanuka’s son Kagimu Kiwanuka. The lad riding on his dad’s name won the Bukomansimbi seat back from the NRM in races that were tightly contested. After securing the seat on a DP platform(parties I think were not yet officially back) then naively thought that by joining NRM he would anchor the NRM supporters to the assured DP support he had. He has since then been relegated to the dustbin of Uganda’politics and the last we got to hear of him was when he was an Ambassador of sorts and said things that were very bogus at a UN assembly-things like ‘back home where I come from, we dont value time……’ Oba ani aloga Ganda politicians?

HANNAH OGWAPITI

RESIDENT DISTRICT COMMISSIONERS (RDCS) NOT NECESSARY!


Uganda has more than 110 districts and each district has an RDC, and his/her deputy and all of them earn Salaries from tax payers Money. Below are the constitutional roles of an RDC, But what is the role of an LCV Chairperson in the District, can’t he/she monitor government programs, can’t district internal security officers head security together with District Police Commanders? Why waste money that would provide health services to the rural poor in paying salaries to these idle and nothing to do RDCS?

ARTICLE 203. Resident district commissioner:

(1) There shall be for each district a resident district commissioner who shall be appointed by the President.
(2) For a person to be appointed a resident district commissioner he or she shall be a citizen of Uganda and qualified to be a member of Parliament.
(3) The functions of a resident district commissioner are—
(a) to monitor the implementation of central and local government services in
the district;
(b) to act as chairperson of the district security committee of the district; and
(c) to carry out such other functions as may be assigned by the President or prescribed by Parliament by law.

In principle the RDC office at districts enjoy a luxury life with two vehicles and their drivers, 2 armed security guards!!

We spend about 6.4M each month and in every 112 districts of Uganda on RDCs just to do three things. No wander they are always in every funerals!

I hope u are already aware that come this coming financial year, an RDC will pocket 5 million + and a deputy will bounce with 4+!!, secretaries and an office team of more than 5. Allowances, medical insurance for seven members of their families, and a classified budget that is never known or audited!! What is this?? A lay man in Rubirizi calls him “entuumwa ya prezidenti” or a representative of the president, and who gains at the end of the day?? The answer is M7 and this will deepen political patronage and if u dream of regime change soon, please rest yo case and focuss on something else. Move on, Uganda is under siege and only God can save u by soon recalling these hijackers to hell!!!

H.O

RESPONSE TO SARAH BIREETE ON POWER OF THE PRESIDENT VS WEAK INSTITUTIONS


In an article titled “Uganda’s problem is weak institutions, not the powers in our constitution” published in The Daily Monitor of 8 September 2014, Sarah Bireete, disagrees with my contention that the problem of Uganda is the immense authority bestowed on the Presidency by the National Constitution. She counter-argues that Uganda’s problem are weak institutions and recommends their strengthening. Sarah rightly notes that nowhere in the constitution is the president empowered to appoint public officers on his own, but upon the recommendation of appropriate statutory institutions and the approval of parliament. What she did not say is that the Parliamentary Acts that create those statutory institutions, also mandate the President to appoint the commissioners of those institutions, i.e. appoint his/her own “checkers”. So, WITHOUT BREAKING ANY LAW, President Museveni nominated ONLY NRM cadres who lost elections, as commissioners and board members of all statutory institutions, and they were all (except Hon Nantaba) duly approved by parliament. I meet them every day, most being former colleagues in parliament, and when I ask, “Hon. did you make it back to Parliament?” The standard answer is “No, I lost the election but Mzee helped me, am on this commission, that Board, RDC, ambassador, minister, Chairperson of this / that, Presidential Advisor…..” Tell me Sarah, which of these people would upset the president by rejecting his nominee when he gave (and can un-give) them the job they so desperately need? In not standing up to the president they are not weak, stupid, sycophants or intimidated, it’s old fashioned, commonsense, self-preservation.
pecadilloes
In case parliament rejects a presidential nominee as happened to former Kampala Mayor Nasser Ssebaggala, the president just replaces him / her with another NRM cadre of requisite qualifications which parliament cannot challenge, ultimately rendering parliamentary approval of no consequence! Of consequence though, is that the entire executive, judiciary, public service and 20% of the legislature (10 soldiers, 80 ministers) are made up of NRM cadres appointed by the president and approved by parliament!

Sarah argues like an academic, I argue like an analyst. Academics stop at facts and figures; analysts go further and examine causes, consequences and effects. The cause (or source) of presidential authority in Uganda is the constitution, the consequences are patronage, influence and power, while the effects are impunity and dictatorship – all invisible forces, yet no one can deny their impact on the quality of governance. This is not unique to Uganda. Israel’s lobbyists in the USA may not have constitutional authority but they wield undocumented influence and power – hence the USA’s irrational policy on the Middle East, down several Presidents, where Israel gets away with everything, with impunity. Never under-estimate the far-reaching effects of patronage, power and influence, undocumented they may be, but they can be more lethal than book authority!

The opposition in Uganda can’t engage in peaceful political activity because Parliament passed the draconian Police Act, Political Parties’ And Other Organizations’ Act and Public Order Management Act. When their turns come, the Electoral Commission doctors election results, Bank of Uganda releases public money through the back door and the judiciary doctors judgments. Sarah argues that these institutions need to be strengthened in order to give us better value for money, but is it for lack of constitutional mandate and technical know-how, that they so abuse public trust or is it not the undue influence exerted by their appointing authority?

The constitution provides everything the institutions need to operate effectively, the only impediment they face is the power and influence of the presidency, trim it, and the institutions will be ok!

Beti Olive Kamya

PRESIDENT OF UGANDA FEDERAL ALLIANCE

CHIEF PETITIONER FOR A NATIONAL REFERENDUM TO TRIM PRESIDENTIAL AUTHORITY

Damian Akankwasa and the 900 million Ugandan shillings under his bed


By John Njoroge

One morning while I was still a reporter at the Independent Magazine, I received a call from a fellow journalist (Name Withheld). My friend asked if I was at work, to which I responded in the affirmative.
ALLEGORY
He quickly said had a hot story for the Independent publication and that he was driving to my direction.

Within minutes he was outside, asking me to come out with a voice recorder and a notebook (this I guess was for emphasis that we where “going to work”). As was my habit, taught to me by Andrew Mwenda, I told my editors-Charles Odoobo Bichachi and Joseph Were-I was going out, for a “big story” with so and so, who was now outside ready to pick me.

Into his car I went and off we speeded. I was excited.

“So what’s this one now,” I remember asking. My friend was not ready to tell me.

“You will see,” he said.

He lit a cigarette and passed me one as well. We zoomed through the streets of Kamwokya, having small talk, passed down Kira road, up Kabira country club and Cayenne bar and restaurant then, right after, we took a sharp right turn up a small slope to what was then called the Forest Cottages.

Through the gates and into the parking area, he stopped after parking in reverse. He picked his phone and called someone.

“We are here. Yes, I am with him, ok, 10minutes is fine. Ok” he hang up.

He lit another cigarette. Now I was getting worried.

“John, you have heard of this story about a lady who stole money from her husband, the National Forestry Authority Executive Director? You know everybody is looking for him to hear his side of the story. I have found him for you.”

Haaaaaaaaaaaaaa

I got excited.

Damian Akankwasa, the man whose wife fled with 900million Ugandan shillings she found under their bed. This man was media hot cake at the time. Every journalist in Kampala wanted to see him.

My mind quickly raced. What questions should I ask? How luck am I? God loves me so much? What will my fellow journalists say? I could already see the praise I would get from my mentor Mr Mwenda. I could already see the headline.

Back then this selfie crazy thing was not there. In fact, we did not know selfies. It had “not yet landed” in Uganda at least.

Thinking back, I wish I had just take a picture with Damian. I had a camera and very nice expensive an back then high tech mobile phone- the Nokia E61i. I think I was one of the few people in this town with that phone.

It was bought for me by my good friend, at the time, Sudhir Ruparelia. But that’s another story.

Soon my friend’s phone rang again and we walked into the restaurant. Seated in a dark blue suit-or was it black- a shirt with no tie, was this humble looking fellow. We walked up to him, my friend introduced me and we sat.

Damian was very soft spoken almost says nothing, Calm, victim-like. Most of the time, he never looked me in the face. I caught him a few times stealing a glance as if to see “is this man getting my lines”

All through the interview, he spoke while closely observing my notebook and my voice recorder.

In short, Damian wanted to clear the air about the source of the money his estranged wife had stolen from under their bed.

He had actually said it before, but I later discovered, he had been persuaded to adopt a “communication strategy” targeting respected publication and give exclusive interviews over that money. Because he was a civil servant and you all know how much they earn.

You see, some of us live in debts. You wake up in the morning and some of the first phone calls you received are from people you either owe money or have to pay for past services rendered. That is if you actually pick those calls. Now when you read or hear that someone had UGX 900 million under his bed, you wonder what God did for him that he has refused to do to you.

Damian made it very vivid and clear to me.

“That money belonged to my brothers. They collected it from sales of matooke, goats, beans, cassava and milk. They brought it to me to buy them land. They wanted to start real estate. They travelled in a bus with that money is suit cases. I put it all in one bag and put it under our bed.”

ChaaaaaAii

He continued.

“I had misunderstanding with my wife and she left with only the money and her shoes.”

Only the money?????

He added.

“People say I am building a hotel. But that building behind my house is actually my main house. I am leaving in a boys quarter. It is 5 bedrooms but it is a boys quarter. When I finish my house you will all come and visit.”

Hoooooo

All through, I kept looking at my friend, who was very disappointed In how things where unfolding. Not that these things had not been said before but it was in the manner in which they where being said and to what publications. Because at that time Damian Akankwasa was not speaking to John Njoroge but to the Mighty Independent Publications Limited of Andrew Mwenda.

The interview went in circles, about his brothers, traveling with 900 million, in suitcases, in a public bus transport, from Mbarara to Kampala, and then taking bodabodas to his house and counting the money. Really this man must have thought I was on baby fomula.

Once this disaster of an interview was done, my friend and I left. Back to his car, he lit two cigarettes, one for me and one him as we drove out. We did not speak much and I actually did not know where we where going. He did not say and I did not ask.

Down after Kabira country club, my friend expressed his disappointment and asked me to do my job as I saw fit. He told me he had no intention of interfering and that if the interview subject had undressed himself, it was his fault. We agreed to have a beer later in the evening. He took me back where he had picked me.

Damian’s wife allegedly bought cars, land and houses in western uganda with that money. She distributed the cars and land titles to various people who where to pay her slowly.

As NFA director, Damian was allegedly responsible for issuing tree cutting permits. Unconfirmed reports claimed that if you wanted to cut 100 trees, he could give u a permit for 300, 50 extra for you, 150 for himself. All he wanted was his 150trees in cash. So imagine doing that with 2-3 or more people a day.

The biggest scandal or rather money minter was a $13m grant or loan-to the Forestry Authority for 4 projects. In one project alone, $3m vanished and only $50,000 could be accounted for. The documents are public and can be found in court.

Investigations and the courts of law have since cleared Damian of allegations of illicit wealth. His estranged wife was sentence to jail for theft and continues to serve her sentence. Other reports indicate she is a free woman now.

There is however another story for another day.

Bye!!!

MUSEVENI’S ROLE IN THE UBC LAND SAGA


BY SARAH NALUKENGE VIA UAH FACEBOOK GROUP

Museveni;s rubber stamp parliament and gullible Ugandans are questioning the dubious acquisition of government land by Hon. Margret Muhanga. They are simply wasting their time because land grabbing is a scheme by the Museveni regime to impoverish Ugandans while creating a small class comprised of its cronies who own everything.

Hon. Margret Muhanga is the Woman Member of Parliament for Kabarole District. She is a sister to Museveni’s boot leaker, Andrew Mwenda, Brig. Kayanja Muhanga – the 4th Div. Commander, and Maj. Henry Baguma – a historical Director under the Internal Security Organisation (ISO). She is married to Michael Mugisha the former District Chairman Kabarole and now the Executive Director of National Forest Authority (NFA). She is the Spokesperson of the regime’s defacto parliament, the NRM caucus. Before coming to the political limelight, she was a reporter with the regime owned New Vision newspaper in the late 1980s and 1990s. As a news reporter, she got closer to Gen. Kahinda Otafiire when he was the Director General of External Security Organisation (ESO). Her husband replaced Damiano Akankwasa at NFA, after the later was convicted for abuse of office by causing financial loss of 2.8 billion shillings that came to light following the theft of 900M shillings from his bedroom. Her brother Andrew Mwenda was linked to Lawyer Bob Kasango’s 7.8b pensions scam. She claims to have raised the 10.2b shillings that she used to buy the UBC land by borrowing from her brothers and selling her cows and goats.
ALLEGORY
Uganda Broadcasting Corporation (UBC) was created by the UBC Act of 2004 following the merger of former Uganda Television and Radio Uganda. It now boosts of two TV channels and five radio stations. The past “inefficient” governments that Museveni fought failed to put to use the vast property of UBC and as of 2008 it owned only 35 acres of prime land in Bugolobi alone. Earlier, some of those who has fought the bush like Col. Mushega, Gen. Koreta, Brig. Eric Mukasa and a few others had been given part of the UBC land for free. The land titles for these properties has been mysteriously missing until in 2006 when the then Secretary to the Land Commission, Elizabeth Laker started creating new titles for the remaining land and giving it away to private developers. It took the intervention of the then UBC Corporation Secretary, Francis Gimara who placed caveats on the remaining land but at a heavy cost – his was kicked out of UBC.

In 2009 Minister Karoro Okurut and Margret Muhanga requested Museveni to give them part of the land belonging to UBC so that they could build a gumboot factory that would create 300 jobs for Ugandans. Museveni gave them the land. Their company, Extreme Innovations Ltd acquired two acres of UBC land located on Kibira Road in Industrial Area. Valued at 954M shillings that was supposed to be paid at the signing of the 49 years lease, UBC transferred the said two acres to the two Directors of Extreme Innovations without paying a single cent. In June 2010, Extreme Innovations requested UBC to transfer its (E.I) interests to a Chinese company, Sino East Africa Trading Hub and it was immediately done. SINO intended to set up an administrative and export development center for displaying Chinese products. Karoro Okurut and Margret Muhanga walked away with clean billions of shillings without investing anything. Later on Muhanga claimed that the marshy property that required $500,000 to rehabilitate made no business sense. E.I Ltd was set up in August 2008, it received the lease for the said UBC land on 7th December, 2009, five days later on December 7th it put the said land on market and sold it in July 2010 to SINO. Parliament raised up in army and attempted to censure Minister Karoro Okurut. The Police’s CIID also attempted to investigate conspiracy to defraud but Karoro and Muhanga refused to appear before them. At a caucus meeting in State House, Museveni acknowledged that he had given the two UBC land after they convinced him that they intended to set up a footwear factory. He soothed MPs into abandoning the censure move claiming that he was to handle the matter through the NRM caucus. That was the end of the story and the matter died a natural death. Its this impunity that later lured Muhanga into going for another 18 acres of UBC land that is currently being questioned.

On Farady Road alone in Bugolobi, UBC owned plots 8-10, 12-16 and 18-20 from which it curved out 18 acres that it had earlier intended to use in the construction of the Bugolobi Villa project that would comprise of 89 mansions and a club house. The project that was flagged off in 2008 was supposed to have been a joint venture between UBC and a certain Kenyan company was anticipated to generate US$13M from sale of the houses. The project stalled because of failure to secure the critical clearance and also the said Kenyan partner company gave its interest to Hassan Basajabalaba. In January 2011 Hassan Basajabalabe bought the said UBC 18 acres land though he later claimed to have bought 23.1 acres. In April 2011 Basajabalaba transferred the said land to his Haba group of companies. By August 2011 when the new Executive Director of UCB protested the sale by cancelling the sale agreement, the land had in question had already changed hands with new parties such as Deo & Sons, Margret Muhanga and SINBA (K) Ltd. Consequently, Deo & Sons sued UBC for cancellation of title yet they had brought the land from Haba Group.

The High Court ruled that the sale of land by Haba Group to Deo & Sons was illegal. Haba and Deo appealed to the Court of Appeal which also upheld the High Court’s ruling adding that the same had been illegal and fraudulent. They went to the Supreme Court but before the matter could be heard, they attempted to withdraw it on grounds that they had agreed on a consent judgement whereby UBC had agreed to pay 35.5b shillings but the Supreme Court rejected the withdraw and went ahead to hear the appeal before upholding the rulings of its subordinate courts and ordering UBC to refund Haba with 11.5b shillings. Margret Muhanga claims that it was after UBC had failed to refund 11.5b shillings that Deo & Sons sold the said land to her at 10.2b shillings. She went ahead to claim that Deo & Sons belongs to some army officers that she did not name. However, Deo & Sons Properties is a Limited liability company that was incorporated in Uganda in October 2008. Its Directors are Imam Mwebesa, James Magezi and Deogratius Obeowobusingye. Haba was incorporated in June 1996 and its directors are Hassan Basajabalaba, Muzamir Basajabalaba and Aisha Murungi. Available records show that UBC sold the land to Haba on 10th January, 2014, Haba in turn sold it to Deo & Sons on the same day at 12.46 p.m who in turn also sold it to Margret Muhanga two minutes later at 12.48 p.m.

Whatever the case, Margret Muhanga will retain the land. The regime Mafias have swung into action and the parliamentary committee will have to back off and they should not expect any further cooperation from the key players. The little information that they managed to extract from Margret Muhanga in the heat of passion is all that they will end at. That is what Museveni’s ‘Hakuna Mchezo’ means. Grabbing of public land has been and will Continue to take place by regime cronies. Butabika hospital land was taken by Museveni’s children, Nakasero, Kitante, Shimoni, Kololo, Nsambya railway, Naguru KCCA etc was taken then what is special with the ongoing UBC land saga.

MUSEVENI RAIDS COURT AGAIN – FROM BLACK MAMBA TO KIFEESI


BY SARAH NALUKENGE VIA UAH FACEBOOK GROUP

Uganda’s military dictator, Museveni has once again raided courts of law in a wider scheme coerce judicial officers into submission as a judicial arm of his regime. Unlike the Police and Directorate of Public Prosecution (DPP) which he has fully incorporated into his dictatorial regime, the judiciary still has some pockets of judicial officers who are determined to act professionally. Like in any other African dictatorship, the Museveni dictatorship treats members of the legal fraternity are as enemies of the state simply because they ‘undermine’ his schemes of manipulating the the rule of law. Like has been the case with Journalists, the legal fraternity under Museveni has borne the brunt of the military dictator.

BLACK MAMBA

The name Black Mamba was coined by the members of the public following a nasty incident in November 2005 when Museveni deployed hooded commandos donning black T/shirts and wielding Israel made Macro Garill machine guns raided the High Court to reverse a court order. These were commando soldiers under CMI who had been trained and armed by Israel retired army officers. It was on November 16th, 2005 when the High Court of Uganda granted bail to 14 civilians whom the Museveni regime had been accusing of treason in connection with the shadow PRA rebel group and linking them to opposition leader, Dr. Besigye. Before the suspects could regain their freedom, these heavily armed commandos besieged the High Court premises taking hostage all the top brass of the third arm of the state (judiciary), the suspects, their relatives and friends and other innocent people. The commandos forcefully arrested the 14 suspects and whisked them away before slamming terrorism charges on them before the General Court Martial the following day and remanded. The act received condemnation from all corners of the globe with the donor community cutting some aid. Later in Jan 2006 the the Constitutional Court ruled that the continued trial of the 14 suspects in the military court martial was illegal and ordered for their release but Museveni simply ignored the ruling and continued to hold the suspects in detention. The matter came to pass and it did not take long for Museveni to arrange another raid a year later.
ALLEGORY
On March 1, 2007, Museveni deployed about 50 plain clothed security officers who raided the same High Court and rearrested five men whom court had just granted bail after they had spent 15 months on remand. During the scuffle, Lawyers, Journalists relatives of suspects and top judicial officers were subjected to a scuffle that left Advocate Kiyemba Mutale seriously assaulted by a senior police officer. The siege ended at around 8.30 p.m when the five victims attempted to leave the court premises in the company of the Deputy Chief Justice and the Principal Judge were brutally arrested them. They were taken to Bushenyi and Arua and charged with Murder. All the top Judicial officers condemned the act before they together with the lawyers went on strike for one week. The Minister of Internal Affairs, then Hon Rugunda described the strike as “an unwarranted decision” before adding that the government was investigating the matter and that appropriate action was to be taken after the results. Like had been the case with the 2005 raid by the Black Mambas, this incident was swept under the carpet and no one was made to account.

In July 2013, former Coordinator of Intelligence services, Gen. David Ssejusa while appearing on VOA told the world that the 2005 invasion of the High Court could not have occurred without the express authority and instructions of the highest office (Museveni). The then Chief Justice, Benjamin Odoki in an interview with The Daily Monitor said that “…….if I had been in the country, the situation would have been different. The precincts of the court are sanctified, they are sacred. Its like an embassy, you don’t go to the American Embassy and arrest anybody”.

On 9th July 2016, Museveni deployed unruly youthful urban goons to attack the second arm of government (parliament) in protest against the summoning of his police chief by the parliamentary committee on Defense and Internal Affairs. As they fiercely fought with a rival faction, the brutal police which is usually brutal against other protesters just looked on because the goons had the express authority and instructions of the highest office (Museveni). The incident was swept under the carpet and the following day Museveni organized, facilitated and deployed more goons to attack the Chief Magistrates Court at Makindye. The court was scheduled to hear a matter where Museveni’s Police chief was accused of torturing citizens and he refused to appear in court but instead he implemented Museveni’s instructions of sending goons to terrorize the trial Magistrate and advocates. The goons threatened to lynch the advocates who had taken refuge in the Chief Magistrate and had to only be evacuated by the riot police in anti riot police cars amidst manhandling by the goons leaving their personal cars behind. One Advocate who dared to escape using his personal car had his car stoned and damaged by the same goons. The police just looked on and no such goon has been arrested. The Police issued a statement commending those goons for abiding by the law “The Uganda Police Force appreciates the fact that the group of demonstrators at the Grade I Magistrates’ Court in Makindye today complied with the requirement of the Public Order Management Act (S.5) of notifying the police so as to obtain guidance and security during the demonstration.” The Chief Justice has condemned the raid on Makindye Court “…..whoever is mobilizing supporters to come and disrupt court proceedings should stop”. The Uganda Law Society has also condemned the act and threatened to compile a list of those who are torturing citizens into the book of shame before calling for an expeditious inquiry into the siege of Makindye court. This was the best statement Museveni

Whatever the case, Museveni has realized that Ugandans are hopeless, helpless and toothless and can therefore do any mischief with impunity in pursuit of his hold on power. Fellow country men and women just prepare for more serious mischief as the officers of court prepares more sweet statements.

Complete List of people named in the Panama Papers


opprobrium

Heads of state

  • Argentina Mauricio Macri, President of Argentina
  • Saudi Arabia Salman, King of Saudi Arabia
  • United Arab Emirates Khalifa bin Zayed Al Nahyan, President of the United Arab Emirates and Emir of Abu Dhabi
  • Ukraine Petro Poroshenko, President of Ukraine

Former heads of state

  • Qatar Hamad bin Khalifa Al Thani, former Emir of Qatar
  • Sudan Ahmed al-Mirghani, former President of Sudan
  • Heads of government
  • Iceland Sigmundur Davíð Gunnlaugsson, Prime Minister of Iceland (resigned April 5, 2016)

Former heads of government

  • Georgia (country) Bidzina Ivanishvili, former Prime Minister of Georgia
  • Iraq Ayad Allawi, former Acting Prime Minister of Iraq
  • Jordan Ali Abu al-Ragheb, former Prime Minister of Jordan
  • Qatar Hamad bin Jassim bin Jaber Al Thani, former Prime Minister of Qatar
  • Ukraine Pavlo Lazarenko, former Prime Minister of Ukraine
  • Moldova Ion Sturza, former Prime Minister of Moldova

Other government officials

  • Algeria -Abdeslam Bouchouareb, Minister of Industry and Mines
  • Andorra -Jordi Cinca, Minister of Finance
  • Angola -José Maria Botelho de Vasconcelos, Minister of Petroleum
  • Argentina – Néstor Grindetti, Mayor of Lanús
  • Botswana- Ian Kirby, President of the Botswana Court of Appeal and former Attorney General
  • Brazil – Joaquim Barbosa, former President of the Supreme Federal Court,Eduardo Cunha, President of the Chamber of Deputies,Edison Lobão, Member of the Senate and former Minister of Mines and Energy,João Lyra, Member of the Chamber of Deputies
  • Cambodia – Ang Vong Vathana, Minister of Justice
  • Chile -Alfredo Ovalle Rodríguez, intelligence agency associate
  • Democratic Republic of the Congo,,Jaynet Kabila, Member of the National Assembly
  • Republic of the Congo – Bruno Itoua, Minister of Scientific Research and Technical Innovation and former Chairman of the SNPC
  • Ecuador – Galo Chiriboga, current Attorney General,Pedro Delgado, cousin of President of Ecuador Rafael Correa, and former Governor of the Central Bank
  • France – Patrick Balkany, Member of the National Assembly and Mayor of Levallois-Perret,Jérôme Cahuzac, former Minister of the Budget,Jean-Marie Le Pen, former president of the National Front and father of current party leader Marine Le Pen
  • Greece – Stavros Papastavrou, advisor of former Prime Ministers Kostas Karamanlis and Antonis Samaras
  • Hungary – Zsolt Horváth, former Member of the National Assembly
  • Iceland -Bjarni Benediktsson, Minister of Finance,Júlíus Vífill Ingvarsson, Member of Reykjavík City Council (resigned April 5, 2016),Ólöf Nordal, Minister of the Interior
  • India -Anurag Kejriwal, former President of the Lok Satta Party Delhi Branch, Anil Vasudeva Salgaocar, A Goa-based mining baron and former MLA
  • Kenya -Kalpana Rawal, Deputy Chief Justice of the Supreme Court
  • Malta -Konrad Mizzi, Minister of Energy and Health
  • Nigeria -James Ibori, former Governor of Delta State
  • North Korea -Kim Chol Sam, Daedong Credit Bank representative based in Dalian and presumed high official
  • Palestine -Mohammad Mustafa, former Minister of National Economy
  • Panama – Riccardo Francolini, former chairman of the state-owned Savings Bank
  • Peru -César Almeyda, Director of the National Intelligence Service
  • Poland -Paweł Piskorski, former Mayor of Warsaw
  • Rwanda -Emmanuel Ndahiro, brigadier general and former chief of the intelligence agency
  • Saudi Arabia -Muhammad bin Nayef, Crown Prince and Minister of the Interior of Saudi Arabia
  • Sweden -Frank Belfrage, former State Secretary for Foreign Affairs
  • United Kingdom -Michael Ashcroft, retired member of the House of Lords,Tony Baldry, former Conservative MP for Banbury,Michael Mates, former Conservative MP for East Hampshire,Pamela Sharples, Member of the House of Lords
  • Venezuela -Victor Cruz Weffer, former commander-in-chief of the army,Jesús Villanueva, former Director of PDVSA
  • Zambia -Atan Shansonga, former Ambassador to the United States
 

Relatives and associates of government officials

  • Argentina – Daniel Muñoz, aide to former presidents Cristina Fernández de Kirchner and Néstor Kirchner
  • Azerbaijan – Mehriban Aliyeva, Leyla Aliyeva, Arzu Aliyeva, Heydar Aliyev and Sevil Aliyeva, family of President Ilham Aliyev
  • Brazil -Idalécio de Castro Rodrigues de Oliveira, potential briber of the Brazilian President of the Chamber of Deputies Eduardo Cunha and a Portuguese entrepeneur
  • China -Patrick Henri Devillers, French business associate of Gu Kailai, convicted murderer and wife of former Minister of Commerce and Member of the Politburo Bo Xilai,Deng Jiagui, brother-in-law of President Xi Jinping,Jasmine Li, granddaughter of former Member of the Politburo Jia Qinglin,Li Xiaolin, daughter of former Premier Li Peng
  • Ecuador -Javier Molina Bonilla, former advisor to Director of the National Intelligence Secretariat Rommy Vallejo
  • Egypt -Alaa Mubarak, son of former President Hosni Mubarak
  • France -Frédéric Chatillon, business associate of Marine Le Pen, leader of the National Front,Arnaud Claude, former law partner of former President Nicolas Sarkozy,Nicolas Crochet, accounting associate of Marine Le Pen, leader of the National Front
  • Ghana – John Addo Kufuor, son of former President John Kufuor
  • Guinea- Mamadie Touré, widow of former President Lansana Conté
  • Honduras -César Rosenthal, son of former Vice President Jaime Rosenthal
  • Ireland -Frank Flannery, political consultant and Fine Gael’s former Director of Organisations and Strategy
  • Italy -Giuseppe Donaldo Nicosia, convicted of bribery alongside former Senator Marcello Dell’Utri
  • India -Jehangir Soli Sorabjee, son of former attorney general Soli Sorabjee and a honorary consultant physician at Bombay Hospital,Harish Salve, India’s leading lawyers and son of N. K. P. Salve, member of the Indian National Congress party,Rajendra Patil, son-in-law of veteran Congressman and Karnataka Horticulture Minister Shamanuru Shivashankarappa and a businessman
  • Ivory Coast -Jean-Claude N’Da Ametchi, associate of former President Laurent Gbagbo
  • Kazakhstan -Nurali Aliyev, grandson of President Nursultan Nazarbayev
  • Malaysia -Mohd Nazifuddin Najib, son of Prime Minister Najib Razak and his cousin
  • Mexico -Juan Armando Hinojosa, “favourite contractor” of President Enrique Peña Nieto
  • Morocco -Mounir Majidi, personal secretary of King Mohammed VI
  • Pakistan -Maryam Nawaz, Hasan Nawaz Sharif and Hussain Nawaz Sharif, children of Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif
  • Russia -Sergei Roldugin, Arkady Rotenberg and Boris Rotenberg, friends of President Vladimir Putin
  • Senegal -Mamadou Pouye, friend of Karim Wade, himself the son of former President Abdoulaye Wade
  • South Africa – Khulubuse Zuma, nephew of President Jacob Zuma
  • South Korea -Ro Jae-Hun, son of former President Roh Tae-woo
  • Spain -Pilar de Borbón, sister of former King Juan Carlos I,Micaela Domecq Solís-Beaumont, wife of Miguel Arias Cañete, European Commissioner for Climate Action and Energy and former Spanish Minister of Agriculture, Food and Environment,Oleguer Pujol, son of Jordi Pujol i Soley, former President of Catalonia
  • Syria- Rami and Hafez Makhlouf, cousins of President Bashar al-Assad
  • United Kingdom -Ian Cameron, father of Prime Minister David Cameron
  • United Nations -Kojo Annan, son of former Secretary-General Kofi Annan
 

Sports personalities

  • Juan Pedro Damiani, Uruguayan member of the FIFA Ethics Committee
  • Eugenio Figueredo, Uruguayan American former president of CONMEBOL and vice president and member of the ethics committee of FIFA
  • Gianni Infantino, Swiss-Italian president of FIFA
  • Hugo and Mariano Jinkis, Argentine businessmen also implicated in the 2015 FIFA corruption case
  • Michel Platini, French former president of UEFA
  • Jérôme Valcke, French former secretary general of FIFA
  • Mattias Asper, Valeri Karpin, Nihat Kahveci, Tayfun Korkut, Darko Kovačević, Gabriel Schürrer and Sander Westerveld had accounts created by Real Sociedad and its president(s) principally Iñaki Otegui, under the leadership of José Luis Astiazarán, Miguel Fuentes, María de la Peña, Juan Larzábal and Iñaki Badiola
  • Gabriel Heinze, Argentine former footballer, account (with his mother) during Manchester United years
  • Lionel Messi, footballer for Barcelona and the Argentine national team
  • Brian Steen Nielsen, Danish former footballer and sports director of Aarhus Gymnastikforening
  • Marc Rieper, Danish retired footballer
  • Clarence Seedorf, Dutch former footballer
  • Leonardo Ulloa, Argentine footballer
  • Iván Zamorano, Chilean retired footballer, account during Real Madrid years
  • Àlex Crivillé, Spanish former Grand Prix motorcycle road racer
  • Nico Rosberg, German Formula 1 driver at Mercedes AMG Petronas
  • Jarno Trulli, Italian former Formula 1 driver
  • Tomas Berdych, Czech professional tennis player on the ATP World Tour, currently ranked world number seven
  • Nick Faldo, English professional golfer on the PGA European Tour, now mainly an on-air golf analyst

Entertainment personalities

  • Agustín Almodóvar, Spanish film producer and younger brother of filmmaker Pedro Almodóvar
  • Pedro Almodóvar, Spanish film director, screenwriter, producer and former actor
  • Amitabh Bachchan, Indian actor
  • Aishwarya Rai Bachchan, Indian actress and former Miss World.
  • Jackie Chan, Hong Kong actor
  • Franco Dragone, Italian Belgian theatre director, known for his work for Cirque du Soleil
  • David Geffen, Hollywood mogul, co-founder of DreamWorks
  • Vinod Adani, Indian businessman, elder brother of Gautam Adani, Adani Group
  • Bank Leumi’s representatives and board members.
  • Hollman Carranza, son of Colombian emerald mogul Víctor Carranza
  • Rattan Chadha, Indian-born Dutch businessman, founder of Mexx clothing
  • Jacob Engel, Israeli businessman active in the African mining industry.
  • Luca Cordero di Montezemolo, Italian businessman and politician
  • Anthony Gumbiner, British businessman, chairman of Hallman Group
  • Solomon Humes, Bahamian bishop of a small denomination
  • Soulieman Marouf, British Syrian businessman Nakash family members
  • Idan Ofer, London-based Israeli business magnate and philanthropist, founder of Tanker Pacific.
  • Igor Olenicoff, American billionaire
  • Marianna Olszewski, American financial author and life coach.
  • K P Singh, Indian businessman
  • Frank Timiș, Romanian-born Australian businessman
  • Dov Weissglass, Israeli lawyer and business man who has been closely linked with the Middle East peace process, particularly under Prime Minister Ariel Sharon.
  • Teddy Sagi, a London-based Israeli billionaire businessman founder of Playtech and the majority shareholder of Market Tech Holdings, which owns London’s Camden Market, and of two AIM-listed technology companies.
  • Jacob Weinroth, an Israeli attorney, founder partner of Dr. J. Weinroth & Co. Law Office and owner and director of Sapir Holdings.
  • Benjamin Wey, Chinese American financier and president of New York Global Group Main shareholders of Anheuser-Busch InBev
  • Mallika Srinivasan,Chairman and Chief Executive Officer of TAFE – Tractors and Farm Equipment Limited and Indira Sivasailam (died in December 2008)
  • Abdul Rashid Mir, founder and CEO of Cottage Industries Exposition Limited (CIE) & Tabasum Mir
  • Zavaray Poonawalla, Brother of billionaire Cyrus S. Poonawalla and heads the managing committee of Royal Western India Turf Club (RWITC)
  • Mohan Lal Lohia, Father of Sri Prakash Lohia, founder and chairman of Indorama Corporation
  • Onkar Kanwar, Chairman & MD of Apollo Tyres
  • Garware family, family of Abasaheb Garware, was a pioneering industrialist from Maharashtra state in India
  • Shishir K Bajoria, promoter of SK Bajoria Group, which has steel refractory units
  • Mario Vargas Llosa, Peruvian writer, winner of the Nobel Prize in Literature
 

Others

  • Marllory Chacón Rossell, Guatemalan drug trafficker.
  • Jorge Milton Cifuentes-Villa, Colombian drug trafficker, head of the Cifuentes-Villa Drug Trafficking Organization and partner of Joaquín “Chapo” Guzmán.
  • Rafael Caro Quintero, Mexican drug trafficker and one of the founders of the now-disintegrated Guadalajara Cartel.
  • Iqbal Mirchi[73] (died 14 August 2013), right-hand man of India’s most wanted criminal, Dawood Ibrahim
  • Gonzalo Delaveu, head of global corruption watchdog Transparency International’s Chile branch (resigned 4 April 2016)

HUMOR:UAH’S JOHN NSUBUGA INTERVIEWS PRESIDENT MUSEVENI


This is a serialised interview.

JN- Mr President, thank you for accepting to avail your self for this interview. Let me also use this opportunity to congratulate you for having been re-elected president of Uganda, although I do not recognise your presidency.

Museveni- Thank you JN. By the way, I remember you as a boy during the 1980 campaigns and the liberation war. But what do you mean you do not recognise my presidency?

JN- There is compelling evidence that you rigged this election, Besigye received more votes than you.

Museveni- No, no, no…Besigye is misleading people and he will be arrested if he doesn’t stop. It is actually FDC that rigged in many polling stations around the country.

JN- Which polling stations?

Museveni- For example, in the north they rigged in Ginego, Jal, Macho Myamya, and Obale etc. In the east they rigged Ojame, Jadwong, Pee, Omuhongo, Siriginyi and Ejokuna. They almost rigged Ejakait polling station as well, but Kaihura prevented that in time. Here in central, they went ahead and rigged Mbaliga polling station, Banobasiru polling station, Ndimulimba, and Njochamasiro polling station. In fact we did not gather more than 20 votes at Serwajo’kwota polling station. In the West we were more vigilant so they only managed to rig Rwakitura polling station. As you can see, we’re the victims here, but alhamdulillah, we came out on top.

JN- Alhamudulillah!!!

Museveni- Yes! Seya taught me that.

JN- But the electoral commission is partisan and pro NRM, how did they manage to do that?

Museveni- They were assisted by the conservatives in the UK to print fake ballot papers. We know this.

JN- Lets talk about your rap or crap song as some people call it. Whose idea was it, and how come you claim originality for a song that has been around for more than a century?

Museveni- Oh! actually it was Janet’s idea although I took all the credit. The idea was to educate our youth about product value addition. You see, this song had been exported from Ankore to other parts of Uganda in its raw form for many years. So we added value to it and you saw the results.

JN- How was that supposed to educate the youth about product value addition?

Museveni- I think it was another way of telling them that it is possible to sell sand in the Sahara.

JN- But Otafire publicly called it a “Mavi ya kuku” crap song.

Museveni- No, no, no…what Kahinda proposed in the NRM caucus was that we add those lyrics in the song, to make it national anthem material, but we disagreed on the modality.

JN- What was the disagreement about exactly?

Museveni- I did not attend that meeting my self, but Tamale Mirundi can clarify.

Tamale Mirundi- Mr. pulezidenti, samu membazi insisitedi we insert those words into the song vertically…ie. “Mavi ya kuku” but athazi were saying we do it horizontally….”kuku ya mavi” for example.

JN- Only that?

Museveni- He also felt the song had the potential to become our national anthem, so we forwarded the matter to different party organs for scrutiny.

JN-Why didn’t you record a full album?

Museveni- But it was a full album of one song. I intend to release ten more albums this year to complement the first one.

JN- Ten!!…how are you going to do that in one year?

Museveni- In the second album for example, we shall record the same song backwards. In the third album, I’ll recycle only one line……”kati karara, karara, kati karara x 89 times emphasising the “Rrrrrrrrrr”……..” and crap like that. Eddy Kenzo will assist us with all that.

JN- Mr president, people say you’ve failed to create jobs 25yrs down the road, what do you say about that?

Museveni- Those are lies spread by FDC. How can any body say we’ve not created jobs when companies like MTN, Uchumi, Nakumat, Airtel, Kiboko squad and Kalangala action plan are all recruiting NRM youth? Under the NRM government, we’ve discovered oil and paper ore which we did by adding DDT to paper and some other herbs from Ntungamo.

JN- What is paper ore used for?

Museveni- It is the main ingredient in the production of heart monitoring equipment for hospitals. Last year I directed that we use them our selves at Mulago hospital and that explains why heart related deaths have declined drastically form 2000 a year to only 1997.

JN- But it is said that all these business are owned by your family, disguised as private business owned by foreign investors. They exploit the poor who have become poorer since 1986.

Museveni- JN, I agree, but the bible says…. “Thou who haveth will be giveneth more, but ye who haveneth not, even the little thou owneth shall be takeneth awayeth from themeth”. That is why Haji Kigongo and Seya Ssebaggala are with me because they believe in the same doctrine. I hope that answers your question.

JN- Seya was jailed some years back for money laundering in the USA and he is also on record for embezzling public funds here in Uganda. Is he your friend..

Museveni- Oh!!..no, no, no!…Seya is merely an NRM associate but not a friend of mine. But we have things in common, for example, we both don’t eat pork nor do we drink alcohol, I think that allows us to work well together.

JN- Do you trust him?

Museveni- Yes of course, because with him, maximum secrecy is ensured, unlike people like Mahogany.

JN- Mr president, what do you mean when you talk about “secrecy”?

Museveni- I conduct all my meetings with Seya in English, so there is no chance for leakage. You know the media here would be spreading rumours that I will never retire.

JN- Are you a life president?

Museveni- Ohhh! please!…Now that Besigye is no longer going to seek another mandate with in FDC, there is no threat to the country and the NRM. I’m going to retire ASAP.

JN- When Mr president?

Museveni- Not later than 2062, but if you people push me too hard, agakatonda muguru nyowe naza kubahereza ebifunguro bya state house such that I go to Rwakitura and look after my cows. (I swear to God I’m going to hand over the keys)

JN- Laugh….and laugh again….Mr president, do you expect to live that long?

Museveni- Please do not focus on one individual only “Museveni” when there is a long queue of other capable Ugandans waiting as well. For example, I’ve heard that this young man, Muhwezi is also interested. The other day I was at my daughter’s church, and there was a rumour going on that another Ugandan…I think it is Janet Kataha Museveni who might be considering sacrificing her self for the nation AGAIN. Although we’re opposed to the idea, we also acknowledge that we’re a family that sacrifices, and therefore, can not stop these Ugandans who want to serve their country. Retiring will not be a problem.

JN- In other words you’re going to stand again in 2016. Are you a life president?

Museveni- JN, let us cross the bridge when we get there. I think we should focus on industrialisation and the East African integration process.

JN- But Mr president, do you think Besigye is capable of leading this country?

Museveni- If he becomes president, this country will retrogress. We can not allow that to happen. For example, he has been telling people that he is going to drastically reduce corruption with in five years, how was he going to do that? It has taken us 25yrs to increase it to its current levels, so how does anybody decrease it with in five years??!!!

JN- You seem to imply that corruption is good for this country Mr president.

Museveni- If a cow that gives you milk doesn’t feed well, it will produce less milk. To get it to feed, you must entice it with salt. In Runyankore we call it “ekisura”. In other words, what you people call corruption, for us in the NRM we call ekisura that greases people’s hands such that they do a good job.

JN- Is Besigye wrong to say he wants to eradicate corruption then?

Museveni- Besigye always wants to accomplish things fast. I think you’re aware that he deserted the liberation struggle, but to our surprise, we found him in Kampala with the first group of liberators drinking tea near the old Slow boat restaurant. He actually commanded that battalion, so you can say that he wanted to become president way back in 1986.

JN- So you do not trust him?

Museveni- How can you trust a man who promises a Sunami but then you end up with a La-Nina phenomenon?. How can you trust him when he wanted to give the Banyoganda a district states?

JN- Are you saying Bunyoganda doesn’t qualify for a district status?

Museveni- You can’t do that now, because the minimum requirement in terms of population to qualify for a district status is 25 people, habiting at least an acre of kabaka’s land. The Banyoganda number only 20 according to the last population census. To give them that status now will lead to the Cholangis in the north to agitate for theirs as well. As you might be aware, that action will require us to chop off some parts of Acholiland and Langoland to create a district for the Cholangi people.

JN- Back to corruption, so you do not want corruption to end, is that what you’re saying?

Museveni- Oh! nooo…, the NRM governement has got the will to end corruption, but of courses at a very, very slow pace to enable people to adjust properly.

JN- What do you mean Mr president?

Museveni- What I mean is that, with corruption in place, that is how the NRM succeeds, and not how it fails. For example, how else would I have managed to remove these restrictive term limits?

JN- Are you admitting that you have failed on corruption?

Museveni- Of course not. It is not how you start but how you end that matters. In 2062 corruption will be a thing of the past.

==============================================================================

In my next series, I will interview the president on oil in Bunyoro and the economy in general. Stay tuned.

WHY PRESIDENT MUSEVENI WANTS AMURU LAND


By Okot Nyormoi, March 13, 2015

In January 12, 2015, a land agreement was signed between the government, Madhvani, Amuru Community leaders and lawyers who drafted the agreement. The signing of the agreement touched off a storm of opinions ranging from outright rejection to complete acceptance. Since the dust has now settled down a bit and the focus has shifted on Apaa, it is time to reflect on why people reacted to the agreement the way they did.

To appreciate the variety of opinions, it is important to understand the context in which the Amuru land agreement was negotiated and signed. There were competing interests including the President of Uganda, the Madhvani Sugar Estate, the Amuru Communal Land Owners and political parties. Since for a variety of reasons, the process leading to the signing of the Amuru land agreement was not completely transparent and because the signing of the agreement was deliberately staged in Rwakatura of all places, it could not escape from arousing intense suspicion and scrutiny.

Ordinarily, government is supposed to build and maintain infrastructures such as roads, medical facilities, schools, electricity, governance etc. However, for over 20 years northern Uganda witnessed the complete opposite. The NRM government marginalized the region in every way possible including war, looting of livestalk, incarceration of up to two million people in horrendous conditions in concentration camps, and misappropriation of funds intended for rehabilitation and reconstruction. When the NRM took over the government, President Museveni was reported to have vowed to teach the people of northern Uganda a lesson they will never forget. This is what appears to have given birth to marginalization of the north.

History informs us that this marginalization appears to be rooted in what President Museveni penned in his thesis in 1971 at the University of Dar-es-Saalam.

“To transform a human being into an efficient, uncostly, and completely subservient slave, you have, as a pre-condition, to completely purge him of his humanity, manhood, and will. Otherwise, as long as he has some hope of a better, free future, he will never succumb to enslavement. To become an efficient instrument of oppression, you have to radically de-humanize yourself by forgoing many qualities that are normally found in balanced human beings. You purge yourself of compassion, altruism, consideration of other people’s suffering and the capacity to restrain your greed….”.

Amuru very much mirrors the situation that the young Museveni envisioned in 1971. Having created conditions of abject poverty coupled with police restricted political freedom to organize, the Amuru community is rendered extremely vulnerable. Under such conditions, land vultures are convinced that Amuru communal land is ripe to be had. The NRM government tried different tactics to grab as much of the land as possible. It used the military in the 1987 forced evacuation of the land in the name of security, deception by General Salim Saleh’s 2003 proposed Security and Production scheme and the fraudulent allocation of 40,000 hectors of land to Madhvani for a sugar estate. Furthermore, the government via the Wild Life Authority used force to chase people off their ancestral land in Apaa. Government is also using the Ministry of Land and Urban Development to redraw the boundary between Amuru and Adjumani Districts allegedly to accommodate land sales to foreign investors. However, the Amuru community with the support of other communities found the resolve and strength to resist all these schemes to grab their land under the pretext of paying big money in land sales and promises of bringing quick developments to the under-developed area.

While the community’s resistance to the whole sale land grab has slowed down the process, a new political development has emerged since the NRM/A bush war of the 1980s. During the 5 year bush war, the NRA/M derived its support from southern and western Uganda. In contrast, because of the war, northern and eastern Uganda did not support the NRM government. However, as unfulfilled promises soared in the south and west, the NRM government began to lose substantial parts of its political support. Besides, when the Lord’s Resistant Army (LRA) relocated itself away from the north and east, it removed the element of fear that the government was using to extract support from the south and west. As a result, the 2011 election, as revealed by the likes of General Sejusa, the NRM lost to FDC, but was stolen by massive rigging by the NRM government.

The 2011 election sounded an alarm to the NRM government that it can no longer rely on the west and Buganda for holding onto power. Although the NRM government expected a massive support from the north and east as an alternative to Buganda and the west when the shooting war ended, it was disappointed by the low support it got in the 2011 election. Nevertheless, even if it is assumed that the NRM can always claim victory by bribing and rigging elections, the larger than life ego of the leader remains unsatisfied. It is still yarning for acceptance by people from the north and east, which so far has been justifiably denied.

Another important motivation for acquiring Amuru land is what may lie beneath the surface. It is believed that there is oil and other minerals in Amuru. Therefore, the scramble for large tracks of land may be fueld by the black gold and other minerals.

The government push to secure land for the sugar estate in Amuru is now being driven by both oil as well as a shift in the political fortune of the NRM government. This is why the government has adopted a somewhat softer approach. For example, it accepted to abide by the court injunction against any forceful eviction of people from Apaa in Amuru District, albeit temporarily. It also agreed to delay the construction of the Madhvani sugar estate pending the outcome of the court appeal of the 2012 ruling lodged by the Amuru land owners.

In spite of the softer approach, it is not hard for the people to see why the government is pushing so hard to secure the land for the sugar estate. As they say, bad habits die hard. The President has once more applied deceptive divide-and-rule tactics to extract an agreement. First, during the negotiation, the government announced plans to survey the land as if it was already a done deal, long before the community negotiators had a chance to report to the community. Expectedly, this backfired because it showed bad faith.

Worse still, the government employed a divide and rule tactic to lure 3 out of 5 community leaders to sign the agreement before negotiating the details of the conditions under which the land is to be provided for the sugar estate. Consequently, it raised the questions of legitimacy of the agreement. It is by knowing the political history of the NRM government that one can appreciate why President Museveni is pushing so hard to acquire large tracts of land in Amuru District.

By resisting land grabbing, the people of Amuru are showing President Museveni that they still have hope for a better and free future and that they will never succumb to enslavement. True and sustainable development can only occur with the consent of the people, not by force.

%d bloggers like this: